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The article discusses the cyclists' rights movement in Montreal, Quebec, during the late 19th century. According to the article, the movement attempted to capitalize on the growing popularity of cycling in order to change the legal and environmental contexts of Montreal. It compares the Montreal cyclists' movement to those of other North American cities. The author argues that cycling created new perceptions of urban and rural environments in the 19th century and that cyclists became aware of the legal restrictions placed upon their bicycling activities.

The article discusses the significance of global 1968 protest movements in Canadian politics. Topics include the impact of social movements on Canadian historiography, the role of indigenous history and historiography within Canadian history, and political responses to 1960s protest movements in Canada in relation to austerity and neoliberalism.

This paper is about the clinical principle of informed choice-the hallmark feature of the midwifery model of care in Ontario, Canada. Drawing on ethnographic history interviews with midwives, I trace the origins of the idea of informed choice to its roots in the social movement of midwifery in North America in the late 1960s and 1970s. At that time informed choice was not the distinctive feature of midwifery but was deeply embedded what I call midwifery's feminist experiment in care. But as midwifery in Ontario transitioned from a social movement to a full profession within the formal health care system, informed choice was strategically foregrounded in order to make the midwifery model of care legible and acceptable to a skeptical medical profession, conservative law makers, and a mainstream clientele. As mainstream biomedicine now takes up the rhetoric of patient empowerment and informed choice, this paper is at once a nuanced history of the making of the concept and also a critique of the ascendant 'regime of choice' in contemporary health care, inspired by the reflections of the midwives in my study for whom choice is impossible without care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1930s and early 1940s, McGill University physics professor H.E. Reilley led Montreal eff orts to limit noise, evaluating the acoustics in buildings, giving speeches on the dangers of noise, and playing a part in writing the city's fi rst comprehensive anti-noise bylaw. Situating his noise abatement movement within the international rise of the fi eld of applied acoustics, the advent of anti-noise campaigns in other countries, and previous state eff orts to limit noise in Montreal, this article explores the numerous ways Reilley sought to make the dangers of noise a legitimate social issue in a culturally divided city. We argue that Reilley used his affiliation with McGill to overcome problems of professional legitimacy and that he sought powerful allies for his cause, deliberately bridging the French-English divide inherent to this industrial city. Reilley achieved less success in extending legal limitations on noise into the workplace and in having noise bylaws enforced. Ultimately, Reilley's noise abatement campaigns represent particularly strong examples of reflexive modernity --a specifically modern response to problems brought about by modernity itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of British Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social work has engaged with and led the revolutionary social movements of the past century. Yet today, as activism by and for racial others unfolds across the United States and Canada, our discipline remains largely silent. This article considers new ways for social workers to conceptualize social work activism, challenge the existing erasures within the profession, and construct innovative strategies to locate social work within the critical social movements of our time. Recognizing the continuity of histories of colonialism, slavery, and genocide, the author argues that social workers must engage with racialized communities' resistance through their legacy of exclusion and displacement. The author demonstrates the significance of an evolving politics of race and social justice for social work practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented that discusses articles and essays recorded in the issue on topics including role of women in Indigenous societies, social movement, Idle No More (INM) movement, and history of Indigenous people in Canada.

The article focuses on Indigenous resistance of Canadian youth in the Idle No More movement against Canadian laws such as Jobs, Growth, and Long-Term Prosperity Act and Jobs and Growth Act. Topics include modifications to the sections of the Canadian constitution, cultural sovereignty, and Canadian environmental issues and Native rights. Also discussed is the importance of education in Canada.

