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China's deepening ties to Iran, evident in the comprehensive strategic partnership (CSP) signed in 2021 after five years of stalled progress, is not an indication of a revisionist Chinese approach to the Gulf region. In fact, its CSPs with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, already activated and implemented, are at far more mature levels, commensurate with China's deep levels of economic and political engagement with the Arab side of the Gulf. This is consistent with a strategic hedging approach that Beijing has used to build a sustainable presence without disrupting a competitive and fragile regional order. With far larger and more diverse interests in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, China's partnership with Iran creates leverage due to the asymmetry inherent in the China‐Iran relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recent Journal of Politics article, Daniela Campello and Cesar Zucco argue that Latin American voters credit and blame presidents for economic outcomes unambiguously exogenous to their policy choices, a claim that undermines broadly held understandings of how voters hold politicians accountable. While we concur on the importance of the global economy to politics in the region, we challenge their study on two grounds. First, we question their designation of economies as fitting a low-savings commodity-exporting profile as the key factor shaping the influence of world markets on presidential success. Second, we contend that the impact of the world economy on domestic politics depends instead on the degree of control exercised by national policy makers. In particular, the region's unprecedented experiment with economic policy regimes informs voters' assignment of responsibility to policy makers. A series of analyses provides support for our argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the importance of political factors in the development of China-Japan economic relations over the last four decades. The China-US reconciliation and the rise of the pro-China Japanese Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei (1972–1974) led to the normalization of China-Japan relations in 1972. The bilateral political rapport was further consolidated in the face of the common threat in the Soviet Union. With the strengthening political relations, the bilateral economic exchanges were gradually developed. Nonetheless, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, mounting Sino-US tension, China's growing assertiveness, and rising nationalism in both China and Japan, the Sino-Japanese bilateral political relations have been deteriorating. The escalating political tensions have impacted bilateral economic relations, including declining Japanese investment in China, weakening bilateral trade, and decreasing Japanese visitors to China. Despite improving bilateral political relations in recent years, it is uncertain how long these friendly gestures by the leaders of the two countries may last given several unsettled territorial and historical issues. The growing tension between the United States and China further adds uncertainty to China-Japan relations in the future. Without strong political relations, weakening economic ties cannot be easily restored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What led to the boom of Chinese development cooperation in Latin America? This article provides a systematic analysis of China's foreign behavior, motives, and policies regarding development cooperation toward the region between 2000 and 2014. I propose a comparative framework that defines Chinese development cooperation as a tool of economic diplomacy. Drawing on empirical evidence from AidData's Global Chinese Official Finance Dataset and Chinese white papers on foreign aid, the findings evidence that China was motivated by multiple and conjunctural factors in providing development cooperation. In the realm of theory, the article contributes to the literature on economic statecraft—filling in gaps in understanding the relationship between economics and politics. Empirically, it provides a set of tools for understanding the important role that development cooperation plays in a nation's statecraft. Regarding Chinese foreign policy studies, it offers insight into the financial dimension of China's international economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the challenge posed by flawed democracies or political regime to the rise of China and its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Topics discussed are attempts of political leaderships in Nepal, Malaysia, Pakistan and Maldives to influence the direction of China's development efforts and flaws in the design of BRI including investment of China in corruption, scale of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) financial obligations and demand for local participation in BRI projects.

