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This paper argues for broader consideration of children’s language production systems and, in that context, describes research on children’s planning of syntactic structures. The research presented here measures non-fluency patterns in elicited utterances of varied syntactic type. We describe and interpret several regularities in these patterns for two groups of children (‘young’: three‐five-year-olds; and ‘older’: six‐eight-year-olds) and an adult comparison group. The evidence indicates a strong correspondence of adult and child responses to structural complexity, both in terms of global fluency measures and in terms of more detailed indicators of planning load. In addition, we report some specific contrasts in the patterning for children and adults that suggest disparities in processing resources and/or in local planning strategies. Children’s utterances are typically used to evaluate their knowledge of words and structures. Their utterances are less often studied for what they reveal about language processing per se or to address the e!ects of interactions between a performance system and the linguistic competence that

In the experiments outlined in this article, the authors investigate lexical access processes in language production. In their earlier work, T. Pechmann and D. Zerbst (2002) reported evidence for grammatical category constraints in a picture-word interference task. Although grammatical category information was not activated when subjects produced bare noun descriptions of simple objects, a robust effect arose when the target word had to be embedded in a syntactic frame. The current experiments demonstrate that compilation of a simple noun phrase (NP) yields word class effects in picture-word interference experiments in the same time frame as that generally observed for semantic processing. Most significantly, the effect emerges both in German and English with very similar profiles. On these grounds, it is implausible that the effect depends on syntactic gender activation, because such constraints are lacking in the English language version of the experiments.

This paper examines the role of semantic factors in the production of subject-verb number agreement. As an ostensibly grammatical process, number agreement provides an interesting case for examining the flow and interaction of semantic and syntactic information through the language-production system. Using a sentence-completion task, agreement errors can be elicited from subjects by presenting them with sentence fragments containing a complex noun-phrase, in which the nonhead noun is plural (e.g., The key to the cabinets ... WERE missing.). Previous research has demonstrated that the probability of making an error can be affected by varying the properties of the nouns in the complex noun phrase. By investigating which variables do and do not affect error rates, constraints on the flow of information through the production system can be inferred. In three experiments, we investigated the possible effects of three different semantic manipulations of the nouns in the complex NP: animacy, semantic overlap, and plausibility of modification by the sentence predicate. We found that both animacy and semantic relatedness had reliable effects on error rates, indicating that the mechanism involved in implementing agreement cannot be blind to semantic information. However, the plausibility with which each noun could serve as the subject of the sentence predicate had no effect on error rates. Taken together, these results suggest that while semantic information is visible to the agreement mechanism, there are still constraints on when this information can affect the process. Specifically, it may be the case that only information contained within the complex NP is considered for the purposes of implementing agreement.

To use a word in a sentence requires speakers to access information such as the meaning of the word, its use in a sentence (i.e., its syntax), and its sound form. In this study we examine whether when speakers cannot retrieve the sound form of a word, they are nevertheless able to indicate its syntactic properties. More specifically, we investigated whether English speakers in a tip of the tongue state, and a brain-damaged speaker in an anomic state, could correctly guess whether target words are either “count nouns” (e.g.,an opinion) or “mass nouns” (e.g.,some knowledge) when they could not say them. Results showed that speakers can correctly guess syntactic features such as count and mass, extending previous results concerning grammatical gender in Italian. We discuss the implications for models of language production in which lexical retrieval includes two steps. The first step involves retrieval of a word's abstract representation, specifying meaning and syntax. The second step involves the retrieval of the sound pattern of the word. Additional evidence from slips of the tongue in Italian, Spanish, and German showing syntactic constraints on phonological errors is also presented.