The book Direct Action, Deliberation and Diffusion: Collective Action After the WTO Protests in Seattle argues that the process of diffusion is dependent on social processes in the receiving context. The most important in social movements is an egalitarian and reflexive deliberation among diverse actors. The book traces the direct action tactics associated with the Seattle protests against the World Trade Organization in 1999 and how these spread to activists in Toronto and New York City. It shows how the structure of the political field, racial and class inequalities, identity boundaries, and organizational and conversational dynamics limited deliberation among activists, and thus limited the diffusion of the Seattle tactics. By constraining the spread of the Seattle tactics, this slowed the global justice movement's wave of protest. In this paper, I explore the application of and implications of this model of protest tactic diffusion to the recent Idle No More mobilizations. Le livre Direct Action, Deliberation and Diffusion: Collective Action After the WTO Protests in Seattle fait valoir que le processus de diffusion dépend de processus sociaux dans le contexte de réception. Le plus important pour les movements sociaux est une délibération égalitaire et réflexive entre divers acteurs. Le livre retrace les tactiques d'action directe associés aux manifestations de Seattle contre l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce en 1999 et comment ils se propagent à des militants de Toronto et de New York. Il montre comment la délibération de la structure des inégalités le domaine politique, raciales et de classe, les limites de l'identité et de la dynamique de l'organisation et de la conversation limitée parmi les militants, et donc limiter la diffusion de la tactique de Seattle. En limitant la propagation de la tactique de Seattle, ce ralentissement de la vague de protestation du mouvement altermondialiste. Dans cet article, j'explore l'application et implications de ce modèle de diffusion protestation de tactique pour les dernières Idle No More mobilisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice / Études Critiques sur le Genre, la Culture, et la Justice is the property of Mount Saint Vincent University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the Canadian political party the British Columbia Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (BC/CCF) and how it contributed to a political left-wing social movement for Canada's working class during the 1930s. The author argues that while the BC/CCF had populist beginnings, it was truly a socialist party. He discusses how the BC/CCF impacted Canadian politics during the interwar years, argues that the party created an anti-liberal movement, and explores the BC/CCF's relationship to the Socialist Party of Canada.

Studies of human rights that focus on international politics or institutions fail to convey the complex influence of human rights on law, politics and society in a local context. This article documents the impact of the rights revolution in Alberta. The rights revolution emerged in the province beginning in the 1970s following the election of the Progressive Conservative Party in 1971. Many of the issues that typified Alberta's rights revolution were unique to this region: censorship, eugenics and discrimination against Hutterites, Aboriginals, Blacks and French Canadians. However, as the controversy surrounding discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation demonstrates, Alberta's rights revolution remains an unfulfilled promise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Issues / Thèmes Canadiens is the property of Association for Canadian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Retail workers are a significant but largely unorganized group in Canada and the United States. However, in recent years, there has been a marked increase in efforts to organize retail workers, including pursuit of innovative structures and strategies. The author focuses on the dominant threads of contemporary retail organizing work in Canada and the United States, outlining three current organizing vehicles: unionization, store-based networks, and occupation or sector-based associations. The author then reflects on the strengths, weaknesses, and possibilities of these approaches, independently and collectively, and emphasizes the need to confront the social and cultural as well as the economic devaluation of retail workers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

BECAUSE IT HAS BEEN GENERALLY STUDIED superficially or examined using a fairly small number of documents, the Order of the Knights of Labor in Quebec again and again escapes the understanding of experts. The picture historians, sociologists and industrial relations experts were able to deliver resulted in very negative assessments: the Quebec wing of the American trade union center is viewed as an utopian movement, too far from the immediate needs of workers and the reality of the industrial world. Using a wide variety of new sources, we present an entirely new portrait of its organizational structure and course. Not only is the Quebec Knights' experience remarkable, but it also shaped a generation of workers and probably more. In the most laborious and capricious Canadian landscape, Montreal, they began an intense collaboration between Francophones and Anglophones. Seeking to strengthen labor's power, they focused on craft unionism, while experimenting with industrial unionism on a scale unimagined by historiography. Also open to immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, as well as to women, the Knights thus challenged the existing order. That is why, more than any other Quebec labor movement that preceded it, the Order faced the Catholic clergy's hostility. However, Catholicism also played in the opposite direction when, following the release of Rerum Novarum, workers were inspired by the legitimacy given to labour organization and revived the movement in the 1890s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural memory not only substantiates but can also constitute redress for historical injustices perpetrated against Aboriginal peoples and ethnic minorities in Canada. This paper examines the uneven, conflicting, and contingent ways in which injustices are taken up in reiterative public remembrance practices. Linguistic pragmatic analysis of newspaper genres reveals that discursive gains made by redress advocates are vulnerable to erosion as the past is taken up in different contexts and resignified along differently interested trajectories.

An inquiry into the "Workers' Theatre Movement" in 1930s Canada provokes questions of periodization, tactical discourse, and "historically conditioned" memory. As narrated by theatre historians, the "movement" reimagines a past for a previously imagined future. In one direction, this leads to the conclusion that there was no movement as such; in another direction, it leads to the conclusion that the performance culture of the radical left of the 1930s was intensely rich, dense, busy, and polyphonic

The article presents the author's assessment of the interaction between labour historians and unions in Canada. The author notes that most activists acknowledge the scholarly training and research for valuable weapons in labour/management battles. He points out that Labour College offers infinite illustration of the difficulties between labour leaders and their rank and file members. He found out that labour involvement is easy and believes that active participation may lead to working condition improvements, though it increases the frustration level.