One of the most striking developments in the global economy in the past decades is the rapid proliferation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), with many of them concluded among or with participation of developing countries. On the presumption that current popular debates on trade policy are not so much about whether citizens want free trade but rather what kinds of trade liberalization they want, we examine individual trade policy preferences with regard to PTAs that can vary in content along several dimensions. To that end we carried out conjoint choice experiments embedded in representative surveys in three developing countries that differ strongly in income levels, political system, and trade liberalization history: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Vietnam. We conceptualize trade policy preferences as preferences over the scale and scope of trade liberalization, environmental and labor standards, and labor market access (migration). Two main findings emerge. First, non-economic considerations, such as sympathy/antipathy toward particular countries and environmental and labor rights concerns influence citizens’ preferences at least as much as factors based on standard economic logic. Second, preferences over particular facets (attributes) of trade liberalization, that is PTA content, are surprisingly consistent across countries, despite strong differences in macro-economic and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As foreign direct investment (FDI) has become increasingly important in the world economy, a large body of literature has emerged regarding the determinants of FDI flows. Some scholars argue that democracy attracts FDI through the mechanism of political constraints, which reduce the risk of negative policy changes. However, the value of policy stability should be conditional on the attractiveness of contemporary FDI-relevant policies. I therefore propose a theoretically more comprehensive argument: political constraints are attractive to investors when the host country policy environment is FDI-friendly, because these political constraints reduce the probability of negative policy changes in the future. When the policy environment is hostile to FDI, on the other hand, political constraints will have little positive effect, and, to the extent they indicate that FDI-relevant policies are unlikely to improve, may even deter FDI. This argument helps explain why the positive relationship between democracy and FDI seems to emerge after a global shift toward FDI-friendly polices. I find robust empirical support for the argument in tests covering more than 100 developing countries from 1970 to 2014, indicating significant effects using a variety of policy and political constraint measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do economic sanctions affect presidential approval? Competing claims have been made about the domestic political consequences of economic sanctions. One claim is that sanctions are unpopular because they have negative economic consequences; another claim is that sanctions are popular because they project an image of strength; and another claim is that sanctions are neither popular nor unpopular because the public is uninformed about international affairs. These arguments imply competing identification restrictions. I test these competing models using a Bayesian Structural Vector Autoregression (B-SVAR) model. The results show that sanctions have a moderate negative effect on presidential approval. I use these findings as a basis for a broader set of auxiliary analyses. Despite received wisdom, sanctions imposed for different reasons against different target states do not produce disparate effects on public opinion. These analyses resolve an important empirical dilemma that weighs on a range of theoretical perspectives in the sanctions literature and highlights fruitful avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing a long-standing debate in international relations scholarship, this study shows that international governmental organizations (IGOs) with high economic leverage over their member states, such as some development banks, substantially lower the risk that political disputes experience the use of military force. Empirical tests covering cases of disputatious claims and international crises since 1946 make use of a new classification of IGOs that have economic leverage and use it toward increasing states’ cost of using force in disputes. When pairs of states are subject to the economic leverage of IGOs, they are substantially less likely to use force. For the understanding and practice of interstate dispute resolution and international conflict more generally, the study suggests a specific linkage between institutionalized economic interdependence and conflict escalation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study investigates the effect of the July 3rd 2013 events on Egyptian-Turkish political and economic relations. The relevant history is reviewed in the period 1996-2006. Though they witnessed ups and downs, they saw unprecedented improvement in the times of former Egyptian President Mohammad Mursi, but deteriorated upon the 2013 incidents. When Mursi was brought down, political and economic relations declined, as some trade deals were cancelled and mutual diplomatic representation waned. With regard to the future, it is concluded that there are three scenarios. The first is the persistence of the status quo. The second is further deterioration until severing the ties. The third, which is the most optimistic, is an improvement achieved through intercession by a super power or each country's acceptance