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El artículo se centra en la historiografía de la brasileña de 1964, golpe de estado. Diversos temas discutidos incluyen la historia de recuerdos, modernidad en Brasil, la ideología política de la historia de Brasil, país sociohistory, la historia de los movimientos sociales, la esclavitud allí, contemporáneo del trauma de esclavos y matanzas en el país.

The article discusses the participation of the Lutherans in social movements' fight for land reform and against the latifundium in Brazil in the late 20th century. Topics include the Protestant who contradict the view on the link between the Landless Workers' Movement (MST) and Catholicism, the unfair compensation for farmers who had been dispossessed by the Itaipu power plant, and the Annoni occupation staged by farmers fighting for land ownership.

The article discusses political aspects of Brazil's corporatist labor movement during the military dictatorship in 1964-1985. It looks at the role of the Regional Labor Council in São Paolo and examines the judicial cases filed between January 1963 and March 1964 during the institutional and political instability under President João Goulart. It also analyzes the council dealth with the demands of workers in the early years of the military dictatorship.

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This article describes the beginnings of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (LGBT) periodical press in Brazil. Structured around Benedict Anderson's concept of imagined communities and Jurgen Habermas's theory of the public sphere, it shows how a marginalized group constructed a positive sense of identity and set out to change popular culture by challenging prejudice and discrimination. The analysis concentrates on the mimeograph journals circulated among gay men in the 1960s, such as O Snob, and the pioneering community newspaper Lampião (1978-1981), examining their treatment of gender and sexuality through issues such as cross-dressing, sex roles, and street prostitution. Through their explorations of the LGBT subculture and innovative use of discourse based on popular slang, these publications helped create a new space for the public discussion of sexuality as well as greater cultural awareness of a shared but diverse community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the political turmoil of the 1960s and 1970s, music emerged as an essential form of social and political engagement in Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay. However, in spite of the similar historical context, the música popular brasileira (MPB) of this period is rarely considered in connection with the nueva canción latinoamericana. This paper analyzes how these distinct and parallel movements responded to social and political needs in the years prior to and during the military dictatorships in Brazil and the Southern Cone. Exploring the qualities typical of the nueva canción found in the MPB songs of Geraldo Vandré, Chico Buarque, and Milton Nascimento underscores the similarities between the two categories. Through a comparative study, I argue that these musical forms responded to parallel social and political needs in distinct ways in order to reinforce specific discursive constructions of national identity and popular culture, as well as to confirm existing understandings of politically committed music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses forms of political manifestations related to football (soccer), observed in Brazil in the course of the 1970s. The article observes, in the context of football, the outbreak of a dispute between conservative powers and left wing forces in the Brazilian political scene. In this period, different subjects, linked to opposition groups, also used the communicative space created around the sport in order to externalise their political ideals. Thus, the sport served the interests of both the state and the Brazilian leftists. These actions generated the involvement of football players, artists and the media in general. In this context, the sports press figured as the main mediator of the symbolic battles engaged amidst football players, coaches, managers and fans, and the official acts and actions of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relation between Brazilian race relations and apartheid in South Africa, noting anti-racism in Brazil's 1988 Constitution. Topics include a 1954 United Nations (UN) report by sociologist Gilberto Freyre on race relations, attempts by South Africa's government at economic and military relations with Brazil's military dictatorship, and a 1991 visit by anti-apartheid leader Nelson Mandela to Brazil. The impact of democratization on Brazilian race relations is noted.

The article discusses the counterculture in authoritarian Brazil from 1968 through 1974. The relationship between Brazil's modernization efforts and economic development, including the country's rise in gross domestic product (GDP) during the late 1960s and early 1970s, is discussed. The youth counterculture's perspective on Brazil's radical movement against the country's military rule is also discussed. An overview of the Brazilian counterculture's involvement with the arts is provided.

