Search

Problem Definition: What are the reasons for Saudi Arabia's conservative foreign policy shift to an aggressive approach after the Arab spring in Yemen? Purpose: Investigating and analyzing the causes of the Saudi military invasion of Yemen from two geopolitical and ideological aspects and its impact on Saudi Arabia's balancing policy with Iran. Methodology: The study was conducted using the descriptive-analytic method. Data collection method was library one using scientific and research papers and online sites. The theoretical framework of this paper was derived from the theory of balance of power, which emphasizes the (relative) equality of power between the two rival blocs, providing a useful theoretical framework for examining the shift in the conservative approach of Saudi foreign policy to the aggressive approach following the Arab spring developments in Yemen. Result: The findings of this article suggest that Ansarullah's full control over Yemen could change the balance of power for Iran's benefit by endangering Saudi security (provoking Shiites in the south and east as well as threatening oil transit through the strategic Bab al- Mandab Strait) and expand its sphere of influence in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia has changed its conservative foreign policy approach to an aggressive foreign policy towards Yemen after changes in Islamic awakening for expanding its influence and maximizing its security on the one hand and to curb the expansion of Iranian influence in the region with the aim of weakening the axis of resistance and balancing strategy on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines why US‐made and US‐supplied weapons consistently appear in conflicts around the world, despite the United States having what is commonly lauded as the 'gold standard' of national arms export control systems. On paper, US law and policy discourage arms transfers to areas engaged in or at risk of conflict. US arms export controls also informed the creation of the UN Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), which provides legally binding conventional arms export criteria. Yet in the recent Yemen, Syria and Libya conflicts, among many others, the United States has directly supplied or indirectly facilitated the supply of weapons to conflict parties. This article highlights two factors that help to account for this apparent policy failure: the flexible design of US law and policy and the inherent challenges of ensuring that weapons in conflict zones—especially small arms—go to and stay with their intended recipients. These findings have important implications for US foreign policy, ATT implementation and the human costs of conflict around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military intervention in Yemen is analysed in this paper within a context dominated by the United Arab Emirates (UAE). There are several scholarly works regarding the Emirates' involvement in Yemen, but there are only a few about the recent series of transformations that the policymaking has undergone. This research aims to fill this gap by arguing that the prioritisation of national interest has transformed the Emirati policy regarding Yemen from 'bandwagoning' to 'buck-passing'. The main objective in this paper is to scrutinise the UAE's motivations in engaging in a buck-passing strategy towards Qatar and Saudi Arabia. From this point of view, any proper examination of the UAE's drivers in policy change must begin by investigating the relationship between internal and external motivations. The assessment combines levels of systemic and individual dimensions in order to examine two main motivations as to why the buck-passing is articulated to bandwagoning. A structural complexity is embedded in the UAE's strategies. Prioritisation of economic gains over military interests and the consolidation of internal power are two reasons for such policy transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comparative descriptive study sought to determine the impact of glocalization on international social work education. Using quantitative methods, this study reports objective findings for a randomly selected, non-probability, purposive sample of 178 faculty members who were geographically distributed among faculties and departments of social work at 22 universities in eight Arab countries. The primary research instrument used was a standardized paper and pencil questionnaire. Data analysis of the responses of the faculty members found that participants’ attitudes were equally weak on the track of glocalization and international social work education. This could be attributed to the variables of faculty members, social work students, university textbooks, quality of library services, methods of teaching, field practicum, and quality of student evaluation. In contrast, the attitudes of the faculty members averaged on the track of glocalization and international social work education, which could be attributed to the variable of social work curricula. The analysis also revealed a marked absence of sustained contact with social work professionals and scholars from other regions and societies of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yemen is the latest country in the Middle East to fall victim to internal conflict caused by divisive political rifts, poverty, tribal disputes, and the pervasive Sunni-Shia rivalry. The country is now fully engulfed in a civil war involving three primary actors: al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP); Houthis, a Shia group of Yemenis militants; and remnants of the U.S.- backed, Sunni government. Following the exile of Yemeni President Abd Rabbuh Hadi, these three groups are competing for control over the increasingly destabilized country. While a Saudiled coalition has been launched to drive out Houthi rebels, AQAP has largely benefited from a lack of international focus on the group. According to United States Defense Secretary Ashton Carter, "AQAP has seized the opportunity of the disorder there and the collapse of the central government" (Cooper and Schmitt 2015). With regional actors focused on averting Houthi-control of the region, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula has positioned itself to gain control of the resources and territory necessary to reestablish itself as one of the most dangerous terror organizations in the world. If AQAP gains control of the region, consequences for the Western countries and their regional partners will be grave. This paper will examine the current resurgence of AQAP in Yemen, how its growth might affect the United States and its allies, as well as approaches the U.S. and the international community should take to mitigate the threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia launched airstrikes on Yemen with the aim of restoring the rule of President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi and destroying the Houthi movement. Scholars and policy analysts moved quickly to examine the Yemen war as a sectarian struggle and a byproduct of Saudi-Iranian rivalry in the region. However, these traditional explanations fall short of unravelling the Saudi motive behind launching a largescale operation in Yemen, its severely weakened and politically divided neighbor. This paper offers an alternative explanation for the abrupt Saudi aggressiveness toward Yemen. It argues that this intervention is driven by a non-material need: Saudi leadership aims to assert the Kingdom’s status as a regional power in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brecher's 'research design' is particularly suitable for exploring the process of foreign policy making of transitional political systems characterized by the preponderance of a charismatic leader. In this paper, the 'research design' is utilized to explain the decision by President Nasser of Egypt to intervene militarily in the Yemen civil war in September-October, 1962. The various components of the operational environment arc first analysed, and then a qualitative and quantitative analysis of Nasser's perceptions of these components it undertaken. Within the context of this perceptual pattern, the decision-making process is then examined and is deemed to comprise three major decisions: two tactical decisions leading to the strategic decision necessitating the commitment of Egyptian troops in the Yemeni civil war. The feedback effects and policy consequences resulting from the implementation of the strategic decision an then explored, and finally, eleven hypotheses are tested against the findings of the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cold War justifiably receives attention from scholars exploring interstate relations in the Middle East. While competition between the major nuclear powers invariably contributed to how regional politics transpired in the twentieth century, there may be much that is missing from the narrative adapting such a focus on external factors. This article provides a detailed analysis of intraregional relations that are informed by domestic, intra-Arab concerns. With special focus on the evolving relations between Iraq and Yemen over the course of the 1920–90 period, it is possible to argue for a new approach to the study of the Middle East and its relationship to the larger world during the Cold War. Domestic concerns prove as much an animating force in global affairs as those based in British, American and/or Soviet Bloc circles usually foregrounded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of the European Union (EU) in the socio-economic and political settings in Yemen. An overview of Yemen's politics and socio-economic conditions is presented, along with an overview of the EU's engagement with the country. The article notes that while the EU recognizes the problems that Yemen faces and has proposed solutions, its interactions with Yemen do not reflect this. It argues that the case shows the EU's pragmatic foreign policy.

