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"In our study we wanted to analyze how the Romanian political activist and ideologist Aurel C. Popovici (1863-1917) perceived liberalism and conservatism, two of the most important ideologies of the nineteenth century. For this purpose, we studied three of his main writings: Principiul de naţionalitate (The Nationality Principle), Statele Unite ale Austriei Mari (The United States of Great Austria) and Naţionalism sau democraţie: o critică a civilizaţiunii moderne (Nationalism or Democracy: a Critical Approach to Modern Civilization). We studied the way in which the renowned Banatian author perceived liberalism, but also the way he percieved several main principles of this ideology: the defense of liberty, the sovereignty of the people, representative government, the refusal of absolutism and pluralism. By analyzing these topics in Aurel C. Popovici’s writings, we identified several paradoxes of his thinking, which we tried to explain by appealing to other sources, like personal letters or memoirs belonging to friends or admirers. Keywords: liberalism, conservatism, Aurel C. Popovici, democracy, Austria-Hungary, nationalism "

Historians often look for genealogies of nationalism in Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman imperial history. In this article, I use an inter-imperial framework to argue that the formative period of contemporary Eastern Mediterranean-European regionalism was the last five decades of these two empires. The diplomatic, economic and cultural relations between the two middle powers compose an alternative history to national narratives. I show that dualism (‘independence’ within empire) was an attractive imperial reform model for Ottoman Muslim intellectuals. I describe first a forgotten Egyptian-Ottoman dualist vision, and then I analyse the more well-known Arab-Turkish dualist plans up to 1921.

Central Europe witnessed an urban boom at the beginning of the 20th century. By that time, the leading state of the area was Austria-Hungary, with Vienna as its capital. Before the First World War, even larger expansion of the cities was predictable. Otto Wagner, a leading architect of the empire and an expert in urban planning and architectural theory, published his vision about the future of the evolution of cities in 1911. In this book, he formulates clear rules about how a city should sustainably expand in a controlled manner. In this article, these rules of the inherited patterns are systematised and turned into recursive algorithms to simulate the urban growth controlled by them and the resulting patterns. The algorithms are tested on 1911 Vienna and, as comparison, on 2021 Miskolc, a medium-sized city in Hungary with different geographic surroundings. In the article, the resulting patterns are presented in 2D and 3D.

The events of the mid-19th century marked a fundamental change for Central Europe, and the Austrian monarchy was no exception. Although the revolution of 1848 did not mean the permanent entrenchment of liberal changes (which did not occur until the adoption of the February Constitution in 1861), the changes associated with these events fundamentally changed the society of the empire. The end of the division of society and the introduction of equality before the law also significantly affected the social position of businessmen. Before 1848, their legal status was not defined and prestige depended primarily on the place on the traditional ranking of the social hierarchy, which was linked to the holding of a noble title or burgher rights. However, the year 1848 changed this situation and their prestige began to grow thanks to ever closer cooperation with the state and growing political influence. Since the change of the electoral rules to the Chamber of Deputies of the Austrian Imperial Council in 1873, businessmen have even had their own curia (chambers of commerce and trade). At this time, the aristocratic title was no longer a prerequisite for belonging to the elite, but it remained an external symbol of prestige and many businessmen sought it. They saw in it a depiction of their achievements and a fulcrum for the historical memory of their entire family. However, the path to it was not easy and in the case of businessmen it also differed significantly from other social groups of the monarchy.

The article analyzes reactions to the outbreak of World War I in the Habsburg Crownland of Salzburg. Based on a detailed examination of local sources, such as diaries, memoirs, church and gendarmerie chronicles, regional newspapers, and administrative records, the study sheds light on the complexity of responses and emotions elicited during the summer of 1914. Engaging with recent historiography on the question of “war enthusiasm” and the “August experience,” the ensuing analysis allows for profound insights into how the local population reacted to the news of the Sarajevo assassinations, Austria-Hungary's ultimatum to Serbia, and the subsequent declaration of war, mobilization, and the first weeks of the conflict. The article highlights the role of the press, governmental policies, and repression as key factors in creating an agitated atmosphere to which people responded in different ways, depending on age, class, gender, and the urban–rural divide. At times, frenzied patriotic mobilization occurred alongside not only a widespread acceptance of the obligation to do one's duty, but also—and equally—great uncertainty and anxiety. This highlights the complexities of public reactions in the summer of 1914, thereby challenging from a regional historical perspective the notion of an “enthusiastic” welcoming of the war.

Based on sources found in the Archive of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article examines Sarajevo studio Bosna Film’s postwar attempts to co-produce a film about the assassination of the Archduke Fra...

