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The article examines the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA), which was concluded in 2020 to deal with the relationship between the European Union (EU) and Great Britain after Brexit. Topics covered include the TCA's obligations relating to labour standards generally and the International Labour Organization (ILO) standards in particular, and the commitment to the freedom of association and its implications for Great Britain.

Brexit has a habit of rendering research redundant rapidly. Since I wrote 'Brexit and EU Legitimation: Martyr for the EU Cause?' (published in New Perspectives vol. 27 [3]), Boris Johnson has won a large majority on the back of his promise to 'Get Brexit Done' and his ability to pass a withdrawal agreement. As such the chances of a no-deal Brexit have receded (for now). This has not rendered my analysis obsolete, but reflecting upon Johnson's slogan has led me to realise that my analysis could be broadened. In this addendum, I flesh out what is left ambiguous in the article and develop a more holistic framework for analysing the discursive effects of Brexit. In doing so, I make the argument that for the European Union (EU), Brexit will never be 'done', at least for the EU. Instead, Britain's fortunes look set to become a bellwether for soft Eurosceptics considering turning hard. The extent to which Britain is perceived to bask in the 'sunlit uplands' or, conversely, to suffer economic and/or political disaster as a consequence of leaving the EU will inform whether Britain is used as a 'model' or a 'martyr' at any given time. Thus, Britain's fortunes have thus become inextricably linked to the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses economic relations between the United Kingdom and other countries of the Commonwealth in the long term. While looking at past relations between these countries, it also provides some guidance on the prospects of future engagement consequent upon the UK exiting the European Union. The article concludes that although Commonwealth trade is unlikely to replace European trade, such trade will in all likelihood grow in the future, which could help to enhance the UK's links with other countries outside Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's departure from the European Union (EU) represents a major shift in the diplomatic strategy of one of Europe's leading economic, diplomatic and security players. This article limits its focus to the UK's European diplomatic strategy. The article argues that the UK's future relationship with the EU will condition the UK's broader diplomatic approach to Europe. But in exiting the EU the ambitions and modalities of the UK's other bilateral and multilateral relationships in Europe will undergo a recalibration. With the UK government having struggled since June 2016 to provide comprehensive detail on its ambitions for its future economic, political and security relationship with the EU, the development of the broader aspects of the UK's post-Brexit European diplomatic strategy has been retarded. However, through analysis of key speeches, government white papers, and other supporting documents and statements (and the experience of negotiating Brexit with the EU27), the outlines of a nascent post-Brexit UK European diplomatic strategy can be discerned. Whether this strategy will be adequate to provide the UK with a significant degree of influence on Europe's international relations and whether it gives the UK sufficient ability to addresses the key challenges that it will face in Europe is less certain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the current state of economic relations that the United Kingdom has with New Zealand and Australia, in light of the former's decision to leave the European Union.  Although there are prospects for future trade between these countries post-Brexit based on the three countries' current comparative advantages, perhaps the greatest scope is for greater trade in services along with greater investment flows.  Trade in food produce would be affected by changes in trade policy post-Brexit but other goods such as forestry, mineral and manufacturing products would be more affected by changes in general economic conditions and the relative competiveness of the industries in international markets. Already these aspects of trade are important and are expected to grow and develop over time.  Much of the future negotiations between the three countries will take up a range of issues associated with investment and the trade in services and much of the future prospects for growth in trade might depend on the success of these negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo ofrece información sobre las leyes y los casos judiciales relacionados con la Unión Europea (UE). Los temas discutidos incluyen jurisprudencia en la UE, las negociaciones sobre las disposiciones de la UE, las relaciones comerciales entre la UE y Gran Bretaña, la revisión judicial realizada por el Tribunal de Apelaciones (CEPA) y el carácter prejudicial de la CEPA.