of the reality and attempt to avoid future dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how China's economic cooperation affects authoritarian persistence elsewhere. For the period 1998-2008, the article assesses quantitatively whether the effects of economic cooperation from China vary, conditioned by the regime type of the recipient. The analysis finds that China's economic cooperation is associated with regime durability in party-based regimes. In non-party regimes, in contrast, it is associated with regime collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing economic presence of China around the world is a widely recognized reality. China's expanding economic relations with other developing countries have generated both positive and negative reactions. Many believe that the increasing economic ties between China and these countries will enhance China's political influence and encourage political cooperation between China and other countries in the Global South. How strong is the economic–political link? This article examines this question in the context of Sino–Latin American relations in recent years. It finds that thus far China's expanding economic relations with the region have not had a significant spillover effect into the political realm. The article provides preliminary explanations of the missing link between the economic and the political. It calls for more nuanced ways to apply familiar international relations paradigms to understanding the implications of the rise of China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Liberal intergovernmentalism explains the politics to cope with the euro area crisis by the constellation of national preferences and bargaining power and by institutional choices designed to commit euro area countries credibly to the currency union. National preferences resulted from high negative interdependence in the euro area and the fiscal position of its member states: a common preference for the preservation of the euro was accompanied by divergent preferences regarding the distribution of adjustment costs. These mixed motives constituted a ‘chicken game’ situation characterized by hard intergovernmental bargaining and brinkmanship. Whereas negotiations produced a co-operative solution averting the breakdown of the euro area and strengthening the credibility of member state commitments, asymmetrical interdependence resulted in a burden-sharing and institutional design that reflected German preferences predominantly. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When and how will personal financial (aka “pocketbook”) concerns drive citizens’ political decisions? Scholars remain puzzled by the mismatch between the expectation that pocketbook voting should occur and the reality that, according to most findings, it usually does not. Using original survey data collected immediately after Iceland’s second “Icesave” referendum (2011), I first report the results of an embedded experiment that successfully evokes greater pocketbook concern. Next, I analyze the determinants of retrospective pocketbook evaluations, showing that priming effects are conditioned by political sophistication such that high sophisticates are among the most likely to report negative economic assessments. I then turn to the consequences of these egocentric views for government approval. Mediation analysis confirms a significant indirect effect, suggesting that subjective pocketbook evaluations exert a strong influence on political attitudes that has been hidden in prior work. Results illuminate the contextual, cognitive, and causal circumstances under which pocketbook effects transpire and suggest new ways in which self-interest might matter for attitudes toward international political economy issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The use of surveys and survey experiments by international political economy scholars is increasing, adding to the ability to study a broad array of topics. In doing so, many scholars in international political economy draw on—and are contributing to—insights and arguments from American politics and comparative politics (Milner 1998), substantive fields with a history of using surveys and survey experiments. In this article, I review motivations for using surveys and survey experiments, the research designs, and analysis strategies in light of this issue’s contributions. I contrast these motivations and their accompanying designs and discuss the pros and cons of ways to approach the data generated by these research designs. The goal of this commentary is to situate surveys and survey experiments—especially those within the special issue—within a larger discussion about research motivations, design, and analysis techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The contributions to this issue show that surveys and experiments offer exciting new tools for doing empirical research in international political economy (IPE). This essay cautions that the utility of these tools is not self-evident: Neither appeals to microfoundations nor to methodological individualism in constructing explanations for social phenomena themselves recommend an embrace of surveys or experiments. The field of IPE should worry that the focus on surveys and experiments will constrain not just methodological