The article reproduces some aspects of the life and everyday life of captured Ukrainian soldiers in the Freistadt camp (Austria-Hungary) at the final stage of its existence (end of 1917 – 1918). It is established that the last phase of the Ukrainian captive community in Freistadt was marked by dramatic events, which led to a catastrophic deterioration of the economic situation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire due to the depletion of all its material resources and the impending military defeat in the First World War. Revolutionary events in Russia, the liquidation of the autocratic system there and the military defeats of the Russian army slowed down the destructive phenomena in the empire for some time, but were unable to give a «second» life to the already ineffective imperial organism in the new conditions. The food crisis was first felt by prisoners of war against the Austro-Hungarian warring armies, whose situation deteriorated markedly. The lack of food also had a very negative effect on the situation of Ukrainian prisoners from the Freistadt camp (although it had a special status), leading to a significant reduction in cultural and educational work. At the same time, the life of the community was complicated by sharp internal contradictions between individual members of the camp organizations, which eventually led at the end of 1917 to the temporary cessation of the work of the GUR with the subsequent re-election of its members. However, this conflict was resolved fairly quickly – almost without the intervention of the IED, which did not actually have any effective tools for this at the time. Overcoming this latest crisis has shown the maturity and responsibility of the vast majority of members of the Ukrainian camp community, who were not tempted by the demagogic slogans of one adventurer and his followers. The proclamation of the Fourth Universal marked the highest patriotic uplift of the campers, who believed in the possibility of their speedy return to Ukraine, which needed soldiers-defenders and public workers. Due to this, the vast majority of the camp assets joined the «Sirozhupanna» division, which was formed in Volodymyr-Volynskyi. But the lack of any assistance to the prisoners from the UCR, the fleeting political perturbations, the slowing down of the repatriation process – sowed deep disappointment in the souls of the prisoners. Nevertheless, despite all the difficulties and obstacles, the Ukrainian cultural, educational and national-patriotic work in the Freistadt camp did not stop, thanks to which the camp remained the main base for the formation of the mentioned division. The centre of organized Ukrainian life was the Liquidation Committee, whose members made every effort to restore it after the departure of a large part of the camp. The latter had the opportunity to provide material assistance to those captured Ukrainians who took an active part in cultural and educational work or went to form a division in Volodymyr-Volynskyi. The departure of most Ukrainian activists from the camp as part of the replenishment of the mentioned division (February-March 1918) led to the curtailment of the work of all camp organizations and institutions. And although the camp continued to serve as a base for replenishing the ranks of the «gray-collar workers», the organized Ukrainian life in Freistadit, as of mid-summer 1918, almost did not manifest itself, and by the end of autumn the camp was liquidated. The main achievement of the IED in this camp was a radical irreversible change in the minds of Ukrainian prisoners, which made it possible for real patriots to appear in the camp, ready to defend their homeland with weapons in their hands.

After the Hungarian Monarchy integrated with Austria, the most significant achievement came from the education field. The goal of the new Monarchy in education policy was to fight against illiteracy, and educate citizens. To achieve the objective, systematic and organized plans were settled, and the schools were built according to those plans. There was remarkable growth in terms of system including increased number of the students, teachers and classrooms. At the end of the Monarchy, the education system became as firm as other developed countries such as Germany. Most of the explosive growth of the education system was done under the Austro-Hungarian Empire, but the higher education and the development of the study was done mainly in the age of Horthy. The educational development which started in the late 19th century to early 20th century has moved forward producing a number of Nobel Prize Winners. The Hungarian education system which is known to be very effective was almost completed at this time.

The article is devoted to the issue of Church policy in relation to the Rusyn population of Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, the policy of the Austro-Hungarian administration towards the Rusyn Uniate population of the Empire underwent changes. Russia’s victories in the wars of 1849 and 1877-1878 aroused the desire of the educated part of the Rusyns to return to the bosom of the Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, even during the World War I, when the Russian army captured part of the territories inhabited by Rusyns, the military and officials of the Russian Empire were too cautious about the issue of converting Uniates to Orthodoxy, which had obvious negative consequences both for the Rusyns, who were forced to choose a Ukrainophile orientation to protect their national and cultural identity, and for the future of Russia as the leader of the Slavic and Orthodox world.

This paper will elaborate the impact of social, political and economic processes on the formation and development of the pharmaceutical profession in Croatia until the end of the Second World War. ...

This essay uses the case of the fin-de-siècle Vienna embryologist Samuel Leopold Schenk to analyze the factors at play in allegations of misconduct. In 1898, Schenk published a book titled Theorie Schenk. Einfluss auf das Geschlechtsverhältnis (Schenk’s theory. Influence on the sex ratio). The book argued that, by changing their diet, women trying to conceive could influence egg maturation and consequently select the sex of their offspring. This cross between a scientific monograph and a popular advice book received enormous publicity but also spurred first the Vienna Medical Association and then the Senate of the University of Vienna to accuse Schenk of poor science, self-advertisement, quack medical practice, and wrong publisher choice. Formal proceedings against Schenk ended in 1900 with the unusually harsh punishment of early retirement. Schenk died two years later. I examine the elements of the case, from the science of sex determination and selection, to the growth of print media and advertising within the changing demographic and political landscape of Vienna. I argue that the influence of the public, via the growing media, upon science was the main driver of the case against Schenk, but also that the case would have had a more limited impact were it not for the volatile political moment rife with anti-Semitism, nationalism, and xenophobia. I draw the attention to the importance of setting cases of misconduct in the broader political history and against the key social concerns of the moment.