This article, based on the Robert Menzies Lecture delivered by the author in London on 31 October 2017, provides a survey of Britain and Australia’s bilateral relationship from the 1930s to the present. In the earlier period particular attention is given to the role of Sir Robert Menzies. The relationship is examined in the light of Britain’s accession to the EEC/EU with reference to bilateral trade, security and global politics, and migration, with emphasis on strong people-to-people links. The author expresses hopes for renewed co-operation over free trade, a rules-based world outlook and links between universities in a post-Brexit world. He argues that although the bilateral relationship went through some troubled times in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, it is now getting back to the natural strength that it deserves. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of European Review of Public Law is the property of European Public Law Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain’s vote to leave the EU has raised more questions than answers, which is ironic given that David Cameron’s aim for the referendum was to settle the European question in British politics. The outcome, which reflected a range of causes, leaves significant uncertainties overhanging UK politics, UK-EU relations and wider European politics. It is likely that the confused outcome of the referendum and the technicalities of Brexit mean that for both the UK and the EU future relations will resemble fifty shades of grey rather than some black and white division of in or out. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers the author's view on the impact of the Great Britain's exit in the European Union. The author highlights the dividing opinion of the British public on the country's decision to move away from the European Union, and discusses the factors why most British people prefer to leave the union.

The public expects European governments and the European Union (EU) to deal with the security challenges in and around Europe. So does the US, whose strategic focus has pivoted to the Pacific. Washington, DC has made it clear that it will not, and cannot, solve all of Europe’s problems. The call for ‘strategic autonomy’ in the new EU Global Strategy of June 2016 does not come a moment too soon. But should the aim be EU strategic autonomy, without the UK, or can the aspiration still be European strategic autonomy, with the UK? Can nothing be achieved unless all are fully involved? Or are intermediate solutions possible? How EU Member States and the UK answer these questions will determine which degree of strategic autonomy the EU can achieve. With which degree of British involvement. And whether the UK itself will be left with any measure of strategic autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Iniciado hace más de seis décadas, el proceso de integración europeo ha sido puesto en tela de juicio por la decisión de los ciudadanos británicos, quienes fueron convocados a un referendo el 25 de junio de 2016. De manera sorpresiva, la mayoría de los electores británicos se inclinó por abandonar la Unión Europea (UE). Después de un largo periodo de ampliación y de profundización de la integración europea, la UE entra en una grave crisis. Por lo pronto, la nueva primera ministra británica, Theresa May, ha confrmado que es inminente la salida británica de la UE. Asimismo, muchas naciones europeas están decididas a cobrarle caro a los británicos su decisión, con el propósito de desalentar a otros socios a que sigan ese camino. Es posible que se haya iniciado la desintegración paulatina de la UE, a pesar de las ventajas que tiene la integración socioeconómica del viejo continente. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the United Kingdom’s (UK) approach to United Nations (UN) peace operations and whether Britain is prepared politically, bureaucratically, financially, and militarily to increase its contributions to them. The article begins with an overview of UK engagement with UN peacekeeping since 1956 before discussing the political issues that govern British decisions about peacekeeping. The third section then assesses several challenges that would need to be addressed in order for the UK’s increased participation in UN missions to be effective. Finally, the article outlines the main factors pushing the UK towards greater engagement with UN peace operations, including opinions voiced by select domestic, international, and institutional audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recalling the debate about Britain’s applications to join the European Economic Community in the 1960s, Australians are now reacting to and assessing the implications of the Brexit vote for Australia. However, the contemporary situation is very different from that which prevailed in the 1960s. The article assesses Australian commentary and reactions to Brexit before and after the vote. Taking account of the various possible versions of Brexit, there is an assessment of the range of economic and political-strategic implications for Australia. Whatever the final form of Brexit, Australia will need to foster close relationships with both the UK and the post-Brexit European Union. In relation to immigration policy in a post-Brexit UK, Australia’s immigration system does not necessarily provide the ‘answer’; Australia’s relationship with New Zealand through the agreement on Closer Economic Relations might be relevant to Brexit in at least some respects as another model for how economic integration might develop in a regional context. If Brexit was at least in part a populist right-wing reaction to globalisation and neoliberalism, parallels in Australia can also be seen, such as Pauline Hanson’s One Nation; other parallels in Australia relating to Brexit include issues relating to political prudence and the manner of constitutional change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU referendum will be a battle between competing visions of Britain's place in the world. Michael Kenny and Nick Pearce warn that the concept of an Anglosphere - an unlikely coalition of English-speaking countries, and a potent element of Eurosceptics' vision of post-EU Britain - demands an equally optimistic rebuttal from pro-Europeans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the inter-related debates over Britain's relationship with the EU and that over the future of the UK. It argues that euroscepticism and Scottish independence are based on exceptionalist identities that now revolve around economic policy. Elite euroscepticism cleaves to a neoliberal vision of minimalist regulation, while advocates of Scottish independence claim Westminster's austerity policies make the British Union incompatible with social democracy. However, this presentation of the choice facing British voters ignores the serious contradictions that overhauling the current order entails. Both forms of exceptionalism fail to recognize the significant limitations of self-government outside and within the EU. If Conservatives can contain their neoliberal flirtation with EU withdrawal they are very well placed to prosper electorally. The dilemma of which union(s) to choose might thus constitute the prelude to the entrenchment of the economic and political order that gave rise to such contestation in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Author(s): Günter Stock As president of ALLEA (All European Academies), I am disappointed by the slow pace of Brexit negotiations and lack of awareness of their impact on European science. [...]