Peace mediation constitutes a major and natural part of European foreign policy. From the perspective of the European External Action Service (EEAS), this article outlines the foundations of EU peace mediation, the development and genesis of its practice, and contrasts four examples: Belgrade-Pristina, Iran, Georgia and Yemen. Multitrack mediation and its integrated approach provide the specific value added of EU peace mediation. The future challenges in international conflict resolution are now addressed in a new EUconcept for Peace Mediation with specific guidelines which point to the need for greater professionalization and a recognition of the EU's role in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Eskisehir Osmangazi University / Eskisehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of ESOGU Directorate of Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Yemen, military effectiveness has often been secondary to political or financial advantage. State or military ‘capture’ by self-serving cliques increases corruption and discontent. However, Aldwin Wight and James Spencer argue that viable and equable military organisations and dispositions can be created and maintained, and that a combination of transparency and technology can help to identify and inhibit corruption. The key to achieving a capable military is political will, and this article shows how external sticks and carrots may help. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the opportunity for an Iran-Saudi Arabia dialogue as a result of Houthi rebels' occupation of Sanaa, the capital of Yemen, in September 2014. Topics mentioned include Iran's plan to export its revolutionary ideology and establish a Shia empire throughout the Middle East according to Arab Gulf officials, the influence of Yemen in Saudi Arabia for decades, and comments on Tehran's Yemen policy. Also discussed are the Iranian involvement in Yemen and the relationship of the Houthis with Iran.

The article focuses on the quest of the government of Yemen for coherent U.S. policy. It notes the final session of the country's National Dialogue Committee on January 25, 2014, which showed an agreement on basic constitutional document that describe a unified and federated country. However, it also mentions the lack of resolution on the U.S. diplomacy pertaining to the issues that need to be worked out, which challenges the government to keep the nation in the U.S. national interest.

