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The article presents a section of the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report "NATO: Response to the Crisis in Ukraine and Security Concerns in Central and Eastern Europe," dated July 31, 2014. Topics discussed include Russia's relations with the Visegrád Group (V4), which consists of Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia, with Poland having the hardest relationship with the former, the impact of the crisis on the Baltic States, and Moldova's response to the crisis.

The article focuses on the foreign policy of Russia under the government of President Vladimir Putin. Topics discussed include Russia's partnership with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union's strategic approach to Russia, and the country's relations with Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine, South Caucasus and Central Asia.

The article reports on the state of U.S.-Russia relations as of January 2014. It describes changes in relations between the two countries following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and the further deterioration of relations after the Russia-Georgia conflict in 2008. Improvements in bilateral under the administration of President Barack Obama, as well as the inadequate progress in bilateral agenda, are also cited.

The article reports on the foreign policy of Russia as of January 2014. It describes efforts by President Vladimir Putin to reestablish the country's global prestige as a great power following the collapse of the Soviet Union. It provides an overview of Russia's relations with the West from 2008-2009 under the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev. The state of relations between Russia and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is also analyzed.

NATO's 2012 summit of alliance heads of state and government is scheduled to take place in Chicago on May 20-21. U.S. and NATO officials have outlined what they expect to be the Summit's three main agenda items: • Defining the next phase of formal transition in Afghanistan and shaping a longer term NATO commitment to the country after the planned end of combat operations by the end of 2014; • Securing commitments to maintain and develop the military capabilities necessary to meet NATO's defense and security goals, including through a new "Smart Defense" initiative; and • Enhancing NATO's partnerships with non-NATO member states. Although NATO is not expected to issue membership invitations to any of the four countries currently seeking NATO membership, it could reaffirm their commitment to do so in the future. Congress has played an important role in guiding U.S. policy toward NATO and shaping NATO's post-Cold War evolution. Members of the 112th Congress have expressed interest in each of the key agenda items to be discussed in Chicago. For example, proposed companion legislation in the House and Senate--The NATO Enhancement Act of 2012 (S. 2177 and H.R. 4243)--endorses NATO enlargement to the Balkans and Georgia, reaffirms NATO's role as a nuclear alliance, and calls on the U.S. Administration to seek further allied contributions to a NATO territorial missile defense system, and to urge NATO allies to develop critical military capabilities. In the run-up to and aftermath of the Chicago Summit, Congress may consider a range of issues relating to NATO's current operations and activities and its longer term mission. These include questions pertaining to: • NATO's commitment to Afghanistan, both during the ongoing transition away from a primary emphasis on combat and after the transition; • Allied conventional military capabilities and burden-sharing within the alliance; & Future NATO operations and allied military readiness; • NATO's future as a nuclear alliance; • NATO's relations with non-NATO member states and multilateral organizations; and • Prospects and conditions for future NATO enlargement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the report "France: Factors Shaping Foreign Policy, and Issues in U.S.-French Relations" released by Congressional Research Service, a public policy research arm of the U.S. Congress. Topics discussed include factors shaping French foreign policy, trade and investment ties between the U.S. and France, and issues such the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) mission in Afghanistan, Iranian nuclear program, and countering terrorism.