choice but also theoretical breadth, limiting the field’s ability to conceive of what theories are admissible in learning about the global political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Studies in international political economy (IPE) that use survey-response data sets and survey (or field) experiments have grown dramatically in recent years. New developments in survey and experimental methodology have arguably influenced IPE scholars not only to think more deeply about the microfoundations of the preferences, attitudes, and political behavior of key IPE actors but also to use survey or experimental methods to test causal claims and predictions. Yet the reasons for the rapid growth in survey and experimental methods in IPE are more multifaceted. We therefore seek to answer the following three pertinent questions in the introduction. First, what are the main substantive puzzles and issue-areas that IPE scholars analyze via survey and experimental methods in their research? Second, what are the main methodological advantages and drawbacks from using survey and experimental methods in IPE? Third, what are the key substantive theoretical and empirical insights that scholars have learned from recent research in IPE that employs either survey or experimental methods (or both)? In addition to answering these questions here, we also provide a summary of each article included in the special issue. The introduction concludes with a road map for future studies on survey and experimental research in IPE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims understand the role about industrialization in the traditional European geopolitics though. How the economic progress was important to the antique late capitalism countries, as Germany, and to the Third Worlds group could contest the North-South structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the considerable sovereignty costs involved, the adoption of modern investment treaties by practically all developing countries presents somewhat of a puzzle. Based on a review of leading explanations of investment treaty diffusion, the article advances a new theory using behavioral economics insights on cognitive heuristics. In line with recent work on policy diffusion, it suggests that a bounded rationality framework has considerable potential to explain why, and how, developing countries have adopted modern investment treaties. To illustrate the potential of this approach, the case of South Africa is studied in depth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study revisits the political effect of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) on the level of democracy in developing countries. The author finds that FDI has dual political effects based on the panel corrected standard error (PCSE) analysis using panel data covering 124 developing countries from 1970 to 2005. Although the political effect of aggregate FDI is negative, FDI from developed democracies exerts a significant positive effect on democracy. FDI in the primary sector plays a negative role in the political development in developing countries. The author also finds a regional difference in the political effect of FDI due to uneven distribution of disaggregated FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there are some explicit political and security dimensions to Turkish foreign policy in the Gulf region, the overall rationale is economic. This paper examines the active Turkish foreign policy, the complex dynamics in the Gulf where Turkey could offer possible alternative solutions for regional and international problems, and the extent to which the bilateral economic objectives which are being pursued in the Gulf will inevitably generate a more substantial political and strategic role for Turkey. The following political and economic issues with some convergences and divergences between Turkey and the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) countries will be discussed: how the moderating role of Turkey began to gain substance as a unique example of modernization in the aftermath of the nascent political Arab Spring events in the Gulf and how the substantial increase of business and trade levels resulted in the improvement of relations between Turkey and the GCC countries. The fundamental premise in this paper will be that Turkey–GCC ties have to go beyond preferential trading partnerships and address a number of primary political challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Turkey is in the process of formulating its new foreign-policy discourse on Sub-Saharan Africa. The emerging discourse is reaching for old themes like Ottomanism and Islamic humanitarianism, and for newer themes such as “the trading-state.” The Turkish experience of Sub-Saharan Africa is not rich, and hence the reliance of actors on themes developed in geographical regions quite other than Sub-Saharan Africa. Typically in the early stages of such discourse, its themes reflect images of the major actors more than the realities. As actors' understanding of a subject area improves, the early themes of a discourse are necessarily adjusted to accommodate the issues that emerge in that area. Adjustment happens also in response to various agents' critical commentaries. It is, therefore, a foregone conclusion