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This paper undertakes a critical theoretical and empirical analysis of the traditional approach to analysing the education–economy relationship: skill bias technological change theory. It argues that while leading skill bias theorists have sought to address some of the anomalies that the theory confronts, there remain key data patterns that the theory cannot address. We suggest an alternative account that takes a broader political economy perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the complex relationship between transnational elites and civil society through examining the contrasting orientations of two cohorts of ‘elite graduates’ from Paris and Oxford. Both cohorts believe their privileged status has been earned through hard work and ability. But they are also aware that they have benefited from advantages not available to all. Perhaps because of this, they express the need to ‘give something back’. However, the means through which they seek to discharge their social responsibilities are very different. While the Oxford graduates seek to ‘give something back’ through volunteering and third sector engagement, the Paris graduates will ‘give something back’ through public service. The article discusses how the contrasting relationship between the state, civil society and the education system in these two countries may shape dispositions, and speculates on the extent to which these elite recruits’ commitment to ‘give something back’ will make a difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is increasing interest in the emergence of a 'global middle class' in which high achieving young graduates increasingly look to develop careers that transcend national boundaries. This paper explores this issue through comparing and contrasting the aspirations and orientations of two 'elite' cohorts of graduates. Interviews with students at the University of Oxford, England, and Sciences- Po, France, reveal very different ambitions and allegiances. Our Oxford respondents portray their futures as projects of self-fulfilment as they build portfolio careers by moving from job to job and from country to country with limited social allegiances - epitomizing the nomadic worker of the transnational elite. Our Parisian respondents, on the other hand, display strong allegiances to the nation, state and civic duty. Their projects of the self involve reconciling their personal aspirations with strong allegiances to France. The paper concludes by discussing the significance of these differences. It argues that the enduring role of education in the formation of national identities should not be overlooked and that more detailed research is needed on the contextual specifity of transnationalism and the (re)production of elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Talk of the rise of a global war for talent and emergence of a new global meritocracy has spread from the literature on human resource management to shape nation-state discourse on managed migration and immigration reform. This article examines the implications that the global war for talent have for education policy. Given that this talent war is a product of neoliberalism, it raises many of the same concerns for educators as neoliberalism in general: the embrace and promotion of social, economic and educational inequality; and a narrow, market-based conception of education, skill and talent. This article argues, however, that the global war for talent represents a new phase in neoliberalism, as it seeks to liberalise the global movement not just of capital and commodities, but of high skill labour as well. In this, it threatens to undercut some of the founding assumptions and goals that have shaped national education policy in OECD countries throughout the post-World War II period, and raises serious concerns for how we are to think about and pursue equality, inclusion and fairness in and through education in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the dominant view of the changing relationship between education, jobs and rewards in the global knowledge economy. This asserts that the developed economies can resolve issues of individual aspirations, economic efficiency and social justice through the creation of a high-skills, high-wage ‘magnet’ economy. Here the authors examine four of the key dimensions of this account and argue that while there has been a fundamental change in the relationship between education, economy and society, their conclusions are far removed from the assumptions that currently inform public and policy debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of employability. The recent policy emphasis on employability rests on the assumption that the economic welfare of individuals and the competitive advantage of nations have come to depend on the knowledge, skills and enterprise of the workforce. Those with degree-level qualifications are seen to play a particularly important role in managing the 'knowledge-driven' economy of the future. But the rhetoric that shrouds the idea of employability has been subjected to little conceptual examination. The purpose of this article is to show that the way employability is typically defined in official statements is seriously flawed because it ignores what will be called the 'duality of employability'. It also introduces 'positional conflict theory' as a way of conceptualising the changing relationship between education, employment and the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the social inequalities in the competition for a livelihood and an intensification of positional conflict in education, opportunity and the global labor market. Efforts of middle-class families to win a positional advantage; Contradiction in the relationship between capitalism and democracy; Impact on the understanding of education, efficiency and social justice.

The article examines how the educational system in Western industrial societies should be organized to meet the social and economic challenge of the late twentieth century. In advanced industrial societies the educational system has been identified as making a major contribution to national economic prosperity. In recent decades Western societies have been experiencing a major transformation heralding a new era which can be described as post-industrial, post-modern, post-fordist or in terms of the rise of the information society. This transformation has been the result of a number of factors including the technological revolution in communications, computers and robotics; globalization; and the rising competitive force of Pacific Rim countries. So long as industrial production is distinguished by the routine tasks symbolized by the assembly line, where the majority need only to conform to the demands of the task in hand and a minority conceive and develop policy, a rigid division of labour based on bureaucratic procedures proves a reliable technology for the administration of production. The aim of education in this context is to process the raw material of human abilities into workers who are then fed into the appropriate level of the productive hierarchy. Consequently, despite the shift to a fairer system of educational selection during the twentieth century and major gains in economic efficiency, the way in which systems of education and training have been organized in industrial societies on the principles of machine bureaucracy has resulted in a massive waste of talent.

• The expansion of higher education is unlikely to reduce poverty. • Policy debates on education and poverty need to focus on the rich as well as the poor. • Education as a source of social mobility is extremely limited without expanding job opportunities. • Poverty reduction depends on address inequalities of condition as well as inequalities in educational opportunities. • The policy debates on education and poverty needs to be reframed. This article examines the role of education in alleviating poverty in a context of high rates of income inequalities. It will argue that despite public attention on the incomes of top earners, education policy has been largely silent on the education of elites. Rather it has focused on extending opportunities to those at the other end of the income distribution. By improving school performance and widening access to higher education, it is claimed that poverty can be alleviated by increasing rates of social mobility from disadvantaged families. This article will highlight several problems with this analysis that amount to a fundamental contradiction at the heart of education policy as a route to poverty reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]