This paper presents the Featural and Unitary Semantic Space (FUSS) hypothesis of the meanings of object and action words. The hypothesis, implemented in a statistical model, is based on the following assumptions: First, it is assumed that the meanings of words are grounded in conceptual featural representations, some of which are organized according to modality. Second, it is assumed that conceptual featural representations are bound into lexico-semantic representations that provide an interface between conceptual knowledge and other linguistic information (syntax and phonology). Finally, the FUSS model employs the same principles and tools for objects and actions, modeling both domains in a single semantic space. We assess the plausibility of the model by showing that it can capture generalizations presented in the literature, in particular those related to category-related deficits, and show that it can predict semantic effects in behavioral experiments for object and action words better than other models such as Latent Semantic Analysis (Landauer & Dumais, 1997) and similarity metrics derived from Wordnet (Miller & Fellbaum, 1991).

This paper reports studies of subject-verb agreement errors with speakers of Spanish and English; we used a sentence completion task, first introduced by Bock and Miller (1991). In a series of four experiments, we assessed the role of semantic information carried by the sentential subject in the induction of subject-verb agreement errors. For Spanish speakers, a sentence preamble such as la etiqueta sobre las botellas (the label on the bottles), which is usually interpreted to denote several labels, induced more agreement errors than preambles that normally denote a single entity. This finding replicates previous research with Italian (Vigliocco et al., 1995). English speakers, on the other hand, were not sensitive to this semantic dimension, as was found earlier by Bock and Miller (1991). This cross-linguistic difference is discussed in the framework of a modified version of the computational model of grammatical encoding proposed by Kempen and Hoenkamp (1987). In this version of the model agreement is computed through a unification operation instead of feature-copying, allowing for an independent retrieval of agreement features from the conceptual representation for the subject and the verb. We propose that languages differ in the extent to which the selection of the verb is controlled by features on the subject and features from the conceptual representation.

This is the second part of the JPR special issue "Processing of grammatical gender" documenting the Processing of Grammatical Gender workshop held in Leipzig, Germany, in July 1998. The special issue is organized into two sections. The first section, presented in Part I of JPR, has been devoted to papers on language comprehension. This part presents mainly work on language production. For the editorial of this special issue, please refer to Part I in the previous issue of JPR (Volume 28, Number 5). Part II is led into by a review article on the representation and processing of grammatical gender in language production (Schriefers & Jescheniak). The first empirical paper by Marx investigates the levels of processing that give rise to the gender-identity effect observed in German speech errors. Vigliocco and Zilli employed induced speech errors in Italian normal and aphasic speakers to investigate whether nonsyntactic—both conceptual and morphophonological—information is used in encoding the syntactic structure of a sentence and whether the integration of syntactic and nonsyntactic information can be differentially impaired in Broca's aphasics. Turennout et al. used motor-related brain potentials to investigate the time course of grammatical and phonological processes during speech production in Dutch. Their results provide evidence that grammatical processes precede phonological processes. Bentrovato et al. report interacting effects of semantic sentence context and grammatical gender on picture naming. Results are interpreted in support of interactive activation models of language processing. Akhutina et al. present four experiments establishing gender priming in Russian using an auditory word repetition naming paradigm. Hagoort & Brown present event-related brain potential evidence for the syntactic nature of grammatical gender processing during sentence comprehension. Two research notes close the special issue. In the first note, Jescheniak reports two experiments on Introduction to Part II of the Special Issue, "Processing of Grammatical Gender"

Six Broca's and six Wernicke's aphasics were tested for their processing of prepositions in different linguistic tasks which placed increasing emphasis on the use of syntactic knowledge. Subjects performed a variety of tasks involving the production and perception of sentences containing prepositions. Agrammatics' production performance was very poor. Although their comprehension performance was superior to production when asked to complete a sentence selecting the target item out of four prepositions their comprehension performance was no longer superior to production in tasks where correct performance strongly depends upon the knowledge of sentence form. These results support the view of a general incapacity of agrammatics to use knowledge of sentence structure in production and in comprehension.

