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The current research and policy debate over why teen pregnancy and birth rates have declined in the 1990s has focused on whether increased abstinence or increased contraceptive use is primarily responsible. This research brief indicates that both factors appear to be contributing factors. It finds that: (1) the percentage of teens who reported ever having had sexual intercourse declined for both males and females from 1988 to 1995; (2) the majority of male and female sexually experienced teens had either 0 or 1 partner in the past year; and (3) the percentage of female teens who reported using any method of contraceptive at first sexual encounter increased between 1982 and 1995. On the other hand, the brief also notes less promising trends, including: (1) a decline in the percentage of female teens who report using any method of contraception at their most recent sex encounter; (2) an increase in the percentage of teens having sex before age 15; and (3) an increase risk for Hispanic teens of teen pregnancy. The proportion of Hispanic teens who are sexually experienced has increased, but they are the least likely to use any form of contraception at first sex encounter or most recent sex encounter. Finally, the brief highlights recommendations, including the following: (1) employ multiple strategies to reduce teen pregnancy; (2) support programs to increase involvement among males in decision-making about contraceptive use; (3) emphasize to teens the need to use contraception consistently; (4) develop strategies to discourage sex among young teens; and (5) target more programs specifically to address needs of different racial/ethnic and cultural groups. (Contains 11 references.) (EV)

Recent research has identified several long-term negative life outcomes associated with teenage childbearing for parents and their children. To better understand teen births, data from the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 were used to examine factors associated with a second teen birth or a closely spaced second teen birth within 24 months. Results of this study are reported here. Out of a sample of 589 teen mothers, 34.5% had a second birth at any point in their teens, and among a sub-sample of young teen mothers (n=475, under age 18 at first birth), 27.6% had a closely spaced second teen birth. Factors associated with postponing a second teen birth included characteristics measured prior to the first birth (race/ethnicity and school type), at the time of the first birth (age at first birth, dropout status and marital status), and after the first birth (living situation, child care support, and educational and employment status). Among the full sample, younger teens were more likely to have a second birth at any point. Teen mothers who were involved in educational activities or (among older mothers) employment activities, even part-time, were more likely to postpone a second teen birth. (RJM)

Despite a voluminous literature on the determinants of adolescent parenthood, little research exists on school-level influences on nonmarital, school-age motherhood. To address this gap, analyses of data from the National Education Longitudinal Study (NELS) were conducted to determine individual, family, and school-level predictors of nonmarital motherhood of girls between eighth and twelfth grade for a nationally representative sample. All independent variables were measured in eighth grade, and the analyses were repeated separately for black adolescents and white adolescents. The analyses indicated that school safety was an important predictor of nonmarital motherhood. However, school context did not override the effects of family- and individual-level influences. Low individual educational performance measures, such as low test scores and grades, predicted a higher risk of early motherhood, as did being held back in school and repeatedly changing schools. A substantial level of involvement in school clubs and religious organizations was associated with a lower risk of school-age motherhood. Among blacks, attending sexuality education at least once a week was associated with a greater risk of having a nonmarital birth. In general, adolescents least prepared for motherhood and least prepared to be self-sufficient were at the greatest risk of a nonmarital birth during the high school years. (Contains 61 references.) (Author)

Due to the unusually high number of adolescent mothers in the United States, public concern surrounding the issue of teenage motherhood has accelerated. In order to understand this birth trend, an ecological framework which considers multiple aspects of the lives of teenage mothers is presented here. The study, which uses the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88), identifies characteristics measured at the family, individual, and school levels and which are associated with positive educational outcomes. The models suggest some buffering factors associated with positive educational outcomes among school-age mothers; the data indicate that 49.4 percent of teen mothers had dropped out by the equivalent of the twelfth grade. The main family background characteristics that the models revealed included race\ethnicity (African-American teen mothers are more likely to be enrolled in high school or in an alternative program than are whites); family structure (living with two biological parents in eighth grade is associated with a greater likelihood of staying in school); and location (mothers in the eighth grade in central city schools or in the South were less likely to be enrolled in school than to drop out of school). Models describe different characteristics of mothers in school, in an alternative program, out of school, and a control group. (EMK)

