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The article discusses the concepts of citizenship and conscription in the Confederate States of America during the U.S. Civil War. It examines concerns about border security among southern slaveholders, immigration reform in the Confederate Congress, and questions about the responsibilities of citizens. The article also discusses English immigrant Richard Ogden as an example of shifting Confederate attitudes concerning citizenship.

The article discusses nationalism among Mexicans and Mexican Americans in Texas from 1910 through 1940, including in regard to their sense of belonging, citizenship and the depiction of nationalism within literature. An overview of Mexican and Mexican Americans' sense of ethnic and national identity is provided. An overview of the impact that Mexico's Revolution of 1910 through 1920 had on the Mexican government's attempt to modernize the country into a nation-state is also provided.

Most nineteenth-century political debates over U.S. citizenship revolved around the claims of people, often African Americans or immigrants, who aspired to that status. But Native American citizenship's genealogy began instead with the United States assertion of the right to purchase or conquer the territory of its Indigenous neighbors, to replace them as its sole or primary inhabitants, and to make policy for the people thereby dispossessed. These very different histories of citizenship collided in 1866, when the U.S. Senate considered how to codify that status in the Civil Rights Act and Fourteenth Amendment. This article interprets these debates as the collision of an array of distinct and divergent settler colonial processes and experiences. It argues that the ultimate resolution—a half-articulated commitment to let local settler communities decide—both contradicted the ostensible purposes of the Civil Rights Act and accurately reflected how the era's settler colonial society understood the purposes and functions of Native citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As inhabitants of a US territory, Puerto Ricans experience their American citizenship under a set of constraints, shaped by processes of colonization, imperialism, and racialization. This paper is concerned with thinking through and developing a theorization of citizenship and life in Puerto Rico, by exploring the history and legislation of US citizenship for inhabitants of the island. It posits that the citizenship held by Puerto Ricans is a kind of disguised malignancy that cannot be understood solely by charting the legal history and formal status of the residents of the island. Instead, the citizenship of Puerto Ricans must be understood as a deeply racialized product of centuries of colonization and imperialism, the consequences of which are not easily shed and cannot be accounted for through liberal political theory. Rather, citizenship actually works to simultaneously cement and invisibilize the ways in which Puerto Rican lives are continuously rendered less valuable and their deaths less grievable. Regarding the citizenship of Puerto Ricans, I argue that racialization and racism are inherent to current United States-Puerto Rico relations. As such, this paper articulates 'malignant citizenship' as a term which accounts for the colonial/racial foundations and current iterations of citizenship for Puerto Ricans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses debate among African Americans in the northern U.S. during the U.S. Civil War concerning African American enlistment in the U.S. armed services and African American citizenship. The article discusses the demands of African Americans for full citizenship following then-U.S. president Abraham Lincoln's issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863. The author analyzes how debate among African Americans was manifested in several major African American newspapers of the day including the "Pine and Palm" of Boston, Massachusetts, New York City's "Anglo-African Weekly," and the "Christian Recorder" of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