The mission of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in Afghanistan is seen by many as a test of the alliance's political will and military capabilities. Since the Washington Summit in 1999, the allies have sought to create a "new" NATO, capable of operating beyond the European theater to combat emerging threats such as terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Afghanistan is NATO's first "out-of-area" mission beyond Europe. The purpose of the mission is the stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan. The mission has proven difficult, an "industrial-strength" insurgency according to General David Petraeus, head of U.S. Central Command, because it must take place while combat operations against Taliban insurgents continue. The situation in Afghanistan has seen a rise in the overall level of violence due to increased Taliban military operations, an increase in terrorist-related activities, and recent major offensive operations conducted by the allies. U.N. Security Council resolutions govern NATO's responsibilities in Afghanistan. The NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) faces formidable obstacles: shoring up a weak government in Kabul; using military capabilities in a distant country with rugged terrain; and rebuilding a country devastated by war and troubled by a resilient narcotics trade. NATO's mission statement lays out the essential elements of the task of stabilizing and rebuilding the country: train the Afghan army, police, and judiciary; support the government in counter-narcotics efforts; develop a market infrastructure; and suppress the Taliban. Between 2001 and 2006, ISAF proceeded in four stages to extend its area of responsibility over the whole of Afghanistan. Although the allies agree on ISAF's mission, they have differed on how to accomplish it. Some allies continue to restrict their forces from engaging in counter-insurgency operations and have placed operational restrictions on their troops. The principal mechanism to rebuild Afghanistan are the Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) composed of military and civilian officials and charged with extending the reach of the Afghan government by improving governance and rebuilding the economy. The counter-narcotics efforts involving the destruction of poppy fields and drug facilities seems to be making some head way although drugs are still a major source of funds for the insurgents. Finally, continued turmoil in parts of Pakistan has complicated the effort to prevent the Taliban from infiltrating Afghanistan. Most observers suggest that ISAF's efforts to stabilize Afghanistan will require a long-term commitment from the allies. The Obama Administration has made the conflict a policy priority. On December 1, 2009, President Obama announced a new strategy for Afghanistan including the decision to commit an additional 30,000 U.S. military forces to address the conflict. The plan also considers the idea of reducing the number of U.S. forces in Afghanistan beginning in 2011 if conditions on the ground warrant. The 111th Congress continues to support the U.S. commitment in Afghanistan despite some rising opposition influenced in part by a growing negative public opinion in the United States towards the war and the added cost of the expanded war. The Congress has also demanded more integration and cooperation among all parties involved in the stabilization and reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan. See also CRS Report RL30588, Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy, by Kenneth Katzman and CRS Report R40156, War in Afghanistan: Strategy, Military Operations, and Issues for Congress, by Steve Bowman and Catherine Dale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The factors that shape French foreign policy have changed since the end of the Cold War. The perspectives of France and the United States have diverged in some cases. More core interests remain similar. Both countries governments have embraced the opportunity to build stability in Europe through an expanded European Union and NATO. Each has recognized that terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are the most important threats to their security today. Several factors shape French foreign policy. France has a self-identity that calls for efforts to spread French values and views, many rooted in democracy and human rights. France prefers to engage international issues in a multilateral framework, above all through the European Union. European efforts to form an EU security policy potentially independent of NATO emerged in this context. However, more recently, policymakers in France, Europe and the United States have come to view a stronger European defense arm as a complement to rather than a substitute for NATO. From the September 11, 2001, attacks on the United States through the Iraq war of 2003 until today, France has pressed the United States to confront emerging crises within a multilateral framework. France normally wishes to legitimize actions ranging from economic sanctions to military action in the United Nations. The election of Nicolas Sarkozy to the French presidency in May 2007 appears to have contributed to improved U.S.-French relations. Sarkozy has taken a more practical approach to issues in U.S.-French relations than his predecessor, Jacques Chirac. Perhaps most notably, in April 2009, Sarkozy announced Frances full reintegration into NATOs military command structure, more than 40 years after former President Charles de Gaulle withdrew his country from the integrated command structure and ordered U.S. military personnel to leave the country. Trade and investment ties between the United States and France are extensive, and provide each government a large stake in the vitality and openness of their respective economies. Through trade in goods and services, and, most importantly, through foreign direct investment, the economies of France and the United States have become increasingly integrated. Other areas of complementarity include the fight against terrorism, the Middle East Peace process, peace operations in the Balkans, and the stabilization of Afghanistan and Lebanonall challenges where France has played a central role. A major split occurred over Iraq, however, with many countries either supporting or independently sharing French ideas of greater international involvement. Developments in the Middle East affect French foreign and domestic policy. France has a long history of involvement in the region, and a population of 5-6 million Muslims. Paris believes that resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict is key to bringing peace to the region. Surges in violence in the Middle East have led to anti-Semitic acts in France, mostly undertaken by young Muslims. This report will be updated as needed. See also its companion report, CRS Report RL32459, U.S.-French Commercial Ties, by Raymond J. Ahearn [Note: this report was written at the request of the co-chairs of the Congressional French Caucus.] Related Reports: RL32459 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses U.S. policy issues related to German foreign and security policy as of May 2009. The topics discussed include the impact of 2003 Iraq war on foreign relations between the U.S. and Germany, and cooperation between the U.S. and Germany on several issues including counterterrorism and nuclear nonproliferation. Also discussed is impact of 2008 global financial crisis on German economy.

The article discusses the future enlargement of the organization North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as of April 2009. The topics discussed include Macedonia's dispute with Greece, NATO summit in Bucharest, Romania through April 2-4, 2008, and 2008 U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing of on the accession of Albania and Croatia to NATO. Also discussed is recognition of Kosovo's independence by Albania in 2008.

At the April 2-4, 2008, NATO summit in Bucharest, Romania, a principal issue was consideration of the candidacies for membership of Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia. The allies agreed to extend invitations to Albania and Croatia. Although the alliance determined that Macedonia met the qualifications for NATO membership, Greece blocked the invitation due to an enduring dispute over Macedonia's name. After formal accession talks, on July 9, 2008, the foreign ministers of Albania and Croatia and the permanent representatives of the current 26 NATO allies signed accession protocols amending the North Atlantic Treaty to permit Albania and Croatia's membership in NATO. To take effect, the protocols must now be ratified, first by current NATO members, then by Albania and Croatia. Albania and Croatia are small states with correspondingly small militaries, and their inclusion in NATO cannot be considered militarily strategic. However, it is possible that their membership could play a political role in stabilizing southeastern Europe. Another issue debated at the Bucharest summit was NATO's future enlargement and the question of offering Membership Action Plans (MAP) to Georgia and Ukraine. The MAP is generally viewed by allies and aspiring alliance members as a way station to membership. However, it is not an invitation to join NATO, and it does not formally guarantee future membership. The Bush Administration supports granting MAPs to Georgia and Ukraine. Both the Senate and House passed resolutions in the 110th Congress urging NATO to enter into MAPs with Georgia and Ukraine (S.Res. 439 and H.Res. 997, respectively). Despite strong U.S. support, the allies decided after much debate not to offer MAPs to Georgia and Ukraine at Bucharest. Opponents cited internal separatist conflicts in Georgia, public opposition to membership in Ukraine, and Russia's strong objection to the two countries' eventual membership as factors influencing their opposition. The allies pledged. . . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the foreign and security policy in Germany. Topics include the domestic situation of Germany under German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who took office in November 2005, the foundations of German Foreign Policy, and the transformation of its security and defense policy. It also discusses Germany's foreign relations with the U.S., European Union (EU), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