Yemen is among the world's most corrupt and least developed nations, factors that explain a long running war in the north and an exploding independence movement in the south. Yemeni President Ali Abdallah Salih deals with legitimate dissent by jailing journalists, shooting protesters, and bombing civilians on a scale that reaches the level of war crimes. Salih has long been an al-Qa'ida enabler, but the December 25, 2009 Christmas Day terror attack brought new urgency to U.S.- Yemeni relations. However, the United States risks becoming a party to violent repression, as well as enhancing the support system of one of the world's most ambitious al-Qa'ida affiliates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the media's preoccupation with the terrorist threat emanating from Yemen, the sense of urgency underpinning the debate about the country's future stems from an economic tailspin forced by dwindling oil production. The debate is divided not between doves and hawks but between optimists and pessimists over what the current framework can achieve. Optimists say Yemen is entering a critical new phase, supported by unprecedented levels of international engagement. Pessimists argue that, beyond cosmetic measures, Yemen's track record on reform is dismal. A pragmatic third group argues that there is no point in continuing to deliver the same message but shouting louder. For the reform agenda to succeed, Yemen's elite power brokers must set aside personal rivalries and collectively surrender their advantage to the benefit of state institutions. The fact that Yemen has made relatively little progress on reform to date suggests the elites have not yet identified their own self-interest in the proposed changes. To succeed, advocates of reform will have to build key relationships, identify incentives and frame the proposed changes in a way that appeals to the survival instincts of Yemen's decision-makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Excerpted from the manuscript of a forthcoming book project, this article provides essential English-language source material on Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn al-Ḥuthī and an alternative framework to that of the mainstream media for exploring what are likely the genuine causes and nature of the wars against Ṣaʿdah, Yemen, undertaken with backing and technical assistance from the United States, if not direct complicity in the name of then President George W. Bush's administration's 'war on terror'. In addition to shedding light on the voluminous Malazim of Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn and providing analysis of its various influences including Khomeini and Lebanon's Ḥizb Allah, while at the same time demonstrating a lack of evidence for direct support by either Ḥizb Allah or Iran, the article examines the distinct Jarudī Zaydī nature of the only contemporary Zaydī political discourse and formulation of its kind, which is distinct from Twelver Shīʿism and antithetical to the 'wilayat al-faqīh' in Iran. The article examines the origins of the Lebanese group known as al-Shabab al-Muʾmin that would later evolve into Ḥizb Allah and the history of Yemen's Tanẓīm al-Shabab al-Muʾmin from which al-Ḥuthī would draw his core group of supporters, and it aims to decipher the nature of the relation between al-Ḥuthī's thought and Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in Iran as well as its grounding in the Jarudī Zaydī sect and the Zaydīyah at large. The article includes excerpts from an interview with Ayatollah Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallah on the subject, new statements from the Office of ʿAbd al-Malik al-Ḥuthī in Ṣaʿdah, and in-depth analysis of the Malazim with exhaustive citations in translation - all never before published - all of which provide essential reading for understanding the objective historical conditions as well as the political, cultural, tribal, ideological, and sectarian dimensions of the wars against Ṣaʿdah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations theory has had difficulty explaining the global spread of human rights norms, and in particular the spread of human rights norms in the non-Western world. An exploration of Yemen's integration of human rights-based approaches to economic development into its policymaking gives the empirical foundation to examine the interplay of both norms and self-interest and external and internal pressures in framing such policies. In the case of Yemen, at least, each of these contrasting pairs is to a large degree mutually constituted. Conceptualizing norms and self-interest and external and internal pressures as mutually constitutive differs from the usual contrasts painted between these pairs in international relations theory, but is an important step in moving beyond an impasse among realist, liberal, and constructivist theories and toward a usefully integrative approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to elucidate the relative amount of hostility directed to the different participants in the Gulf War of 1991 and the stages of the development of these feelings, as evident in several jokes. All the jokes in this article are directed against one side of the warring nations — the Allies. None, whatsoever, manifests any aggression, hostility, or ridicule toward Iraq or any of the countries sympathetic to the Iraqi cause, such as Jordan, Yemen, or Sudan. It is also clear that the Palestinian support for Iraq was not in the nature of betting on a horse they expected to win. They continued to support Iraq even after it was thoroughly defeated by the Allies.

The article examines the likely seriousness and persistence of Saudi-Yemeni tension, the relative strengths and weaknesses of Saudi Arabia and Yemen and the possibility of other states aiding Yemen in its dispute with the kingdom. What policy options the U.S. has with regard to Saudi-Yemeni tension are discussed. The author said that Saudi-Yemeni enmity is likely to be a permanent feature of the international relations of the Arabian Peninsula. It is said that the security of Saudi Arabia is of such vital importance to America and West that Washington cannot afford to cooperate with Riyadh in actions that ultimately undermine the kingdom's security.