Liberal political changes in the Habsburg monarchy during the 1860s and 1870s, especially those caused by the December Constitution of 1867 and the ensuing schooling laws, created the necessary legal framework for German and Czech school associations to establish national monolingual schools in Bohemia—the so-called minority schools. These local organizations, however, were soon superseded by central school associations, namely the German association in Vienna (Deutscher Schulverein) and the Czech one in Prague (Ústřední Matice Školská). Founded in 1880, these associations were aimed at schools in the linguistically, and therefore nationally, contested regions along the “language frontier.” This study focuses on the dynamics of the national contestation over schooling prior to World War I and compares the activities of these two associations against the background of political democratization, mass mobilization, and the social questions of the fin de siècle. The comparative analysis of the proclamations, activities, and political contacts of the competing central school associations aims at revising theses about the position and meaning of these organizations and shows their very close interdependence upon political processes, especially on the unsuccessful Czech-German negotiations on a national compromise for Bohemia.

The paper deals with the legal history of Protestant church, especially with the leading ideas of the Church Constitution of 1861, as well as with the circumstances of the adoption of the Church Constitution of 1866. It pays special attention to the national and confessionalistic efforts of Bohemian and Moravian Protestants, both Reformed and Lutheran, and therefore further deals with the proposal for the establishment of the Bohemian-Moravian Synod and the proposal of the Church Constitution of Caslav, which in 1917/1918 influenced the merger of the Czech-speaking Bohemian and Moravian Protestant congregations into the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren.

Karl Renner’s theory of national autonomy has not been sufficiently taken into account by scholars due to difficulties in its reception and puzzling content. Neither liberal nor communitarian, his original theory combines individual rights with collective rights, territorial autonomy with personal autonomy, classical federalism with establishment of nations as constituent parts of the state. This paper will introduce the reader to Renner’s main concepts. It will start by presenting Renner’s ideas on the nation, the multinational state, the role of the majority principle, and the need for nations’ legal recognition by and within the state. Then, Renner’s core notion of national autonomy and its organisation through the personality principle will be discussed. Further, the paper deals with Renner’s concept of the representation of national interests at the federal or supranational levels. Lastly, it sums up the discussion and draws conclusions regarding Renner’s theory of autonomy in general. Teorija autonomije Karla Renera nije bila dovoljno razmatrana u naučnim krugovima usled složenosti kod njene recepcije i zbunjujućeg sadržaja. Njegova originalna teorija, ni liberalna ni komunitarna, spaja individualna prava s kolektivnim pravima, teritorijalnu autonomiju s ličnom autonomijom, klasični federalizam sa uspostavljanjem nacija kao konstitutivnih de lova države. Ovaj rad će uvesti čitaoca u Renerove osnovne koncepte. Najpre, on će pred staviti Renerove poglede na naciju, multinacionalnu državu, ulogu principa većine, in a po trebu za pravnim priznanjem nacija od strane i u okviru države. Zatim ćemo razmotriti Renerov ključni pojam nacionalne autonomije i njegovu organizaciju kroz princip personalnosti. Dalje, u radu će biti reči o Renerovom konceptu predstavljanja nacionalnih interesa na federalnom ili nadnacionalnom nivou vlasti. Na kraju, članak iznosi zaključke o Renerovoj teoriji autono mije u celini

Both the ideals of the European Union (EU) and the EU���s recent political difficulties have attracted comparison with the Habsburg empire. In recent years some of those making comparison have turned to the Austrian Jewish novelists, Stefan Zweig and Joseph Roth, who were crucial to the imaginative emergence of the Habsburg Myth. This paper analyses their writings and those of Robert Musil and Gregor von Rezzori in relation the Habsburg Myth as a story about European unity, about Austria-Hungary as a supra-national polity, and about Austria-Hungary���s self-proclaimed providential purpose in European affairs. It explores the dissonance between the Habsburg Myth and the EU���s territorial composition and argues that the Habsburg Myth is, nonetheless, revealing about the EU���s internal hierarchies and its geopolitical difficulties in relation to Russia.