that the foreign-policy discourse on Sub-Saharan Africa that has emerged so far will undergo constant adjustment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the face of a rising China, some scholars have argued that ASEAN countries will choose to either bandwagon with or balance against China, while others believe they will respond with a more moderate policy known as ‘hedging’. In considering these options, ASEAN countries must take into account their individual interests within the economic and security structure of this region. In this research, we argue that each ASEAN country confronts divergent sets of security and economic relations with China, which play a major role in shaping their policy responses. We can characterize their responses into four quadrants. Each cell can be categorized in terms of a high or low degree of threat perception (HT or LT) from China, as well as a positive or negative economic expectation (PE or NE) with China. We thus hypothesize that ASEAN countries in the HT–NE situation will balance against China; those in the LT–PE situation will bandwagon with China; those in the HT–PE or LT–NE situations will hedge against China. Hypotheses are supported by three case studies, Vietnam–China (HT–NE), Cambodia–China (LT–PE) and Singapore–China (HT–PE) relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the interplay of homophily (similarity breeds connection) at two levels in international trade-dyadic similarity (geographic, political, and cultural proximity) and systemic similarity (structural equivalence and world-system status). First, there is a substitution effect between dyadic homophily and systemic homophily from structural equivalence. Both types of homophily generate favorable social structure that facilitates international trade. The existence of structural equivalence lessens the dependence of bilateral trade on dyadic homophily. Second, there is a stratification effect of world-system status on dyadic homophily. Geographic homophily matters the most for bilateral trade between two noncore countries, while political and cultural homophily is the most influential for trade between a core country and a noncore country. These two findings have important implications. The substitution effect of structural equivalence prevents international trade from complete fragmentation along geographic, political, and cultural lines, while the stratification effect of world-system status reveals unequal capacity across countries to overcome the structural constraints imposed by dyadic homophily. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

W. Arthur Lewis, originario de la isla de Santa Lucía, fue profesor de economía política en varias universidades y trabajó para las Naciones Unidas en el decenio de 1950, tras lo cual continuó el ejercicio de su carrera en la Universidad de Princeton. Fue galardonado con el Premio Nobel de Economía en 1979, junto con T. W. Schultz, por sus trabajos sobre economía del desarrollo. Su contribución más importante a esta rama de la disciplina, todavía balbuceante en 1954, fue un trabajo publicado en dicho año en el que presenta un modelo simplificado según el cual la economía de los países pobres está dividida en dos sectores, el tradicional y el moderno. El primero comprende la agricultura de subsistencia, el trabajo por cuenta propia y diversas actividades urbanas, y el segundo está constituido por las grandes plantaciones, la agricultura comercial y la industria. Esta dualidad, que se conceptualiza en la actualidad en términos de sector formal e informal, ha perdurado, ya que la transición del sector tradicional al sector moderno, que en aquel entonces se daba por descontado, no ha adoptado la forma esperada. Destacaremos asimismo el pesimismo de Sir Arthur Lewis en relación con la posibilidad de que el comercio internacional sea el motor del crecimiento en los países poco desarrollados. En esto difería de Jan Tinbergen1, como puede verse en el artículo que reproducimos a continuación, en el que Lewis resume las conclusiones de una reunión de economistas convocada por la Oficina Internacional del Trabajo en 1969 con el fin de recabar asesoramiento en cuestiones de investigación para el Programa Mundial del Empleo que acababa de iniciarse. Los economistas reunidos analizaron las posibles causas macroeconómicas del desempleo en los países poco desarrollados: superpoblación, restricciones a las exportaciones, sobrevaluación de la moneda, productividad escasa del trabajo y propensión excesiva a la importación. Las cosas han cambiado bastante desde entonces, pero siguen manteniéndose ciertos elementos en el debate sobre economía y desarrollo, concretamente las cuestiones de los tipos de interés y del papel de los intercambios. Destacaremos asimismo la conclusión de Sir Arthur Lewis de que «la solución del problema, en su mayor parte, depende de la política macroeconómica, y no de expedientes aislados». [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amartya Sen fue galardonado con el Premio Nobel de Economía en 1998. Con una obra que se sitúa en el punto de encuentro entre economía y filosofía, se trata sin duda de uno de los autores más creativos del momento presente. Abordó la cuestión del empleo en un libro que se ha convertido en referencia obligada titulado Employment, technology