This article contributes to histories of formal American imperialism by telling the stories of Filipinas/os and Puerto Ricans who, after 1899, became "noncitizen American nationals." Drawing on congressional, legal, and administrative sources, the article argues that noncitizen nationality was colonial subjecthood, a status invented to prevent island peoples from becoming U.S. citizens. Filipinas/os and Puerto Ricans were not the first U.S. colonial subjects, and this article shows how the similar status of "ward" had recently come to define the relationship between the U.S. and Native Americans. The article closes with an examination of some of the rights, liberties, opportunities, and obligations that gave substance and meaning to American colonial subjecthood in the early twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Responding to Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith's 2005 article, "Racial Orders in American Political Development" and new scholarship tracing racial fluidity, this article argues for an evolving "patchwork" of state and local legal-political formations regulating slavery and citizenship in the period 1790-1860. By 1840, this decentralized form of nation-building had generated six distinct regional orders from Upper New England to the Lower South. The patchwork was further complicated by three different versions of triracialism: a recognized "brown" mulatto caste in southern seaboard enclaves; dozens of local peoples ("triracial isolates") across the south and Mid-Atlantic, each claiming a peculiar identity other than black, white, or red; finally, that, with considerable regularity, white southerners recognized some people as "not-white" but also not-black. The essay concludes by arguing that, for African Americans, this exceptional heterogeneity provided multiple escape hatches from the subordination imposed by white supremacy, fostering a worldly politics that transcended all borders, local, state, and national. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Thirty-ninth Congress, which was elected in November 1864 and began its first session in December 1865, undertook three tasks: to restore the Union after the Civil War, to amend the Constitution to ensure citizenship to the freedmen, and to legislate federal guarantees for their civil rights. Considering the political constraints of their situation—a hostile President and intransigence in many of the states of the former Confederacy—this essay aims to catalogue and assess the achievements of that Congress. While the Fourteenth Amendment in the long run served its intended purpose and the Civil Rights and Reconstruction Acts secured for a while the integration of the freedmen into the polity, Reconstruction failed to win widespread consent and proved impossible, at least politically, to continuously enforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On New Year's Day in 1837, one American Indian man killed another in the western region of the Wisconsin Territory. This, at least was the ruling of the circuit court judge at Prairie du Chien. The facts of the case were not in dispute, a man named Chigawaasking shot and killed a man named Alfred Aitkin. The crime occurred at Red Cedar Lake in the newly organized Wisconsin Territory where both men resided. In a ruling that shocked the Aitkin family, the American judge presiding over the trial of Chigawaasking determined that "our laws did not recognize Indian murder," and he set the accused free. For the jury the issue at stake was not murder but race. Alfred Aitkin was the son of an American fur trader and an Anishinaabe woman. In order to adjudicate his murder as a crime at least one man involved in the incident needed to be white and or a citizen of the United States. When the jury examined the case, however, they could only see red. They ruled that both men were Natives and therefore non-citizens with no legal standing in an American court of law. This article examines the fate of both Chigawaasking and Alfred Aitkin in the context of America's western expansion, studying other murder trials involving Native assailants and their white and Native victims. These cases provide a means of thinking about America as a republic and as a colonial power whose expansion required the systematic dispossession of Native peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Japanese American Citizens League's (JACL) postwar campaign to secure U.S. citizenship eligibility for first-generation Japanese (Issei) as a civil rights effort that brought Japanese Americans into contention with African American and Afro-Caribbean community leaders during the height of the U.S. Cold War in East Asia. At the same time, JACL's disagreements with Chinese Americans and Japanese American liberals precluded any coherent Japanese or Asian American position on postwar immigration policy. The resulting 1952 McCarran-Walter Act formally ended Asians' exclusion from U.S. immigration and naturalization, even as a colonial quota in the law severely restricted black immigration from the Caribbean and galvanized black protest. This episode of black-Japanese tension complicates scholarly understandings of the liberalization of U.S. immigration and naturalization laws toward Asian peoples as analogous with or complementary to black civil rights gains in the postwar years. In so doing, it suggests the need to think more critically and historically about the cleavages between immigration and civil rights law, and between immigrant rights and civil rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance of the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1868 upon the legal definition of citizenship and the reexamination of the historiography of Reconstruction. The article also discusses the U.S. Supreme Court decision Plessy v. Ferguson, Chinese immigration to the U.S. during the 19th century, and learning and scholarship concerning Reconstruction.

