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According to Police Special Branch intelligence reports, amidst the chaos of Partition, over 60,000 ounces of gold were stolen from fleeing Hindus and Sikhs in 1947. Alongside political identity an...

Through a case study of the looting, sale, conservation and subsequent publication of ‘The Gospel of Judas’, this article examines if there is any ethical merit in conserving looted manuscripts. While fully acknowledging the extensive harm caused by looting, it explores the prevailing argument in archaeological circles that all looted artefacts must be ignored by conservators, given the logic that the blanket refusal to authenticate, conserve or research looted objects would decrease demand and their grey market value, and so prevent archaeological sites being robbed. However, this view, it is argued, is complicated by antiquities with written content and that conservation ethics leave room for conservators to use informed judgement on a case-by-case basis, especially as looted manuscripts have two types of context: archaeological and textual. By examining the experiences of a wide range of conservators and applying professional conservation ethics, the argument is made that there is still merit in conserving and publishing the textual content of otherwise unique, historic and badly deteriorated manuscript artefacts such as ‘The Gospel of Judas’. Conservators need to retain agency and uphold a duty of care to an object in order to help unlock and preserve landmark texts, so long as it is undertaken responsibly in the service of mitigating the harm done by looting as much as possible.

This paper discusses the challenge of the misappropriation of retirement fund assets by trustees, fund asset managers and retirement funds’ administrators. It demonstrates that retirement fund members lose substantial retirement benefits due to the illegal and unlawful conduct of those who manage and administer retirement funds. It evaluates whether the South African legislative framework offers retirement funds and their members adequate protection from activities that may compromise the delivery of the pension promise such as: mismanagement; fraudulent activities; gross negligence; and the outright looting of retirement fund assets. In particular, this paper illustrates that the law in South Africa does not deter would-be wrongdoers from acting in a manner that may compromise the benefits expected by retirement fund members when they exit their funds. It advocates the adoption of adequate preventative legislative measures that would make it difficult for anyone to act in a manner that would compromise retirement fund members' benefits in South Africa.

In the article there is example of the ancient Syrian city of Palmyra, the article examines the problems of loss and preservation of the world historical, cultural, archaeological and architectural heritage in the context of modern local military confl icts. During the periods of Antiquity and the middle Ages, a complex of monuments, unique in composition and size, was formed here, combining ancient Eastern, Roman, Byzantine and Arab elements. During the ongoing acute armed confl ict in Syria, because of the purposeful actions of religious terrorist-extremist organizations, defi ned by the author as an "international historian of cultural terrorism", hesuffered catastrophic damage. An analysis of the scale of this damage, as well as the effectiveness of the efforts of the Syrian authorities, international organizations and the world community, shows that the preservation and restoration of Palmyra's heritage is possible because of painstaking, complex, joint work of all interested parties. Thus, the example of Palmyra showed the military confl icts in the Middle East, along with the actual destruction of entire states, the death of a huge number of people, the economic crisis, millions of refugees, was an attack on the heritage of ancient civilizations, which caused unprecedented loss of world cultural heritage in modern history. Now the world community faces a long and comprehensive joint effort to determine the damage, restore, and prevent further destruction and looting of the cultural heritage of Palmyra and Syria.

COVID-19 aside, the year 2020 was characterized by further challenges to the black identity. The gruesome murder of George Floyd and other low moments of racial discrimination triggered a wave of protests across the USA and beyond. The year saw the convictions of the proponents of the Black Lives Matter being tested to the limits. Whereas popular music has constituted a vehicle for conveying the concerns of the movement since its conception, I argue that the events of the year 2020 and the attendant looting and destruction in the guise of protests, have propelled an impetus in African American creatives to speak matter into black lives. Drawing from the texts (2019) and video (2020) of Beyoncé Knowles’s “Brown Skin Girl,” the article discusses artists’ attempt to deploy chromatism in debunking negative connotations associated with “black.” Further, the audio-visual constructs in Pharrell Williams’s “Entrepreneur” (2020) is assessed as a deliberate creation to sustain a positive narrative at a critical moment of African American history.

