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This paper explores the relationship between the articulation of the 15-M movement in Spain and the expansion of Feminist Economics (FE) at the feminist base of this movement, in particular, in Feminism Committees (FC-15 M). We assert that this expansion was due to FE's capacity to explain the 2008 crisis beyond its economic-financial dimensions and to analyse the effects of the political-economic austerity measures on the sustainability of life. We claim that a differentiating feature of FE in Spain is its permeability to dialogue with social movements. Therefore, it has become more politicized and critical than other academic fields. This influence has also been reflected in the structure and contents of the most recent FE national conferences, which from 2013 on included not only the classic academic strand but also training and political action strands. In order to explore this development, our methodology includes interviews with key informants; document analysis of material generated in the conferences and the Feminism Committees of 15-M; questionnaires to activists, academics, and practitioners of FE; and informal observation as direct participants of the described processes and events. The paper begins with an introduction to FE thought and its connections with so-called 'Feminism for the 99%' and continues with a methodological section. The twofold results section analyzes the dialogues between FE and FC-15 M. It concludes with a summary of the key ideas presented and some final remarks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to contribute to a better knowledge of historical feminism in Spain based on and in dialogue with the wealth of research on the subject by Spanish historiography in recent decades. Although the social nature of Spanish feminism and its articulation around notions of sexual difference has been pinpointed, a more profound reflection on the social nature of feminism, as well as its effects on the shaping of feminism as a social reform movement, is needed. For that purpose, this article pays attention to the epistemological framework of social duties (and rights) which became widespread in the early twentieth century. The main working hypothesis is that these notions of sexual difference were not static and that, from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, they were given another meaning in light of the emergence of "the social" as a result of the criticism of classical liberalism's assumptions and explanations of human nature. Sexual difference was reframed through the impact of the new ideas about society, which facilitated proposals for women's public intervention in social improvement and for reshaping marriage and the domestic sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on advertising stereotypes in the radio are scarce and those that do exist have focused predominantly on female roles and stereotypes. The rise of feminist social movements and campaigns such as Gillette's 2019 campaign "The best men can be" suggest that something is changing in the advertising communication environment regarding gender stereotypes and the male role in society. This article, with a quantitative approach, focuses on the analysis of the stereotypes that radio advertising conveys about men. To this end, 679 radio advertisements were examined. The sample was recorded from the three main Spanish general radio broadcasters and collected 10 years apart with the aim of observing the changes produced in the image of the male target audience. The units of analysis were collected in two waves, the first in the autumn-winter period of 2008-2009 and the second in the same period of 2018-2019, and all of them were examined through content analysis. An ad hoc template was designed to respond to the main objectives of the research: to determine which are the dominant male stereotypes in Spanish radio; to define the image of men through radio advertising in our country and to observe the changes around the presence of traditional male stereotypes in radio advertisements. The results obtained in this work show that few things have changed over a decade and that radio, as an advertising media, contributes to the construction, transmission and perpetuation of traditional male stereotypes. This research is an important complement to the studies carried out on female roles and stereotypes in radio, both internationally and in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pasajes: Revista de Pensamiento Contemporáneo is the property of Publicacions Universitat de Valencia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article studies the cultural impacts of social movements targeting non-state institutions. Using printed primary sources, bibliography and press clippings, the case of the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Spain after 1975 is analysed from a comparative perspective. This research shows that cultural products (books, articles and other published texts) constitute a principal cultural outcome of the aforementioned protest. Some characteristics of the targeted institution, such as the intransigency of the Church hierarchy to feminist demands, made policy consequences impossible. Yet activists managed to produce cultural outputs and disseminate them to their movement constituency thanks to allies' support; the use of the Spanish language as a vehicle for mobilisation; and the utilisation of activists' locations within the Church and in society as sites from which to spread their world-views and demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arenal.Revista de Historia de las Mujeres is the property of Arenal. Revista de Historia de las Mujeres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The intensive use of digital platforms by the feminist movement has been identified as one of its main characteristics. Numerous studies address the tactical use of social networks by this movement, especially on 8 March in Spain. This paper studies the action repertoires of different actors who participated in the 2019 Women's Strike conversation, including automated accounts. Empirical results demonstrate that Twitter is not an exclusive field for the feminist movement. Along