Druge godine Velikoga rata preustrojava se sigurnosni sustav banske Hrvatske. Tom prilikom Središnja defenzivno doglasna služba, koja je obavljala poslove tajne državne policije, kao samostalno tijelo pri Zemaljskoj vladi postaje njezinom sastavnicom, ulazeći u sastav novoosnovanoga Odsjeka IV-B za pogranična redarstvena satništva Odjela za unutarnje poslove Zemaljske vlade. Razlozi preustroja, pored političkih, osobito sukoba vojnih i civilnih vlasti, bili su i raznovrsni funkcionalni. Zahvaljujući potrebama obrane Zemaljska vlada preko te službe počinje dobivati i dio financijskih podataka koji su joj do tada bili nedostupni jer su izlazili iz okvira autonomnih poslova banske Hrvatske. U članku se na temelju arhivskoga gradiva i relevantne historiografske literature te dijelom i tiska predstavlja i analizira preustroj sigurnosnoga sustava 1915. godine., During the second year of the Great War, the state security system of Banal Croatia was restructured to include the Central Counterintelligence Service (SDDS), which had previously functioned as a secret police, as an independent body of the Land Government. The SDDS became part of the newly established Department IV-B, responsible for border patrol units, under the Land Government’s Internal Affairs Section. The reasons for this restructuring were of a political nature, specifically related to the conflict between military and civilian authorities, but also due to various functional reasons. Political reasons for the 1915 restructuring of Banal Croatia’s security system reflected the aspirations of both its Croatian civilian authorities and Hungary to gain greater control over the SDDS, as it was growing too familiar with the military authorities, which put the work of the Croat-Serb Coalition, and therefore the Hungarian dominance over Banal Croatia, in jeopardy. In fact, a majority of the Coalition’s distinguished members were illegally connected to the institutions that were unquestionably built on Greater Serbian ideals. The war itself was partially caused by Serbian aspirations to implement a Greater Serbian national-political programme. The Croatian civilian executive authorities not only avoided taking legal action against high treason, but also hesitated to bring the accused before the law for fear of losing the compromised Coalition. Instead, the civilian authorities would intervene in favour of the accused so as to prevent the crumbling of the Coalition, which was a guarantee to the regime that Banal Croatia would remain under Hungarian economic and political control, even if this endangered the entire Monarchy. The functional reasons for the restructuring were related to the aspirations of the military leaders to improve the security system, make the functioning of the SDDS better hidden within government institutions, and offer assistance to the SDDS via border police detectives and city police. It also wished to have the Service’s work financed from the national budget and its operative work subsidised by the military. During the restructuring, the military commander of Zagreb was also replaced, but the Croat-Serb Coalition, acting in cooperation with the Hungarian authorities, was only partially successful in achieving their goals. The SDDS maintained its functional autonomy, i.e. dual responsibility to the ban (viceroy) and the Evidenzbureau, and started receiving military subsidies. Furthermore, due to the necessities of defence, the Land Government gained access to financial information that was previously unavailable as it fell outside the autonomy of Banal Croatia.

U članku se obrađuje iseljenička zajednica u Brazilu pridošla iz Hrvatske, koja do sada nije bila sustavno istraživana, pa se smatra gotovo nepostojećom, tj. nevidljivom. Razlozi „nevidljivosti” te zajednice u Hrvatskoj, osobito njezinoj akademskoj zajednici, prepoznati su u pretpostavci da je Brazil bio često „odlagalište” nepoželjnih skupina iseljenika. Da bi se potkrijepila ta pretpostavka i opisalo mehanizme koji su doprinijeli toj nevidljivosti, u sažetom je obliku prikazan proces useljavanja u tri faze: do 1918., između dva svjetska rata i nakon 1945., s osvrtom na glavna povijesna događanja na području Hrvatske i Brazila vezana uz iseljeništvo, s naglaskom na državu i grad São Paulo. Da bi se što potpunije raspravila pitanja važna za razumijevanje ovoga fenomena, korišteni su razni modaliteti: kritička analiza prethodnih istraživanja, historiografski i statistički podaci te tiskovine., In this paper, we present a thematic and methodological-theoretical history of immigration in Brazil, divided into three periods (up to 1918, from 1918 to 1945, and after 1945), in order to explain the causes of invisibility of this Croatian community and to point to the effects of the immigration policy that set up Brazil as the “disposal area” of marginal groups. We have pointed to historical events that prompted people to go from Croatia to Brazil, which made this country one of the three major emigrant recipients in Latin America even though not much attention has been given to it by the scientific community or in politics. We then interpreted the statistical data and estimates related to the number of immigrants in the country using a mixed methodology of quantitative and qualitative approaches to assess the current number of persons of Croatian heritage in Brazil. We continued with an analysis of prints, testimonies, and reports that describe the life of the community itself. These offer us insight into lower-level mechanisms that have influenced the deliberate disappearance of Croats, which has become one of the major characteristics of the community as a historical construct. In addition, we have highlighted ways in which media writing and some other instances were in constant dispute over the definition of the very experience of emigration, sometimes with positive viewpoints, but most often with negative ones, that over time became exclusive, thus contributing to the disappearance of Croats-Brazilians from the official destination maps. We end the article with a review of the relationship between the emigrant and his individual adjustment to the situation, which necessarily contributed to the hybrid identity that the Brazilian state officially encouraged, and enabled him to gain a better position and greater rights in the new society.

In the territories ruled by the Habsburg dynasty, the old practice of granting titles to individuals distinguished in the service of the state changed considerably in the later nineteenth century. While different procedures prevailed in the German and the Hungarian part of the Habsburg empire, the overall development led to the formation of a new, but less prestigious aristocratic class. During the reign of Emperor Francis Joseph I and Charles I/IV, noble titles were transformed into a special form of state honour. Noble titles, which in the previous centuries represented an important symbol of the status and power of the individual and the family, were now dependent only on the position honoured on the social ladder. The extraordinary increase in nobilitations during this period and the weakening of the position of the nobility as a result of the changes after 1848 likewise resulted in the decline of the family aristocracy. This process further deepened the already deep rift between the old and the new nobility.