Current paper deals with the involvement of dissident military people of the Brazilian Armed Forces in guerilla movements against the military dictatorship. The militarism of organizations, as opposed to political negotiations, is investigated, based on processes filed in military courts and on interviews. Stalemates and the influence of military people with military training were the cause of tension and ruptures in armed opposition groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourses on the defense of democracy are recurrent in texts published by the Higher School of War (ESG) after the military coup. The ESG was one of the conspiratorial nuclei that produced the 1964 coup and trained civil and military agents who served the dictatorship. Current paper discusses the relationship between the ESG intellectuals and their concept of democracy. In fact, a well-elaborated restrictive concept of democracy was imbedded within the ESG discourse. The formula contains essential presuppositions assimilated by the integrating forces of the ESG through the defense of capitalist bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several meanings on the recent past, symbolized by the concepts ‘reconciliation’ and ‘revanchism’, were constructed during the transition period. The aim was to maintain control of the process by a sort of continuation of fear by comparing the Brazilian dictatorship to the Argentinean one which imprisoned the violators of human rights. Current paper presents some preliminary results of a still going investigation on memory and transmission of experience on the civil-military dictatorship and State terrorism in debates prior to the Amnesty Law and during the parliamentary works of the National Constitutional Assembly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current paper analyzes a section of the program elaborated by the Research and Social Studies Institute (IPES) that gathered a large quantity of agents against the administration of João Goulart and prepared a section of the colligation that would trigger the 1964 military coup. They also took part in the civil-military dictatorship by occupying first rank posts in the administration. From such an advantageous condition, the agents transformed structural aspects of Brazilian society since the authoritarian administration was not restricted to repression activities but had essential re-foundational aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current paper analyzes some documents produced by the Higher School of War, the main leadership formation center of the Brazilian dictatorial. They consisted of handbooks, reviews, books and reports published by its students, in small formation groups. It deals with the institution´s representations on gender relationships with special emphasis on models for males and females and the importance of their mobilization for the construction of a power project for an authoritarian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current article analyzes the judgment of crimes against popular economy during the Brazilian military dictatorship. They were actually considered crimes against the homeland and transferred to the military justice. The paper also explains the political and economical context that displaced this type of crime to the military courts and the establishment of a repression network against these crimes throughout 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the military dictatorship of Brazil from 1964 to 1985, the history of dispensaries in Portugal, and families in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Copyright of Journal of Belgian History / Revue Belge d'Histoire Contemporaine is the property of Cegesoma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From 1978 to 1982, groups of college-age youth took to the streets of São Paulo and other Brazilian cities performing works of art that they referred to as ‘urban interventions’. Mixing aspects of performance, conceptualism and street art, they constituted a repossession of public space during the abertura, or opening period of Brazilian history, when the military regime that had been in power since 1964 made a slow transition to democracy. Newspaper articles constitute one of the most important sources of information on the urban interventions, however, at the same time these articles tend to criticise and dismiss them for their amateurism, effectively excluding them from the history of contemporary Brazilian art. Such an attitude reveals a lack of awareness of the fact that this generation, known loosely as the independents, created works that deliberately lacked polish as a way of criticising mainstream cultural production. This article outlines analyses the traits of the independent aesthetic through consideration of several urban interventions in the areas of visual arts, performance and literature. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Brazil is traditionally regarded as having been distant from its Latin American neighbours. However, new documents show that it was actually very involved in the Cold War struggles that engulfed the Southern Cone during the early 1970s. In Chile, Bolivia and Uruguay, Brazil's military regime intervened to prevent or overturn left-wing gains. It also did its best to encourage the United States to play a greater role in fighting the region's Cold War. Finally, it served as the model that military leaders in the Southern Cone looked to as they plotted to seize power. Examining these direct and indirect forms of influence, with particular reference to the relationship between Brazil and Chile, this article argues that Brazil's experience after 1964 was a game changer when it came to the way in which the inter-American Cold War unfolded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the crônicas, or chronicles, of the political columnist Sérgio Porto, who wrote under the pen name Stanislaw Ponte Preta, within the populist Brazilian newspaper "Última Hora" during the 1960s. An overview Porto's use of the term "democradura" to depict the repressive nature of Brazil's military dictatorship, including in regard to the social conditions of fear and suspicion and the Brazilian right's fondness for sycophants, is provided. Porto's skepticism of Brazil's radical Left and his appeal to the country's political center are discussed.

The article discusses the origins of the Brazilian military government and the country's repressive social conditions during the 1960s. An overview of the alliance between the Catholic Church and Brazil's anticommunist political right, including the political activity of the archbishop of Diamantina, Brazil, Dom Geraldo Proença Sigaud, is provided. The role that the conservative columnist Gustavo Corção played in creating a panic in Brazil regarding morality and youth sexuality is discussed. An overview of the right wing terrorist organization the Brazilian Anticommunist Alliance (AAB) is provided. The article also discusses the impact that the Higher War College (Escola Superior de Guerra, or ESG) had on Brazilian national security doctrine.