This study contrasts Japanese American activism, centering on citizenship struggles surrounding the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act, to show alternatives to the emergence of the model minority trope. This complexity of activity worked to create and contest the making of a ‘‘successful’’ minority and ideas about U.S. democracy and equality at midcentury. Through a nuanced interpretation, this article reveals how certain narratives relied on a social progress framework and shifting global Cold War politics to create a ‘‘Japanese American Exceptionalism.’’ The little-known history of Japanese American Cold War progressivism shows the forging of deep solidarities and the refusal to promote domestic rights based on empire building. By inserting Japanese Americans into the ‘‘Long’’ freedom movement historiography, this article further examines intergenerational continuities and ruptures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay compares the American South and French Algeria from 1865 to roughly 1900. Their similarities and connections reveal the paradox of republicanism in an era of growing nation-state power. The Civil War's outcome, particularly slavery's abolition, inspired American and French liberals alike. But after bold initiatives to establish full citizenship for people of color in the 1860s, provincial, white rule was established in both territorial areas. Fears of socialism provoked by the Paris Commune figured in this pivot. The essay shows us transnational aspects of race-based, contingent citizenship in the post-slavery era of these two republican empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the minor details of suffering cats, I read The Adventures of Tom Sawyer as an exemplary illustration of the way in which American novels of individual development destabilize around the movement of minor bodies and minor characters. This destabilization allows not only an interrogation of the limits of US citizenship but also an exploration of how narratives may register something in excess of the citizen and the subject. Distinguishing between the antebellum (boy) characters' violent play with cats and the postbellum narrator's ludic play as cat, I argue that cats emerge in Tom Sawyer as captive bodies (among many hard-to-see captives). In the constrained but spectacular movements of these captive bodies, the novel troubles the particularly American freedom actualized in Tom's play and gestures to a fugitive or feral movement that, though necessary to Tom's development, always leaps beyond and in the way of efforts to produce a free, individual subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late 2015, debate among many US Republican presidential candidates focused on immigration policy, with one candidate who was hostile to America's immigration policy, opining that the 14th Amendment's definition of citizenship may be unconstitutional. This was the view of the GOP candidate who eventually won the Presidency. The question of citizenship, and the linked issue of rights, was contested in the early republic. Much of the quarrel revolved around the issue of slavery. At least three competing notions of citizenship and rights gained traction by the first half of the 19th century: one argued for citizenship and rights only for whites; another urged that "popular sovereignty" should determine rights and citizenship. A third insisted on an inclusive definition of citizenship. By 1868, the 14th Amendment underscored the latter view. But, as current affairs in America show, the bickering persists, often using arguments similar to those found in the early republic's squabbles. This essay explores the debate among the viewpoints articulated during the first half of the 19th century and seeks to draw out counsel for our own time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks back at a time before the emergence of Latino as a broad ethnoracial category in the U.S. in the 20th century. The author highlights the migration of Puerto Ricans to Chicago, Illinois, after World War II. He examines archives and scholarship on racial formation in order to explore the role of migration and citizenship in the formation of races in the country.

Studies demonstrate that citizenship norms and media use are important predictors of political behavior. However, it remains unclear how norms and patterns of media use influence different modes of political participation—both directly and in tandem. Here, we leverage original US survey data (N = 2200) to clarify how people’s attitudes about what it means to be a “good citizen” inform how they participate in politics, and whether certain types of media use moderate these relationships. In contrast to previous studies, we find that actualizing norms are associated with electoral, non-electoral, and individualized modes of political participation, but dutiful norms are not. In addition, although digital and traditional media use have distinct relationships with participation, there is little moderating influence. Collectively, these findings raise questions about whether the boundaries between dutiful and actualizing norms—and electoral and non-electoral participation, respectively—are still relevant in the contemporary media environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in the 2017 case Maslenjak v. United States which deals with American immigration and naturalization laws, and it mentions the U.S. Supreme Court's determination that if an underlying act is a false statement to government officials, the government must show that the falsehood influenced the decision to grant citizenship. Ethnic Serb Divna Maslenjak's application for naturalization in America is examined.