The article explores the institutional conditions of the development of the national household in the West Ukrainian land as part of Austria-Hungary. Outlined the actuality of the national tradition of economic self-realization and self-identification in the crisis conditions of modern Ukraine. Pointed out the complex process of searching of the ways of stimulating the development of a modern national market economy that is required to create forming a new economic mentality of Ukrainians, educated on the values of the national tradition of economic self-identification. The essence of the modernization changes of the institutional field with the entry of Galicia, Bukovina and Transcarpathia into the Austrian Empire at the end of the eighteenth century is revealed. In particular, the judicial reforms of Empress Maria Theresa during 1768–1776 were analyzed, which led to changes primarily in the field of formal rules of the game. The institutional changes in the fiscal sphere that became important for market development are revealed. The influence of the laws of Joseph II, which for the first time affirmed the status of a subject of law for the peasant, was substantiated. The significance of the Patent of Joseph II of April 5, 1782, which abolished serfdom as a personal dependence of the peasants on the landowners, was proved, as well as that of the Urban Patent of February 10, 1789, on the abolition of the serfdom and its replacement by money tax. The role of the Josephine peasant reforms in the formation of a new institutional field of national identity, social capital, and economic self-organization is substantiated. It is established that the decrees of Joseph II (1780–1787) on the introduction of public spies created the ground for the formation of proto-civil society. The events of the "spring of peoples" and the abolition of the cornice in 1848 were characterized, which became an important stage of the institutional maturation of the basis of the national economic movement. Attention is given to the significance of the law modernization of September 7, 1848 on the elimination of the personal dependence of peasants on the former owners and granting them the rights of citizens. The author covers the formation of wealthy peasants at the expense of the parceling of the landownership, whose owners were not able to properly manage in market conditions. The conclusion is formulated about the importance of the national tradition of economic self-identification of Ukrainians in the conditions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire for the modern strategy of economic development of the Ukrainian state.

Autori se u tekstu bave analizom dvaju novootkrivenih dokumenata koje je sastavio Ivo Pilar za potrebe informiranja visokih austrijskih krugova odlučivanja. Spomenica o novom uređenju Habsburške Monarhije i Rješenje južnoslavenskoga pitanja dio su njegovih napora da u prvoj polovici 1918. predloži promjenu dualističke strukture Austro-Ugarske i istakne rješenja u korist njegove vizije razvitka hrvatskih nacionalnih interesa. Autori navedene dokumente promatraju kroz koncepciju južnoslavenskoga pitanja koje se odnosilo na problem uređenja jugoistočnoga dijela Monarhije i na utjecaje srbijanske države. Posebnu pozornost posvećuju idejama subdualizma i kvadralizma, koje je Pilar sagledavao u kontekstu širih odnosa u Austro-Ugarskoj, napose u vezi s položajem poljskoga pitanja., During World War I, Ivo Pilar, a famous Croatian politician from Bosnia and Herzegovina, produced and presented numerous political documents. His basic views on the national question are known from pre-war times. In the harsher wartime conditions, they became an example of advocating the resolution of the position of Croatia exclusively within the frame of the Habsburg Monarchy. This text analyses two newly-discovered documents that confirm Pilar’s political activities and his expectation that Austria-Hungary would survive the war, while its leadership would come to understand the need to change the dualistic structure of the state in order to secure its survival and future. Analysis shows that his proposals reached the important factors of Austrian politics, which confirms their relevance. The new documents show Pilar’s intent that they should be used to promote proposals on sub-dualism and quadrialism in favour of Croatian national interests as he imagined them in the context of the wartime turmoil.

This chapter examines how small states came to symbolise independence and self-sufficiency in Irish political discourse after 1918 and explores Irish reactions to the independence of small states in Habsburg Central Europe that balanced between revolutionary turmoil and democracy. It is clear that contemporary Irish intellectuals, politicians and journalists held a peculiar fascination for the changing identities in the region. After January 1919, the activities of Sinn Fein envoys across Europe added another level of interest in the lands of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire. Additionally, many Irish scholars (such as Catholic social thinker Lambert McKenna) proved to have exceptional knowledge of the political changes in Central Europe, without having travelled there. Ultimately, the links between the spread of communism, the Paris Peace Treaties and the drawing of new borders in Habsburg Central Europe are at the centre of attention in this chapter.

The history of the appearance of Austro-Hungarian citizens on the territory of the Russian Empire has a close connection with the development of capitalist relations in the 1880s and 1890s.Austro-Hungarian immigrants made a significant contribution to the socio-economic and cultural development of pre-revolutionary Russia in General and its individual regions in particular. The article discusses the reasons of stay citizens of Austria-Hungary in the cities of Western Siberia, as well as their impact on the socio-economic situation of this region. Austro-Hungarian settlers, as well as people from other European countries, acted in this region as a kind of translators of new business experience, advanced technologies, and Western culture. Descendants of immigrants from the Austro-Hungarian lands became part of the multi-ethnic composition of Western Siberia.