Britain's often uneasy relationship with the European Union has become increasingly strained, leading to speculation that Britain is—sooner or later—headed towards an in-out referendum that will result in its withdrawal. Such a development would present both Britain and the EU with unprecedented challenges. Britain's debate about its future in the EU—its “European question”—creates a “British question” for the EU, the answers to which could change the EU's unity, leadership, prosperity and security with implications for wider European politics and academic analysis of European integration. This article sets out the links between these two questions. It does so by considering what the future of UK–EU relations could mean for the regional politics of Europe in an emerging multipolar order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers insight on the stance of Great Britain amidst the territorial-associated events in Ukraine. Topics discussed by the author include the relationship between the European Union and Great Britain and the renewed pragmatic partnership between China and Russia, the reduction of the British economic dependency, and its loss of international influence.

This article offers a personal view of Britain’s place in the contemporary world, analysed in terms of five interlocking rings: the traditional three, i.e. relations with the United States, with Europe and the Commonwealth, to which are added the concepts of process and soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article decries the negativity which, in the opinion of the author, often characterises discussions on the Commonwealth. It is time, argues the author, to rejuvenate this ‘largest free association of individuals and nations’ and make it a vibrant force for global good. Of particular importance, he notes, is the need for the United Kingdom to strengthen its ties with the Commonwealth. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The referendum on whether Scotland should become an independent country will be held on 18 September 2014. This article reflects on the evolution of foreign governments' attitudes towards the referendum since its confirmation in October 2012, and on their expectations should a 'yes' vote result. With few exceptions, they have adopted a policy of non-intervention, treating the referendum as the UK's domestic affair. President Obama's expression on 5 June 2014 of his desire for the UK to remain 'a strong, robust, united and effective partner' may, however, be seen as a sign of increasing apprehension abroad. Concerns of foreign governments aroused by the referendum include the diminution of the UK's power and role in international affairs, the possible encouragement of other secessionist movements, and disturbance to international organizations and alliances. It is commonly assumed that Scotland would become a reasonably prosperous and reliable small state. But how would the rest of the UK (rUK), a much more powerful and populous country, respond to 'the loss of Scotland'? How would it affect the UK's already unsettled relations with the EU, including the prospect of a referendum on EU membership? Despite many uncertainties and a febrile political atmosphere, it is widely expected abroad that Scotland and rUK would settle into a cooperative relationship after a difficult transitional period, and that an independent Scotland would be accepted into the EU and NATO if it displayed flexibility on important issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores David Cameron's experiences in foreign affairs since coming to office by examining his policies through the guise of New Labour's use of the Atlantic Bridge. This article will outline the history and success of Prime Ministers Blair and Brown in dealing with both sides of the Atlantic during their respective governments. From here, Cameron's own political position and ideologies will be taken into account along with New Labour's legacy before discussing Cameron's adventures in foreign policy. In particular, this article will compare the intervention in Libya by American and European forces before looking at Cameron's European Union (EU) policy and the announcement of a referendum on Britain's membership of the EU. The purpose of this article is to measure Cameron's success in these initial undertakings in transatlantic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on events in the European Union (EU) in 2013. Topics discussed include the six-month presidency of Ireland of the Council of the European Union that began on January 1, the fiftieth anniversary of the Elysée Treaty in Berlin, Germany and the speech of British Prime Minister David Cameron on Great Britain's relationship with the EU. It also mentions the elections in Italy in March, the full bailout of Cyprus in March and the decision on Latvia to join the euro in 2014.