This article examines Alaska Native citizenship, civil rights, land, and sovereignty in territorial Alaska from the Indian Reorganization Act to Termination. I argue that during this key shift in Indian policy, territorial and federal ofcials, lawmakers, and corporate interests wielded the rhetoric of citizenship, equal rights, and "reverse discrimination" as tools of dispossession against Alaska Native land and sovereignty rights. I show how Alaska Natives challenged non-native assumptions that equal U.S. citizenship and native rights to land, sovereignty, and economic self-determination were mutually exclusive. Instead, Alaska Natives advanced a vision of citizenship in which their rights as native people and ownership of the land guaranteed their rights as citizens to participate fully in the social, political, and economic life of the territory and the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The flourishing of nativist political sentiments during the recent United States presidential election has resulted in popular speculation about who is, and who is not, a 'real' American. Foreign-born citizens' struggles to forge a sense of civic belonging amid fears of national disloyalty have significant precedent. This article examines one such historical episode, which centres on a claims commission established between the United States and Turkey during the interwar period. The American-Turkish Claims Commission was intended to aid the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two nations through the resolution of private claims. For the hundreds of Armenian-Americans who filed claims, the Commission provided an unparalleled opportunity to seek their new government's assistance in claiming compensation from the Republic of Turkey for losses incurred during the Armenian genocide. However, such faith was unwarranted, as the United States excluded from consideration all of the claims made by American citizens who were former Ottoman subjects. This article examines the reasons behind the exclusion of these claims and raises questions as to how immigrant communities can overcome the narrowing of what it means to be American both on the world stage and at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses International Institutes social workers' reactions to ethnic discrimination in U.S. naturalization legislation and immigration policy from 1924 through 1945. An overview of anti-Asianism in U.S. migration policies toward Chinese, Koreans and Japanese immigrants is provided. The role race and gender played in attaining U.S. citizenship is discussed.

The article discusses the history of U.S. censorship, violence and moral judgement in a wartime democracy from 1941 through 1945. It reexamines war censorship to rethink the relationship between liberal democracy in the U.S. and international violence. It attempts to make three related arguments on military press censorship, that censors actively encouraged analogous textual reporting, and that censors and journalists both shared a language of realism and toughness while demanding the public to confront the negative aspects of internationalism as a duty of citizenship.

This paper analyzes a number of cases in which Puerto Rico-born individuals found that they lacked Jones Act citizenship, twenty-two years after the passage of the law. Letters written to Congressman Vito Marcantonio reveal that these petitioners utilized narratives of citizenship to counteract their lack of legal and social belonging, and dominant discourses which placed the Puerto Rican community outside of the boundaries of the North American body politic. Acting on instrumental, rather than ideological grounds, the petitioners fought to protect the most crucial rights of Puerto Rican U.S. citizenship--namely, mobility and right of abode. The seeming contradictions between their political positions on the rightful status of Puerto Rico and their self-advocacy should be seen, instead, as efforts to ensure conditions that would allow for their empowerment and continued work toward their vision of the Puerto Rican cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author comments on the articles in this issue, which focus on the Jones Act of 1917, which extended U.S. citizenship to Puerto Rico.

Documents related to citizenship in collections at the Archives of American Art testify to artists' and art historians' struggles to secure a place in the US. As nativist sentiments have reentered the political mainstream, this essay highlights the welcoming vision of American identity embedded in the Archives' mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which addresses various issues including military imperialism, race, martial citizenship, and minority American transnationalism during the Cold War period. Changes involving U.S. immigration and ethnic history are examined, along with issues involving European and non-European immigrants in America. The use of minority military service as a form of migration is assessed, along with the history of the U.S. Air Force and civil rights during the Cold War era.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics related to the U.S. Civil War including the concept of citizenship among Confederates and military movement, in addition to announcements pertaining to the American Civil War Museum.