with activists who promoted and informed the Women's Strike, political parties proposed concrete policy measures, and conservative factions criticized the movement calling for demobilization. In this sense, for the first time in these M8 mobilizations, bots participated in this polarisation of the debate through partisan hashtags and the dissemination of fake news. The investigation thus confirms that automation techniques and contradictory flows of power are critical elements to understand the real potential of social networks for feminist social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arte, Individuo y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Holy Rebellious Pussy Procession has significantly aroused the conflict around the ways in which sexuality and the conceptions of what is sacred are expressed. While feminist women think their own genitals are sacred, some Christian sectors assume this conception as harmful against the respect for the traditions and popular beliefs. For the Spanish Feminist Movement—official since 1983 with the setting up of the Woman’s Institute in Spain—the government’s initiative of reforming the Abortion Act in 2013 strengthens inter-generational ties, consolidating a coalition known as ‘Freedom Train’, with proposals linked to the 15M and other alternative politics movements. In this context, the protests of a group of Andalusian women in Malaga and Sevilla with their Rebellious Pussy’s brotherhood provides new insights and conceptions about the hegemonic view of sexuality and spirituality. The aims of this paper are: firstly, to review the arguments classified in a socio-cultural context such as the Andalusian, in which Holy Week is deeply felt; secondly, to analyse the ways in which these opposed mindsets have been placed; thirdly, to specify the social consequences of this confrontation for both positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main target of this article is to explain the leading features of the gender discourse, built both by the intellectuals such as by the conservatives, traditionalists and confessional Spanish political cultures, during the first three decades of the twentieth century. This mentioned discourse was inserted in the profound political, social and cultural changes that were in course of implantation those years, both in Spain and in the countries of their geographical environment. With that discourse a wide range of liberal, anti-liberal, Catholics or traditionalist thinkers and politicians were seeking answers to the unrest which the movements and social practices perceived as threats to the virile superiority, or to the validity of the manliness values, produced to all them. Both the Spanish conservatives as the Rights in general showed clear affinities in their efforts toward the discursive construction of women. The main theorists of the traditionalism, the monarchism and the fascism created a gender discourse and a symbolic reconstruction of the values of masculinity and femininity that were forged in the reactionary and anti-liberal ideologies of the nineteenth century, as in the new currents of illiberal thought that emerged from the beginnings of the XXth. In the following years, the above mentioned gender discourse would be assimilated by the Franco's dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how the group Las Periodistas Paramos (We the Women Journalists Stop) arose and developed within the context of the feminist strike that took place in Spain on 8 March 2018 ('8M'). The purpose of this research is to understand how this community began and its typology, to analyse the selection of digital tools in the process and to outline the strengths and weaknesses of the group on the basis of participants' experiences. Using three qualitative methods, specifically an interview, non-participant observation and focus groups, the group's collective work dynamics and its evolution are defined. The results obtained show that this is a community of interest that has collaboratively broadened its initial objectives, surmounted ideological differences, contributed to the feminist movement and grown exponentially by expanding its activities to embrace other Spanish cities and foreign correspondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the political militancy exercised through a social media site by the feminist movement in Spain, analyzing the resources used to communicate and disseminate the strike call for March 8th, 2018 through the social network Facebook. For this, the level of activity of two accounts has been studied in a comparative way: one of national scope, Huelga Feminista 8M, and another one of regional coverage, Feminismos Madrid. The exploration was carried out on the contents published during the two weeks prior to March 8th, also including this date. We wanted to detect, by means of a quantitative study, the main frames used in Facebook messages, their contribution to knowledge on the call for a strike or on the feminist movement and the origin of discourses. We conclude that the fabric of alliances before and during the call contributed to the creation of a feminist community willing to exercise online and offline resistance and to politicize the reasons that led to the strike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective identity has been conceptualized by social movement theories mainly as a definition. In this text, based in feminist theories, I argue that the conceptualization of collective identity as a definition forgets other fundamental dimensions -mainly relations and emotions- and, moreover, limits its processual character. This argument is based on the study of contemporary feminist mobilizations in Spain through a qualitative fieldwork (quasi-biographical interviews, focus groups, participant observations and the analysis of written and graphic materials). The analysis allows the widening of dimensions of collective identities - from definitions to relations and emotions- as well as the radicalization of their processuality by placing the notions of iteration and activation at the heart of the analysis. I offer a theoretical-analytical proposal that understands that collective identities are but partial materializations, always unfinished processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to address Femen’s media-based activism in Spain, focusing, on the one hand, on the lack of understanding of Femen’s activist methods by broad swaths of institutionalized feminism, and on the other, on their activism’s repercussions in the broader debates in the current Spanish political context. In order to achieve these objectives, I work from the premise that the use of politics of the body linked to counterhegemonic representational modes impacts the possibilities and reach of Femen’s activist practices. At the same time, paradoxically, these practices are situated in the politics of the street and bodies in alliance that have determined new forms of political practice. I will argue that these new feminist political actions – which are articulated through processes of mediation, culture jamming and recontextualization – are defined not so much by the effectiveness of the new cultural practices one finds in contemporary activism, but by how they become part of what is now called awkward politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The crisis in which capitalist societies have been immersed in recent years has led certain critical sectors to rethinking of the basic pillars of the system itself in general, and the traditional economic models in particular. The Postgrowth Approach questions many of the foundations on which the current growth and the unlimited consumption society is based. In this paper we propose a degrowth review from an ecofeminist perspective, and we try to analyze to what extend it can be an opportunity to rethink the crisis and to propose outputs with equality and ecological viability criteria. In the Spanish context, in which the financial crisis has mainly resulted in significant cut of rights and, ultimately, in a deep social and environmental crisis (energy, food, care and social reproduction, etc.), this question becomes even more relevant. Therefore, we intend to delve into theoretical discussions and the proposed practical in the Spanish State, pointing out some of the achievements and, also, most relevant limitations from this ecofeminist perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship proposes that allies of social movements are usually collective actors, and movements frequently pay a price for their reliance on allies: moderation. This article investigates the impact of allies on social movements by analyzing the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain and its male allies. Drawing on published documents and twenty-four interviews, I find that individuals can function as allies for movements. In addition, allies may predispose activists towards moderation in some domains but not necessarily in others. Moreover, allies may themselves be more radical than activists in some regards and thus have the potential to radicalize protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Doxa Comunicación is the property of Fundacion Universitaria San Pablo - CEU and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article deals with the mingling of the feminist movement and the Okupación (squatters) movement in Spain. The authors analyze the case of Eskalera Karakola, the most emblematic, long-standing feminist occupation in Spain. To do that, they did two in-depth interviews with key activists, and based on that, lay out feminism's(s') current debates and the reciprocal implications they have with the practice of okupación. They conclude that this collective displays the traits of third-wave feminism, seeking the sustainability of life and caring. These, together with the thirst for autonomy, are some of the convergences with the Okupa Movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the existence of a positive relationship between age and feminist activism by analyzing the empirical case of feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain. Drawing on published documents and 15 interviews, this study shows that middle-aged and elderly women have more experience and resources for participating in feminist movements than younger women. The study also identifies the circumstances where the positive relationship between age and feminist activism is more robust. The findings contradict assumptions of mainstream social movement scholarship and part of the scholarship in life-course studies and politics: that as individuals progress into middle- or old-age, many of them tend to become more committed to the established political and social order and thus less interested in (and less active in) social movements that pursue political and social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social movements experience periods of intense activity and periods of abeyance, when collective action is very weak because of an inhospitable political climate. Non-democracies are extreme cases of hostile political environments for social movements. Drawing on a case study of the women's movement in Franco's Spain (mid-1930s to 1975) based on an analysis of published documents and 17 interviews, this paper argues that some non-democracies force social movements that existed prior to dictatorships into a period of abeyance and shape collective organizing in terms of location, goals, and repertoire of activities. Some social movements under prolonged non-democratic rule manage to link and transmit the aims, repertoire of activities, and collective identity of pre-dictatorship activists to those of post-dictatorship activists. This occurs mainly through cultural activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term precarity has been circulating Europe since the late 1980s and is currently used by social movements to contentiously challenge classical notions of production, reproduction, and citizenship. This paper follows the development of the term among several activist networks in Europe (mainly in Spain) through their engagements with crises of the welfare state, new contractual and working arrangements, migrant labor and mobility, and gender. These social movements' specific conceptual production confronts increasing fragmentation and complexity around the workspace, rearticulating a series of identities, imaginaries, and militant practices in an