This study used current data from a cohort of eighth graders in the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 to test whether dropping out of high school and other measures of educational performance and involvement influenced the likelihood of having a school-age birth for whites, blacks, and Hispanics. Three major sets of independent variables were included, family-level (race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, family size, intact family, mother's age at first birth); school-level (school type, percent minority, percent low income); and individual level (sex education, school performance, involvement in school activities, retention in grade, dropout status). Findings indicated that black females were more likely to have school-age births than Hispanics or whites, but were not more likely to drop out of school. Hispanics had the highest dropout rates. A set of proportional hazards models supported an opportunity-cost approach for predicting school-age motherhood; for all racial/ethnic groups, high educational performance, school involvement, and aspirations were associated with postponing motherhood. Among whites and Hispanics, dropouts, especially young dropouts, were more likely to become school-age mothers, apart from other family and educational factors. While African American teens did not show a relationship between dropping out of school and the risk of motherhood, school-level factors were important predictors of having a school-age birth for this group. (Contains 54 references.) (Author/KB)

Teen childbearing is associated with negative outcomes for teen parents, their children, and society. Teen mothers are more likely to be poor as adults, and are more likely to rely on public assistance, compared with women who delay childbearing. Children born to young mothers have poorer educational, behavioral, and health outcomes throughout their lives, compared with children born to older parents, in part because of lower parental education and relationship stability. This brief reports the results of using the Social Genome Model to provide a better understanding of how delaying childbearing and improving the educational attainment of teen mothers in one generation can be linked to the improved economic well-being of their children. This brief specifically reports results from "What if" simulations, in which teen mothers' age at their first birth was increased by two or five years and in which the mothers earn a high school diploma. The implications of these changes on the life of the mothers' children are estimated through childhood and up to age 29.

Recently released government data show that in 2006, the U.S. teen birth rate began to increase, marking the end of a 14-year period of decline. More specifically, these data show that between 2005 and 2007, the teen birth rate climbed five percent. This trend reversal is a cause for concern, given the negative consequences of teen childbearing for the mothers involved and for their children especially. For example, research indicates that children of teen mothers fare worse on cognitive and behavioral outcomes than do their peers with older mothers. Teen mothers are more likely than older mothers to be dependent on public assistance after giving birth and to experience turbulence in their family structures--even taking into account the fact that teen mothers tend to be from disadvantaged backgrounds. In addition, teen mothers are at a particularly high risk of dropping out of school, although previous research has found that they are more likely to be having problems in school prior to their pregnancy. In light of teen mothers' heightened risk of becoming high school dropouts, Child Trends used recently released national survey data to explore high school diploma and GED attainment among women who had given birth as teens. Particularly, we looked at whether they had earned these educational credentials by the time that they reached their early twenties. Our findings show that slightly more than one-half of young women who had been teen mothers received a high school diploma by the age of 22, compared with 89 percent of young women who had not given birth during their teen years. Furthermore, results of our analyses show that young women who had a child before the age of 18 were even less likely than were those who had a child when they were 18 or 19 to earn a high school diploma before the age of 22, although the rates of GED attainment in the former group were slightly higher. We also found differences in educational attainment among teen mothers by race/ethnicity. (Contains 4 figures.)

Teen romantic relationships have become a pervasive part of popular culture, from TV shows, movies, and books to blogs and social networking sites. But the attention paid to these relationships extends beyond the parameters of popular culture. Romance, teen style, has become of increasing interest to anyone concerned with healthy adolescent development--with good reason. The initiation of romantic relationships represents a key developmental task of adolescence. Research suggests that several critical dimensions of adolescent romantic and sexual relationships--such as how teens define the different types of relationships, how serious they consider these relationships, and how they communicate within them--may influence when teens first have sex and whether they use contraception. In turn, these considerations have a bearing on teens' risks of having or fathering a child or of acquiring a sexually transmitted infection (STI). Moreover, relationship habits and patterns developed during adolescence can affect later adult relationships, a finding that highlights the importance of developing healthy relationship behaviors during the teen years. The majority of teens in high school have been involved in a romantic relationship, and almost one-half of high school-aged teens report that they have had at least one sexual experience. Learning more about how teens view these relationships can provide insights that help policy makers, program providers, parents, and others promote healthy youth development in general and address the problems of teen pregnancy and STIs in particular. Toward this end, Child Trends recently conducted focus groups to hear what teens themselves have to say about these relationships. Because of relatively high levels of early sexual activity, teenage childbearing, and STIs among racial and ethnic minority groups, the teens that we selected for this project were African American and Latino. We conducted seven focus groups with a total of 52 teen boys and girls living in Washington, DC. This "Research Brief" summarizes findings from the focus groups. What we learned was both encouraging and sobering. In general, the teens showed that they knew what a healthy teen relationship should look like; that is, it should be marked by respect, honesty, fidelity, good communication, and the absence of violence. Yet, at the same time, many of the teens expressed pessimism about their chances of experiencing that type of relationship themselves. Nor did they know many adults whose romantic relationships were worthy of emulation. (Contains 1 figure.) [This brief is based largely on a paper prepared by the authors titled "Teen Perspectives on Healthy Romantic Relationships Among Racial/Ethnic Minorities."]