This article investigates the relationship between American political culture and grassroots environmentalism in the 1970s. To do so, it examines how the white working class residents of Love Canal, New York, claimed health and a healthy environment as rights of citizenship. To date, the Canal has remained a sore spot for environmental scholarship; this article demonstrates how the analytic difficulties posed by the Canal stem from the crosscurrents of American political culture in the late 1970s. Canal residents put their local experience into several larger frames of reference: the rights and responsibilities of citizenship, the plight of Cuban and Vietnamese refugees, and a culture of skepticism toward government and medical authority. Residents' use of these frameworks illustrates two broader points about American political culture in the late 1970s. First, the claim to health as a right rather than a privilege, articulated by health radicals throughout the 1960s, had by the late 1970s been decoupled from its origins in left-liberal struggles. Second, the crosscurrents of localism, nativism, racism, and anti-authoritarianism characteristic of the reactionary populism of urban working-class whites could, quite logically for their proponents, co-exist with rights-based claims to health and a healthy environment. Love Canal demands that we embed our narratives about the development of environmental politics--environmental justice in particular--within a broader story about deregulation, the rise of the New Right, and the political and economic marginalization of the working class in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to illuminate the ways in which the Philadelphia Bible Riots were generated by Catholic demands for access to the rights of citizens. The rhetorical importance of the right to religious free exercise and right to education were key features of American citizenship during the mid-1800s. Doubts about Catholics' ability to participate as citizens and claim these rights in American democracy sparked controversy over Catholic demands. The discourse of rights, however, and their widening application to more populations than just white, landholding Protestants was gaining rhetorical force. The riot can be framed as an exercise of popular sovereignty by white Protestant nativists who made attempts to enforce the "natural" order of the community. As Catholics publicly demanded rights to freedom of conscience, and rights to decide the form of education in public schools, the Protestant majority pushed back by violently asserting traditional boundaries around who could act as citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because Filipino Americans are racially categorized as Asians today, many scholars presume that they were automatically included within the provisions of the alien land laws at the time of their legislation. The following article suggests that the racial status of Filipino Americans, during this early period, was much more ambiguous. Instead, most Americans perceived Filipinos in relation to Native and African-Americans. The Alien Land Laws (1913-1952) were, together with anti-miscegenation laws and the Tydings-McDuffie Act, a regime of legal policies that eventually transformed Filipinos into Asians by 1934. Meanwhile, their racial ambiguity provided early Filipino immigrants with significant opportunities to challenge their exclusion in American society, and especially the alien land laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the Mississippi Choctaws engaged state citizenship in the years immediately following removal. I challenge the standard narrative of Choctaws’ relationships with the Mississippi legal system as one in which they were primarily victimized by unscrupulous lawyers and state officials. I argue instead that Choctaws used their new status as citizens to fight back against dispossession. I also examine how ideals of masculinity and class conflicts shaped interpretations of rights and obligations between Indians and whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the spring of 1919, the National Woman's Party sponsored the Prison Special, a cross-country train tour of 26 white women who had been jailed as a result of their protest activity for woman suffrage. Using visual, embodied, and verbal enactments of imprisonment and civic action, the Prison Special constituted white women's citizenship through simultaneous rhetorics of inclusion and expulsion. The Prison Special's foregrounding of white women's martial capabilities, respectability, and vulnerability justified white women's inclusion in the category of citizen. The Prison Special's contrast of the imprisoned white suffragists to Black women co-prisoners participated in the expulsion of Black women from the category of citizen. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Between 1790 and 1952, naturalization was reserved primarily for "free white persons." Asian immigrants were deemed non-white and racially ineligible for citizenship by legislation and the courts. European immigrants and, importantly, Mexican immigrants were considered white by law and eligible for naturalization. Yet, few Mexicans acquired US citizenship. By 1930, only 9 percent of Mexican men had naturalized, compared to 60 percent of southern and eastern Europeans and 80 percent of northern and western Europeans. If Mexicans were legally white, why did they rarely acquire citizenship in the early decades of the 20th century? We go beyond analyses focused on formal law or individual-level determinants to underscore the importance of region and non-white social status in influencing naturalization. Using 1930 US Census microfile data, we find that while individual characteristics (e.g., length of residence and literacy) explain some of the gulf in citizenship, the context of reception mattered nearly as much. Even if Mexicans were "white by law," they were often judged nonwhite in practice, which significantly decreased their likelihood of naturalizing. Moreover, the more welcoming political and social climate of the Northeast and Midwest, where most European migrants lived, facilitated their acquisition of American citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A response is offered to the essays within the issue by authors David S. Shields and Fredrika J. Teute on citizenship, women's rights and social power in the U.S. during the 1790s. The depiction of the social conditions of women within the 1749 English fictional book "Clarissa, or The History of a Young Lady," by Samuel Richardson, including its depiction of efforts to force the main character Clarissa Harlow to marry a man she found repulsive, is discussed.