open-ended process of resignification. This paper shows how precarity evolves as a political toolbox stretching beyond the workplace and national borders, enabling a Deleuzian politics of unfixed alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the beginning of the twentieth century in the Spanish Basque Country, Basque nationalism has served as a unifying movement that encouraged women to participate in women’s associations. Women’s associations offered a metaspace in which public and private spheres overlap, where, women began to reconstruct meanings of nationalism and gender relations in distinct ways. As a result, the particular foci of these associations reflected each individual association’s specific understanding of gender relations and their relations to different interpretations of Basque nationalism. This historical tradition has continued into the twenty-first century as women’s associations that are structured by distinct systems of gender relations provide a number of social services and educational services to promote gender equality. Through the examination of the metaspace of the women’s association Lanbroa, this article explores the ways in which the women’s movement and feminism have influenced the functioning of this association and the ways in which association members contest traditional Basque gender relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Feministes is the property of Groupe de Recherche et d'Echange Multidisciplinaires Feministes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main goal of the paper is to study Jan Monk's contribution to the development of international gender geography, in particular in Spain. Our aim is also to explain the experiences and numerous connections among places, people and ideas that she has been weaving to foster international scholarship and, in this way, how she has challenged hegemonic approaches in feminist geography. Jan Monk comes originally from the Southern hemisphere and therefore she is well aware of the extent to which 'Northern' (or Anglo-American) ways of seeing the world define concepts, theories and ideas in geography (and also in feminist geography). Being an 'insider' and an 'outsider' as well as her sensibility to the important of place has permeated Jan's contribution to international gender geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of feminism in Spain within the context of political transformations. It focuses on one particular strand of feminist thinking: ‘equality feminism’. The paper traces the evolution of equality feminism and its institutionalization, supported by the production and dissemination of a feminist history of the Franquista dictatorship (1936–1939). Yet, under scrutiny such narratives maintain a silence on the social, political and geographical diversity of women's experiences prior to, during and beyond the Franquista dictatorship. Drawing on women's oral testimonies (recorded in the city of Málaga, Andalucía) the paper animates the silences of this feminist history in Spain and the limits of state feminist ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-national traffic of feminist ideas have contributed to a growth of the international women's movement and has shaped national movements. These processes have only recently become the subject of study and theoretical discussion. The theoretical models that have been developed so far fail to take into account the complex nature of intercultural communication. No attention is paid to problems of interpretation and translation that may occur and how 'adopters' use the example of others. Instead, this article proposes an empirically grounded, alternative model of the process, based on the cases of women's organizations against sexual violence in the Netherlands and Spain. The author's approach focuses on the processes of communication — the relationship between source and followers and the conditions that facilitate or impede communication — and the conditions that lead to adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the sexual reform movements in Spain and the role of Hildegart Rodríguez in founding the Spanish chapter of the World league of Sexual Reform, (WLSR) referred to as Liga. Rodríguez was the founder secretary of the Spanish chapter of the WLSR. She was a prolific writer, a sexual and legal reformer, a figure in the public eye. She had interests in sexuality, socialism, eugenics and feminism. The meeting held on March 3, 1932, was convened to adopt the Liga's constitution. The gathering was important to historians because it revealed which aspects of sexual reform were specific to or particularly significant for the Spanish context. The copious report of the meeting was an extraordinary source, since it recorded in detail the discussion of the WLSR's platform. It named the objectors to different planks in the platform and thus clarified the positions on sexual reform held by prominent men in medicine, law, and public life. The report begins with a presentation of the Liga's aims, which were not restricted to research, but were broader: they included education, legislation, and social reform.

The article presents information on the sexual reform movements in Spain. The World league of Sexual Reform (WLSR) was established in Spain in 1932. The Spanish chapter was the most socially conservative. It was one of the few that did not include homosexuality in its agenda. In the 1920s and early 1930s the core issue for most sexual reformers was divorce. The coalition in favor of allowing divorce comprised sectors of the intelligentsia who were critical of traditional sexual mores in Spain and who favored equal rights for women before the law. In Madrid during the 1920s and 1930s, a number of social movements converged to produce agitation in favor of permitting divorce. Groups promoting feminism, prostitution reform, sex education, mental health, and eugenics all had interests in this area. Moreover, in Spain those involved in any one of these movements tended to participate in or favor the goals of the others. The interlocking leadership of such groups was comprised of a readily identified network of doctors and lawyers that both received Freudian ideas and interpreted them for the general public.