In 2006, the teen birth rate rose for the first time since 1991. Between 2005 and 2006, the birth rate increased 3 percent for teens aged 15-17 and 4 percent for teens aged 18-19. Teenage childbearing has negative consequences both for the mothers involved and for their children. For example, teen mothers and their children experience poorer educational, health, economic, and developmental outcomes than do women who delay childbearing beyond their teen years and their children. Moreover, this is the case even after accounting for the fact that teen mothers tend to be from disadvantaged backgrounds prior to giving birth. Given such evidence, policymakers, program providers, and the general public share a keen interest in preventing early motherhood. This "Research Brief" provides new state-level information on teen childbearing. To produce the brief, Child Trends analyzed the most recent data on births by state (2006) to estimate the percentage of females who will become mothers before age 20. Statistics on teen childbearing usually are presented in terms of birth rates (the number of births per 1,000 females). Calculating the percentage of females who are estimated to become teen mothers provides additional information that will allow policymakers and program providers to better understand how many young women in their respective states are at risk of early childbearing. Across the country, the estimated proportion of females who will become teen mothers decreased from 25 percent in 1991 to 18 percent in 2006. However, our analyses show that states vary widely in the estimated percentage of females who will have a baby during their teen years, ranging from less than 10 percent in states with the lowest teen birth rates to 30 percent in the state with the highest teen birth rate. (Contains 1 figure and 2 tables.)

When it comes to the reproductive health behaviors of teens and young adults, far more public attention has focused on women than on men. That's not surprising. After all, men don't actually have the babies. Yet the importance of understanding men's reproductive health behaviors should not be overlooked, given their potential implications for men themselves, as well as for their sexual partners and for children. For example, risky sexual behaviors may lead to an unintended pregnancy or to acquiring a sexually transmitted infection (STI). As it is, STI rates are high in the United States, and teens and young adults (aged 15-24) account for one-half of new STI diagnoses. Thus, it is particularly important to examine reproductive health behaviors among men in this age group. It is important for other reasons as well. Men who father children at a young age are less likely than are other fathers to marry the mother of their child, and these young fathers have lower educational attainment and earnings than do older fathers. Moreover, children of young parents or children who result from unwanted pregnancies face economic disadvantage and have lower cognitive attainment and greater behavioral problems than do other children. Recent data allow us to develop better insights into men's reproductive behaviors and motivations. This "Research Brief" draws on the male data file from the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth to present a descriptive portrait of reproductive health behavior among U.S. teen and young adult men. To develop this portrait, we examined survey results on several dimensions of reproductive health by age and by race/ethnicity. Specifically, we looked at nationally representative data for men between the ages of 15 and 24 related to sexual experience and activity, access to reproductive health services, condom use and motivation, and fertility. Results of our analyses show that levels of recent sexual activity are fairly low, especially among teen men. However, we also found that receipt of reproductive health services among men--even among those who are sexually experienced--is also low, which is a cause for concern. Among other findings derived from our analyses was that more men reported that they use condoms for pregnancy prevention than to ward against disease. (Contains 8 figures.)