This article analyzes the role of urban civic militias (burgher corps) in Habsburg Austria from the end of the nineteenth century to the aftermath of World War I. Far from a remnant of the early modern past, by the turn of the twentieth century these militias were thriving local institutions. They fostered dynastic patriotism and participated in the growing promotion of shooting among the population in the lead-up to the conflict. But they also played a major role in upholding the bourgeois ideals of protection of social hierarchies and property. In the context of the rise of the workers' movement and social unrest, the militias saw themselves as bulwarks of social order and bastions of bourgeois virtue. They reflected an exclusive conception of armed citizenship opposed to the egalitarian notion of the citizen-soldier that survived into the twentieth century. The sensory experience of burgher corps parades during the patriotic or church celebrations was supposed to convey stability and express hierarchies in the urban space. This article also links the practices of armed civilians before the war to the paramilitary groups that emerged in 1918 and emphasizes the legacy of local conceptions of armed defense of property and of notions of “good” citizenship in the aftermath of the war.

The first decade of the 20th century witnessed the most intensive period of Hungarian migration to the United States, the migrants themselves representing the whole ethnic diversity of the country of origin. Despite Budapest’s efforts to control the migration and the capital’s call for loyalty based on the nation state, the migrants gradually disentangled themselves from Hungary beginning with those migrants of ethnic minority background, up to the end of World War I, then continuing with ethnic Hungarians in the post war decades. La première décennie du xxe siècle a connu la période la plus importante de migrations hongroises vers les États-Unis, les migrants représentant l’intégralité de la diversité ethnique du pays d’origine. Malgré l’effort de Budapest de contrôler la migration, et malgré l’appel de la capitale à la loyauté, en vertu de l’État-nation, les migrants se sont progressivement détachés de la Hongrie. Cela commença avec les migrants qui étaient originaires de minorités ethniques, et à partir de la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, les migrants hongrois connurent le même mouvement.

The article revealed the relationship between Ukrainian and Polish socialists in Eastern Galicia at the beginning of the 20th century, on the eve and during the First World War, which ended with the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the proclamation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic (WUPR, ZUNR). In the political life of Austria-Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century а prominent place was occupied by the socialists, to which in Galicia, in particular, belonged the Polish Social-Democratic Party of Galicia and Silesia (from 1919 – the Polish Socialist Party) and the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party of Galicia and Bukovina. Both autonomous parties were part of the Social Democratic Workers’ Party of Austria and tried to combine the national idea and Marxism. In the conditions of the First World War, Ukrainian and Polish Social Democrats clearly declared the priority of the national over the social-class and international, and their traditional critique and hostility towards the “bourgeois” parties became declarative. The leaders of both parties realized that the world war opened up real prospects for solving the national issue and took an active part in the activities of national representative institutions: the USDP leaders were in the Main Ukrainian Council, later – in the General Ukrainian Council, the PSDP leaders – in the Polish circle in the Austrian Parliament etc. After the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy in the autumn of 1918, the USDP and PSDP became the hostile sides of the armed conflict between the two nations. The Polish Socialists led the first governments of the Second Rzeczpospolita (Polish Republic), while the USDP representatives supported the November 1 uprising of Ukrainians in Lviv and in most of the Galician cities, joined the first Government of the ZUNR (WUPR), headed by K. Levytsky. At the same time, in the composition of both parties, there were few figures calling for a Polish-Ukrainian understanding and an alliance in the struggle against Russian imperialism. Thus, on March 31, 1918, the USDP official M.Hankevych wrote a letter to Polish socialist I.Dashinsky in order to reverse the Polish-Ukrainian conflict, but it did not get the result. After the defeat of the ZUNR (WUPR), the Polish Socialists proposed the projects of the territorial autonomy of the Eastern Galicia in the Second Rzeczpospolita, which, however, did not find support among the leaders of the USDP, which were the supporters of the formation of an independent Ukrainian state, to which Galicia had to enter. The restored USDP since 1928 had a relationship with the Polish Socialist Party but stable cooperation between the two parties was hindered by the contradiction in the national question.

The unbuilt synagogue in Buda is an almost forgotten chapter in Hungarian architectural history which drew great attention between 1911 and 1914. It was discussed extensively by the contemporary press in the early 20th century and by architects in the Hungarian capital of Austria&ndash, Hungary. Between 1912 and 1914 three tenders for the design of the synagogue of Buda were announced, with the participation of well-known (synagogue) architects of Hungary, who represented the diverse architectural styles of the period. The efforts to build the synagogue, including the three failed tenders, the 30 competition designs and the opinions of contemporaries raised, and continue to raise, many provocative questions. The present study is based on the analysis of the designs submitted and criticisms published in official architecture magazines between 1912 and 1914, but not yet studied and published elsewhere. Through these, the study showcases the controversial architectural decisions that could have changed the appearance of a neighbourhood but failed to do so. The study puts the townscape of Sz&eacute, ll K&aacute, lm&aacute, n Square in Buda in a new context, revealing another layer of architecture, urban design and architectural-sociology and perception of the capital&rsquo, s synagogue on the eve of World War I and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The life of Josef von Wertheimer illustrates how important religious concepts remained in the evolution of Jewish modernity. His ideas, which became fundamental in the foundation of the Jewish comm...