The perceptual complexity of lexically ambiguous and unambiguous sentences was compared in three experiments. In Experiment 1, the report of ambiguous words from rapidly presented ambiguous sentences was worse than the report of corresponding unambiguous words from unambiguous sentences. Results of Experiment 2 showed that the effect was not reduced by the presence of prior biasing context within the sentence. Experiment 3 repeated the finding with a sentence meaning classification task. It was concluded that both meanings of a lexically ambiguous sentence must be computed, even when prior context makes one meaning more plausible than the other.

Experimentation with 14–18-week-old infants indicates that they are capable of grouping together syllables of English depending on whether the syllables share a consonant. These results indicate that infants may have access to the mechanisms that underlie certain perceptual constancies in adult speech perception.

The effect of the lexical complexity of verbs on the processing of sentences was evaluated in two experiments. Verb complexity was indexed by the number of types of grammatical structure a verb permits (e.g., a verb may be transitive or intransitive and may permit various types of complement structures). Ss’ performances in paraphrasing sentences and in solving anagrams containing complex verbs were significantly poorer than their performances with the same sentences and anagrams containing less complex verbs.

The perceptual complexity of three lists of self-embedded sentences was evaluated in terms of the accuracy and time required for their paraphrase. The lists differed by the presence of relative pronouns in one list, their absence in a second and by the addition of adjectives to the third. It was predicted that the presence of the relative pronouns would effect the only significant change in performance. In both auditory and visual presentations of the sentence lists, the presence of the relative pronouns proved to be facilitating, while the presence of the adjectives produced no significant changes.

Judgments of the location of short bursts of noise in sentences were used to reveal perceptual segmentation of sentences. It was assumed that segmentation would correspond to major constituent boundaries. In order to control for correlated variables of pitch and intonation, identical acoustic material was provided with alternate constituent structures. It was found that differences in response to identical strings were predicted by the points of variation in constituent structure.

A lexical decision paradigm was used to examine syntactic influence on word recognition in sentences. Initial fragments of sentences were presented visually (CRT display) one word at a time (at reading speeds), from left to right. The string terminated with the appearance of a lexical decision target. The grammatical structure of the incomplete sentence affected lexical decision reaction time (RT). In Experiment 1, modal verb contexts followed by main verb targets and preposition contexts followed by noun targets produced lower RTs than did the opposite pairings (i.e., modal/noun and preposition/verb). In Experiment 2, transitive verb contexts followed by noun targets and subject noun phrase contexts followed by verb targets yielded lower RTs than did the opposite pairings. Similar contrasts for adjective targets did not yield comparable effects in Experiment 2, but did when the adjective was the head of a predictable phrase (Experiment 4). In Experiment 3, noun targets yielded lower RTs than did verb targets after contexts of a transitive verb followed by a prepositional phrase. An account of these effects is offered in terms of parsing constraints on phrasal categories.

The distinction between closed and open class words--of interest in the first instance because of claims about the support of structural analysis during comprehension--has its reflection in word recognition. For normal speakers, performances over these types give evidence of the operation of separate recognition devices, while for agrammatic speakers, performance indicates no such separation. A study of recognition accuracy with tachistoscopic presentation lateralized to the visual hemifields suggests some parallel between left and right hemisphere processing and the contrast of normal and agrammatic speakers: with direct input restricted to the left hemisphere, the vocabulary types show different levels of accuracy; no such differences are evident with presentations to the right.

General principles of speech perception resolve several experimental conflicts about whether listeners interpret one or all meanings of an ambiguous sentence We argue that during all ambiguous clause, both meanings are processed, but immediately after the clause over, it recoded with only one meaning retained This model resolves the apparently conflicting results of previous experimental, it also predicts that underlying structure ambiguity m incomplete clauses increases Comprehension time In complete clauses, ambiguity does not increase relative comprehension time; it mayreduce comprehension time for ambiguities whose interpretations are perceptually distinct in those tasks where either meaning is appropriate Two new experiments offer preliminary confirmation of these predictions.