Preliminary data for 2003 from the National Center for Health Statistics show the teen birth rate continues to decline, reaching historic lows for teens in each age group. The 2003 rate of 41.7 births per 1,000 females 15-19 was 33 per cent lower than the 1991 peak rate of 61.8. The 2003 birth rate for teens aged 15-17 (22.4) was 42 per cent lower than the 1991 rate, and the rate of 70.8 for 18-19-year-olds represents a 25 per cent decline from 1991. Based on age specific birth rates, an estimated 17 per cent of current 15 year old girls will give birth before they reach age 20. Preliminary data from the National Center for Health Statistics show that in 2003, there were 421,626 births to teens in the United States. This number represents a decline of about 21 per cent since the most recent peak, in 1990. Declines in the number of births to teens occurred in each age group between 2002 and 2003.

Understanding characteristics of teens' sexual relationships may help us to better understand how to reduce teens' risk of early unintended pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), as well as the psychological and emotional problems that may be associated with teenage romantic relationships and sexual activity. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, this brief presents information that is relationship-specific because sexual experiences may be unique within different relationships. To increase the understanding of differences in sexual experiences among teens, the brief also examines relationship experiences, partner characteristics, and contraceptive use patterns separately by gender, race and ethnicity, age at first sex, and relationship type. These analyses have produced some important, and often troubling, findings. On the positive side, most teens consider their first sexual relationships to be more than casual flings: they view these relationships as romantic in nature. In addition, the majority of teens discuss contraception with their partner before they first have sex. On the negative side, an alarming proportion of teens experience some type of physical or verbal abuse within their first sexual relationships, they initiate sex very early in these relationships, and some teens never use contraception. An implication of the research presented in this brief is that parents, educators, and service providers who have a greater knowledge of adolescent relationship dynamics may be in a better position to help teenagers make more responsible decisions about sex and avoid many of the risks associated with it. (Contains 25 references and 9 figures.) (GCP)

This brief presents a review of more than 150 research studies on adolescent reproductive health to identify the factors that contribute to improving adolescent reproductive health. These and other findings are highlighted from the vantage point of adolescents as individuals and within the context of their families, peers, partners, schools, and communities. In addition, a What Works table that identifies specific programs and approaches that have been found successful in improving positive reproductive health behaviors is presented. Experimental studies that focus on reproductive health outcomes discussed in the section on policy implications, show mixed results from evaluations of sexuality education and HIV education programs, which are part of many schools curriculums. Among programs and approaches found to be successful in improving reproductive health behaviors are those that focus on early childhood development, those that combine sexuality education for older children with positive activities, such as participating in voluntary community service and youth development programs, and those that send nurses to visit with teenage mothers with reducing the likelihood of having another child as a teen as one of their goals. (Contains 87 references and 1 table.) (GCP)

There is an extensive body of research on the factors that are associated with reproductive health, focusing on factors within the adolescent as well as within the various components of the adolescents environment. This paper presents a selective review of the research pertaining to each layer of the adolescent's ecosystem. Emphasized are (1) studies that are rigorously implemented, experimental evaluations of interventions, in which aspects of the environment are manipulated and reproductive health outcomes are examined; and (2) studies that are multivariate, involving the examination of aspects of the environment as predictors of reproductive health outcomes taking background characteristics into account. Throughout this paper, the aim is to go beyond the broad identification of which factors appear to be linked to adolescent reproductive health, to the identification of specific strategies that have been attempted and evaluated, and/or for which there is evidence that initiating programs with these activities has the potential to contribute to improved adolescent reproductive health outcomes. These studies indicate that interventions addressing the antecedents of adolescent pregnancy and STIs can be effective, with early childhood, youth development, community volunteer learning programs, and nurse home visiting approaches appearing as important complements to traditional sexuality and HIV education programs and clinic service approaches. (Contains 167 references and a research summary table.) (GCP)

Existing research on the risks of having sex at a young age with an older partner has focused on poorer reproductive health outcomes in the adolescent years, but scant attention has been paid to the longer-term implications of these relationships. Using survey data from high school students, this "Fact Sheet" presents findings from recent Child Trends research examining whether having sexual intercourse before age 16 with a partner at least three years older was associated with becoming a teen or unmarried parent or acquiring a sexually transmitted disease (STD) by young adulthood (post-high school through the early twenties). Overall, the findings highlight the need for parents and programs to address and promote healthy sexual behaviors not only among young teens, but also among older teens and young adults. (Contains 2 figures.) [This "Fact Sheet" is based on "Older Sexual Partners During Adolescence: Links to Reproductive Out-comes in Young Adulthood," an article published in the March 2008 issue of Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health.]