Houze, Rebecca. 2015. Textiles, Fashion and Reform in Austria-Hungary Before the First World War - Principles of Dress. Farham, Surrey and Burlington, VT: Ashgate. 384 pp. 79 col. Plates. 109 b. and w. illus.

Published online: 09 Mar 2017 This article explores one often-overlooked consequence and paradox of the First World War: the prosperity of business elites and bankers in service of the war effort, despite the destruction of capital and wealth by belligerent armies. Wartime destruction and the birth of war millionaires were two sides of the same coin. Through following the rapid wartime expansion of the Renner tannery in Kolozsvar/Cluj-Napoca in Transylvania, the article explores the repercussions of wartime prosperity, including the takeover of the family business by large corporations and increasing dependence on army commissions. Whereas 1918 is often portrayed as a radical break in the history of East-Central Europe, this article explores why the Renner corporation, owned by ethnic Germans and Magyars, managed to remain prosperous even after Romania annexed Transylvania in December 1918. The increasing ethnic mobilization and hostilities between Magyar and Romanian nationalist elites did not directly impact Transylvania's business life during and after the First World War. The author investigates why Magyar, Hungarian Jewish and German bankers and industrialists were successful at cementing their pre-war and wartime social positions and economic influence in Greater Romania.

Austro-Hungarian authorities employed censorship and propaganda throughout the war to keep the soldiers on the fronts as well as the civilians at home optimistic and loyal. Nevertheless, exchange of information between the front and the home front occurred. By the end of 1917, a new element was added to information exchange. Thousands of former POWs began returning from Russian camps. To prevent the spread of revolutionary Bolshevik ideas among the Habsburg civilian population and in the army, the Ministry of War and the Army High Command created a department responsible for the returning soldiers, the Heimkehrwesen. Habsburg Romanian military chaplains were among those officials who examined the returning soldiers’ physical and mental condition. Soldiers needed a “positive” evaluation before they were permitted to return home or were sent to the fighting front. This article analyzes how the Romanian military chaplains coped with this secular duty in addition to their pastoral obligations. The pri...

The article examines some aspects of organizational and national-patriotic activities of Ukrainian officers – members of cultural and educational circle created in the camp for prisoners of war Josefstadt (Austria-Hungary) in the second half of 1917 – early 1918. It became possible after Ukrainization of the camp and transfer to it of those Ukrainian officers who have expressed their consent in their reports to the Austrian camp commandant. Removal from Josefstadt of Russian reactionary elements created an opportunity to intensify the national-patriotic work among prisoners of war and promote the Ukrainian statehood ideology among officers.The creation of the organization of Ukrainian officers held in the camp was made possible thanks to the arrival to the camp library of Ukrainian books and journals, creation of various educational courses, delivering of lectures, the work of amateur theater and national-patriotic actions.

Carl Ferdinand von Arlt, Ritter von Bergschmidt (1812-1887) was a pioneer in ophthalmology. The purpose of our paper is to highlight his scientific work. He did not only introduce new surgical techniques and invent new instruments in ocular surgery, but also influenced the development of ophthalmology in the 19th century. He was an excellent and reputable professor of ophthalmology, and his students became very respected figures in ophthalmology.

Rad daje uvid u obrazovanje osnovnoškolskih učiteljica u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama Austro-Ugarske Monarhije preko zakonodavstva i organizacije ženskih učiteljskih škola. Istraživanje se sastoji od povijesne komparativne analize razdoblja između 1867. i 1914. godine. Pojavom Dvojne Monarhije dolazi do promjena u obrazovanju učiteljica. One se mogu najprije identificirati na temelju školskoga zakonodavstva. Učiteljice postaju državne službenice. Javljaju se nove državne ženske učiteljske škole, ali i one privatne s pravom javnosti. Analiza zakonodavstva pokazala je razlike između nastavnih planova u učiteljskim školama u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama unutar Monarhije. Komparacija njihovih aktivnosti također pokazuje razlike u razvoju, broju i organizaciji. U slovenskim zemljama, koje potpadaju pod austrijsko školsko zakonodavstvo, razvitak četverogodišnjih škola za učiteljice tekao je nešto brže nego u hrvatskim zemljama. Usporedba pokazuje da u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama dominiraju privatne škole za učiteljice., This article is the first comparative study on the education of primary college women teachers in Slovenian and Croatian lands of Austria-Hungary through legislation and the organisation of women’s teacher training colleges. The study consists of a historical comparative analysis covering the period from the emergence of the dualist Austria-Hungary (1867) until World War I (1914). During the period covered in this article, many changes were implemented in women’s teacher education. Before the year 1869, women who wanted to become teachers acquired the necessary knowledge as nuns in monasteries, in private girls’ schools, or at home. The Austrian school legislation of 1869 had a quantitative and qualitative influence on the development and organisation of women’s teacher training colleges and on the quality of women’s teacher education. Women teachers became state employees. Analysis of the legislation showed differences between the syllabuses of women’s teacher training colleges in Slovenian and Croatian lands. The syllabuses were adapted to the requirements of individual lands. A comparison of their activities also shows differences in development, number, and organisation. New state women’s teacher training colleges and private ones with public accreditation appeared. In Slovenian lands, under the Austrian school legislation, the development of four-year women’s teacher training colleges was somewhat faster than in Croatian lands. The comparison shows that private women’s teacher training colleges were predominant and women’s teacher education became more standardised and professionalised both in Slovenian and Croatian lands.