The article offers information on the foreign and security policy in Germany. Topics include the domestic situation of Germany under German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who took office in November 2005, the foundations of German Foreign Policy, and the transformation of its security and defense policy. It also discusses Germany's foreign relations with the U.S., European Union (EU), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

German Chancellor Angela Merkel took office in November 2005 promising a foreign policy anchored in a revitalized transatlantic partnership. Most observers agree that since reaching a low-point in the lead-up to the Iraq war in 2003, relations between the United States and Germany have improved. With recent leadership changes in the United Kingdom and France, and a fragile coalition government in Italy, U.S. officials view Germany under Chancellor Merkel as a key U.S. ally in Europe. Despite continuing areas of divergence, President Bush and many Members of Congress have welcomed German leadership in Europe and have voiced expectations for increased U.S.-German cooperation on the international stage. German unification in 1990 and the end of the Cold War represented monumental shifts in the geopolitical realities that had traditionally defined German foreign policy. Germany was once again Europe's largest country, and the Soviet threat, which had served to unite West Germany with its pro-western neighbors and the United States, was no longer. Since the early 1990s, German leaders have been challenged to exercise a foreign policy grounded in a long-standing commitment to multilateralism and an aversion to military force while simultaneously seeking to assume the more proactive global role many argue is necessary to confront emerging security threats. Until 1994, Germany was constitutionally barred from deploying its armed forces abroad. Today, over 7,000 German troops are deployed in peacekeeping, stabilization, and reconstruction missions worldwide. As Germany's foreign and security policy continues to evolve, some experts perceive a widening gap between the global ambitions of Germany's political class, and an increasingly skeptical German public. Since the end of the Cold War, Germany's relations with the United States have been shaped by several key factors. These include Germany's growing support for a stronger, more capable European Union, and its continued allegiance to NATO as the primary guarantor of European security; Germany's ability and willingness to undertake the defense reforms many argue are necessary for it to meet its commitments within NATO and a burgeoning European Security and Defense Policy; and German popular opinion, especially the influence of strong public opposition to recent U.S. foreign policies on German leaders. Under Merkel's leadership, Germany has sought to boost transatlantic cooperation in areas ranging from economic and trade relations, climate change policy, and global counterterrorism and non-proliferation policy, to peacekeeping, reconstruction and stabilization efforts in Afghanistan, the Middle East, Africa, and the Balkans. Merkel has enjoyed relatively strong domestic support for her transatlantically-oriented foreign policy agenda. However, as her term progresses, and domestic political tensions mount, she may be more hard-pressed to justify her Atlanticist foreign policy agenda to a public which appears increasingly skeptical of U.S. influence in the world. This report may be updated as needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. Congress and successive U.S. administrations have supported the European Union (EU) and the process of European integration as ways to foster a stable Europe, democratic states, and strong trading partners. In recent years, a number of trade and foreign policy conflicts have strained the U.S.-EU relationship. Since the divisive dispute over Iraq in 2003, however, both the United States and the EU have sought to improve cooperation and demonstrate a renewed commitment to partnership in tackling global challenges. This report evaluates the results of the annual U.S.-EU summit on April 30, 2007, in Washington, DC. It will not be updated again. Also see CRS Report RS21372, The European Union: Questions and Answers, by Kristin Archick, and CRS Report RL30732, Trade Conflict and U.S.-European Union Economic Relationship, by Raymond Ahearn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a section of the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report "NATO: Response to the Crisis in Ukraine and Security Concerns in Central and Eastern Europe," dated July 31, 2014. Topics discussed include the analysts' views on the likely steps the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will take in response to the ongoing Ukraine crisis, the likely impact of the crisis for countries aspiring to become NATO members, and Ukraine's lack of interest to become a NATO member.

The article discusses calls by Members of U.S. Congress to enlarge North Atlantic Treaty Organization prompted by Russian actions in Ukraine. Topics discussed include arguments that the continued enlargement will send a signal to aspiring members that NATO's open door policy will not be scaled back in the face of Russian opposition, countries currently considered for NATO membership including Montenegro, Macedonia and Georgia and claims by Ukraine it is not seeking NATO membership.

The article examines the significance of the Russian Federation for the U.S. It suggests that Russia remains a nuclear superpower following the collapse of the Soviet Union and is a potentially important trading partner due to its great range and scope. The ability of the U.S. to supply Russia with food and food processing, oil and gas extraction technology and computers is also mentioned.