and development (Empleo, tecnología y desarrollo) que había preparado por encargo de la OIT en el marco del Programa Mundial del Empleo en 1975 y que sirvió de base para un artículo de la Revista (vol. 92, núm. 1) publicado ese mismo año: «Empleo, instituciones y tecnología. Algunos problemas de política». Su análisis de las funciones esenciales del empleo, a saber, el reconocimiento social, los ingresos y la producción, ha sido una contribución definitiva a la comprensión del papel del trabajo en la vida moderna. La Revista publicó un segundo artículo de este autor en 1997 (vol. 116, núm. 2), titulado «Desigualdad y desempleo en la Europa contemporánea». En él aborda concretamente los problemas que el desempleo genera, los cuales no se limitan a la pérdida de ingresos que supone, compensable mediante prestaciones sociales. El desempleo merma asimismo las calificaciones de la persona que lo sufre, así como su motivación, su equilibrio psíquico y su vida familiar, su lugar en la sociedad y su contribución ciudadana. Tiene además efectos aún más insidiosos: tiende a acentuar las desigualdades entre mujeres y hombres y entre diferentes comunidades étnicas, obstaculiza el cambio y la innovación tecnológica y empuja prematuramente a la jubilación a personas perfectamente aptas aún para trabajar. Su costo social es, pues, descomunal. El autor compara las posiciones europea y americana en relación con el empleo y aborda la cuestión de la responsabilidad individual. La reducción del desempleo masivo que sufre Europa no solo es imperativa, sino también una condición previa al ejercicio de dicha responsabilidad. En apoyo de esta tesis, el autor concluye el artículo con una advertencia contra una idea muy en boga en aquel momento: antes de instar a las personas desempleadas a volver al trabajo en nombre de la responsabilidad individual con incentivos diversos (entre ellos coercitivos), es necesario que existan suficientes empleos. La Revista publicó un tercer artículo de Amartya Sen en 2000 (vol. 119, núm. 2), titulado «Trabajo y derechos», que es el que reproducimos a continuación. En dicho año, la OIT lanza su concepto de trabajo decente para todos, materia obligada para todo el que se niege a disociar economía y filosofía moral. En dicho artículo el autor define cuatro condiciones para garantizar un trabajo decente en el contexto de la globalización. La primera es analizar los diversos problemas que se plantean conjuntamente, desde una perspectiva universal, en lugar de concentrarse en los problemas de ciertos grupos de trabajadores. La segunda supone el reconocimiento de los derechos generales que trascienden el orden jurídico. La tercera consiste en abordar el trabajo desde una perspectiva amplia, a un tiempo económica, política y social, que tenga en cuenta los valores democráticos. La cuarta es la exigencia de superar los límites de las relaciones «internacionales» adoptando un enfoque verdaderamente mundial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the effects of organizational memory on decision making with particular reference to British foreign policy regarding trade with Bulgaria in the years immediately preceding the Second World War. It argues that British policy, in conjunction with that of other Allied powers, pushed Bulgaria into a state of economic dependence on Nazi Germany. Bulgaria desired neutrality but eventually had to succumb to the pressures of its economic lifeline and join the war on the side of the Axis powers. These British policies were heavily influenced by the institutional memory of Bulgaria as an enemy from the First World War. The particulars of the organizational structure of the British Foreign Office meant little change in policy would occur right up to the beginning of the war, in spite of the recognized strategic importance of Bulgaria becoming an Allied partner or, at least, remaining neutral. This structure also contributed to an ongoing cultural bias that further reinforced rigidity in British policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El trabajo aborda, en síntesis, los derroteros que han seguido los vínculos entre China y los países de América Latina. Recoge las coyunturas que gravitaron, en diferentes momentos, después de la proclamación de la "Nueva China" en 1949, en el establecimiento y desarrollo de las relaciones político-económicas. Enfatiza en el giro que se vislumbra, a partir del año 2004, en los vínculos sino-latinoamericanos, después de la visita efectuada por Hu Jintao, a varios países del Continente. Señala, entre otras cuestiones, las oportunidades y retos que abre para América Latina el mercado de China, ya sea en calidad de destino de las exportaciones tradicionales latinoamericanas, así como alternativas para la obtención de créditos, tecnologías y relaciones sin condicionamientos políticos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses what the authors refer to as the importance of continued U.S. investments in a global health security movement, and it mentions America's launch of the Global Health Security Agenda (GHSA) in 2014 and international efforts to prevent epidemics involving diseases such as Ebola. According to the article, U.S. funding for the GHSA is ending and American President Donald Trump's administration has failed to commit to future financial support.