An essay is presented on the concept of race neutrality among German Americans and the appeal of race neutrality in U.S. politics, particularly concerning questions of citizenship and universal suffrage, following the U.S. Civil War. The article discusses editor Peter V. Deuster and his publication the "Milwaukee Seebote," the influence of the U.S. Republican Party and the U.S. Democratic Party upon race politics during and after the U.S. Civil War, and the war correspondence of German American soldier Adam Muenzenberger.

The article discusses the U.S. Congress' power to define the privileges and immunities of American citizenship. The ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution (USC) is addressed, along with equality and the passage of America's Civil Rights Act of 1866. The Privileges and Immunities Clause contained in the Fourteenth Amendment to the USC is examined, along with positive law and natural rights such as property ownership. Several U.S. Supreme Court cases are also mentioned.

This article examines the deportation proceedings of Nicolas Flores to interrogate larger issues of race, citizenship, and belonging in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. The case demonstrates how concepts of race based on culture and biology, and the fact that Flores lacked racial capital, helped cast doubt on his citizenship and even reinscribed him as an immigrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's race statistics are inadequate to the policy challenges of the twenty-first century, especially for social justice and immigrant incorporation policy. But inertial forces – technical and political – complicate change. Overcome technical barriers by taking advantage of an experiment fielded in 2010. To miss that opportunity would be a huge failure. Political barriers are more difficult. Start with what is familiar – more emphasis on national origin – and add flexibility and granularity, both are politically desirable. Introduce change without disrupting the existing policy practices. Phase in improvements gradually, taking advantage of generational turnover. One generation changes the statistical basis for policy. The next generation, which has grown up with the new statistics, implements the policy changes. An example of how this works is found in the multiple-race option introduced in the 2000 census but probably not put to policy use until after the 2030 census. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the letter writing of black railroad workers to the United States Railroad Administration during World War I. Engaging with scholarship on the African American experience during the war years, the article considers the ways in which ordinary African Americans acted on the opportunities presented by the mobilization for challenging Jim Crow and seeking racial justice. The article disagrees with interpretations that see the war period as one of promise but ultimately failure and disappointment for advocates of racial justice. Rather, attention to the epistolary undertakings of black railroaders reveals how letter writing itself figured as a form of political action through which black workers sought to bend the state to their purposes. The content of black railwaymen's letters demonstrates the importance of citizenship and the centrality of economic justice to civil rights activism. Moreover, these letters illustrate how letter writing could be empowering. Not only did black workers demand fair treatment at work but in the course of writing many of them also fashioned themselves as fully endowed citizens. In Jim Crow America, in a society and culture that publicly denied African Americans agency as well as basic rights and liberties, the capacity of letter writing to facilitate “self-narration” against dominant exclusionary definitions of citizenship helped African Americans, in the words of historian Chad Williams, “resist white supremacy, affirm their citizenship, and assert their humanity.” [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that historians' understanding of the establishment of the quota system in the 1920s can be improved if ‘nativist’ organisations such as the Immigration Restriction League are not interpreted as a natural psychological reaction to an increase in immigration, but in the context of a new mode of power. The article compares the League's mode of operation and their attempts to convince other citizens of the necessity of restriction with the settlement movement. This comparison, it is argued, reveals that despite their radically different underlying rationales, both sides aimed at transforming individuals into better citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Objective This study investigates inequalities in the distribution of citizenship status among immigrants in Canada and the United States between 1970 and 2001. It is motivated by a desire to probe deeper into the gap in citizenship rates between the two countries. Methods Logistic regression analysis of census data is used to predict the odds of citizenship among the foreign born, controlling for a range of factors. Results There has been a growing inequality in the distribution of citizenship in the United States, but not in Canada. Low rates of citizenship hide the appearance of a large disparity in citizenship between those with the lowest levels of education and everyone else. These results cannot be entirely ascribed to the presence of undocumented immigrants. Conclusion Persistent and large inequalities in citizenship leave the already disadvantaged unskilled immigrants without access to rights, representation, security, or job and educational opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]