This article analyses the practices of violence during strikes in Habsburg Austria from the 1890s until the outbreak of the First World War. As the number of social conflicts rose at the turn of the century, strikes increasingly became one of the main sites of public violence in Austrian society, alongside demonstrations. Violent confrontations between strikers, strike-breakers, and the state forces protecting them frequently occurred. The first section discusses the state repression used to quell internal unrest and its consequences on the rule of law. The following sections explore the micro-dynamics of strikebreaking within the larger context of the reaction against Social Democracy in the period. Especially after the successful mobilization for suffrage reform in 1905–906, employers and other propertied classes saw strikers as part of a general threat. The Czech and German nationalist workers’ movements can also be reassessed through the lens of these social conflicts, rather than only as manifestations of radical nationalism. Strikes are here analysed as one case study addressing current debates in the historiography on the Habsburg Empire: first on the implementation of the rule of law on the ground in Habsburg Austria, then on the impact of democratization in the decades before 1914.

The treatment of history in Austrian-Hungarian state primary school textbooks for Bosnia and HerzegovinaFollowing the Austrian-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the new authorities introduced an interconfessional school system aimed at educating children in the spirit of Bosnian-Herzegovinian provincial and Habsburg civic patriotism. Existing South Slavic textbooks, containing numerous texts that were offensive to Muslims, proved unsuitable for such an undertaking. The goal of this article is to address the treatment of history in the new textbooks written for Bosnia-Herzegovina’s state primary schools, considering both the selection of historical topics and the manner in which historical education was utilized in order to impart desirable loyalties among the students and further the government’s political goals. Besides encouraging the students to identify with the glorious deeds of their medieval forefathers and thus fostering a historically based Bosnian patriotism, the textbooks were written with a clear intent to appeal to the province’s Muslims and, in particular, to their gentry. They implied a clear continuity between Bosnia’s medieval, supposedly Bogomil aristocracy and the contemporary Muslim elites, while also being careful not to address historical topics in a manner that may offend Muslim sensibilities. Lastly, considerable effort was invested into historically justifying contemporary Habsburg rule over Bosnia in Herzegovina and, in a wider sense, teaching the children that a benevolent foreign government may benefit a society suffering from disunity or rebelliousness. Podejście do historii w podręcznikach szkolnych Austro-Węgier dla państwowych szkół podstawowych w Bośni i HercegowinieW następstwie austro-węgierskiej okupacji Bośni i Hercegowiny nowe władze wprowadziły międzywyznaniowy system oświatowy nastawiony na kształcenie dzieci w duchu patriotyzmu prowincjonalnego bośniacko-hercegowińskiego oraz obywatelskiego habsburskiego. Istniejące podręczniki południowosłowiańskie, zawierające liczne teksty, które były obraźliwe dla Muzułmanów, okazały się dla tego przedsięwzięcia nieprzydatne. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu omówienie podejścia do historii w nowych podręcznikach napisanych dla państwowych szkół podstawowych w Bośni i Hercegowinie, biorąc pod uwagę zarówno dobór tematów historycznych jak i to, w jaki sposób edukacja historyczna została wykorzystana dla narzucenia uczniom pożądanych postaw lojalności, a następnie politycznych celów rządu. Oprócz zachęty do tego, by uczniowie identyfikowali się z chwalebnymi czynami ich średniowiecznych przodków, a tym samym zamysłu propagowania historycznie wspartego patriotyzmu bośniackiego, podręczniki te zostały napisane z wyraźną intencją, aby trafiły do zamieszkujących tę prowincję Muzułmanów, zwłaszcza ich szlachty. Implikowały widoczną ciągłość pomiędzy bośniacką średniowieczną arystokracją, zapewne bogomilską, a współczesnymi elitami muzułmańskimi, przy czym starannie unikały odniesienia do tematów historycznych, w sposób który może obrażać wrażliwość Muzułmanów. Wreszcie, z dużym nakładem pracy dążyły do tego, by historycznie uzasadnić ówczesne rządy Habsburgów w Bośni i Hercegowinie oraz, w szerszym sensie, wpoić dzieciom wiedzę o tym, że łagodne obce rządy mogą dobrze przysłużyć się społeczeństwu cierpiącemu na brak jedności i buntowniczemu. [Transl. by Jacek Serwański]

Austria and Hungary share a complicated common past. After the collapse of Austria-Hungary, Austria developed into a liberal democratic republic and Hungary into a monarchy, and yet the B-VG, like the theories of its founding father Hans Kelsen, was received in Hungary. On the one hand, this article sheds light on the legal theoretical influence of the B-VG and the reactions to it in the interwar period. On the other hand, there are concrete influences of the Austrian administrative and constitutional courts on their Hungarian counterparts. Our result is that the potential for Austrian influence remained unfulfilled.