The article examines the role of the socio-political movement Black Lives Matter in the beginning of the escalation of violence in American society. Black Lives Matter is the most famous and popular movement in the United States nowadays. Since the movement's inception in 2013, organizers have stated that its goal is to save the lives of African Americans and reduce violence against them. The movement's activists also stressed the existence of institutional racism in the United States. According to the leaders of the movement Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi, law enforcement agencies are to blame for the high mortality rate among African Americans. A sharp surge in violence was recorded in the United States in 2014-2016. There were many racially motivated violent offences during that time. The reasons for such a development include aggressive actions of Black Lives Matter activists during the protests in many US cities. The protests escalated into mass riots and looting. The activities of the Black Lives Matter have led to an increase in political polarization in the United States, while the aggressive actions of the protesters made many extremists and ordinary people commit racists crimes. The article presents a number of studies of governmental and non-governmental institutions of the United States. The studies show that the death rate among African Americans began to increase after 2014. The article found that the mass riots in a number of US cities had caused a significant increase in crime. The article also found that the killings in the United States were of an interracial nature. Therefore, the sharp rise in crime has caused an increase in the mortality rate among African Americans. Police were not found to be biased against African Americans. On the other hand, the anti-police rhetoric of the organizers and activists of the Black Lives Matter movement, has reduced police activity in densely populated areas of African Americans. This phenomenon is called the «Ferguson effect». It has been found that such a fact significantly increased the death rate among African Americans during 2014-2016. Thus, the activities of the socio-political movement Black Lives Matter only destabilized the situation in the United States and worsened the situation in the African-American community.

The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) occupied the city of Manbij and its countryside from 23 January 2014 until 12 August 2016. During this period, the region suffered greatly as ISIS monopolized control and brutally imposed its ideology. Fierce battles were fought for the control of oil wells, bakeries, mills, dams, and power stations, all of which were sources of revenue. Antiquities were soon recognized as another potential income source. This article demonstrates the ways in which ISIS began to administer and facilitate the looting of antiquities through the Diwan Al-Rikaz. Within this diwan, ISIS established the Qasmu Al-Athar, which was specifically responsible for looting antiquities. Based on interviews conducted in 2015 and primary documents, this article studies the specific ways in which ISIS facilitated the quarrying and looting of antiquities in Manbij and the rich archaeological sites of its countryside. Further, by examining the damage at a previously undocumented archaeological site, Meshrefet Anz, the looting of antiquities under the direct supervision of the Diwan Al-Rikaz is studied. Using documentary evidence including ISIS’s internal documentation as well as photographs collected by the author between 2014 and 2016, the article demonstrates the methods used by ISIS, reveals its financial motivations, and bears witness to the damage done at specific Syrian heritage sites.

This study sets out to assess responses to international terrorism in Kenya. This stems out of the fact that the terrorism menace has had been a major security challenge facing the country. The study draws a comparison of the Dusit D2 and Westgate terror attacks. Data was collected from a purposive sample of academics as well as serving and retired diplomats, senior police officers and military personnel. Primary data was collected from the respondents using interviews. The findings show that the West gate shopping mall in 2013 and the DusitD2 Hotel attack in January 2019 are replete with major differences. A critical comparison between both attacks shows an immense difference in the response to the terrorist attacks in Westgate Mall and Dust D2. In both cases, there was prior intelligence of the looming attack. However, there was no clear policy framework on intelligence sharing between the various security agencies in Westgate. Additionally, policies on timely multiagency deployment were disjointed in Westgate but improved in Dusit D2. Although the friendly fire was recorded in Westgate, this was not the case in Westgate. There was also a lack of clear policies on hierarchical coordination between different security agencies in Westgate Mall as opposed to Dusit D2. The law had also been more enhanced with the domestication of the 2012 Prevention of Terrorism Act and the creation of the institutions enshrined therein during the Dusit D2 attack. Accountability mechanisms for security agencies had also been improved during the Dusit D2 attack as opposed to Westgate Mall attack where there were cases of indiscipline and looting by state security personnel. Coordination between government officials and security agencies was also smoother in the Dusit D2 attack. Although the terrorists could communicate for some time between themselves and their command center and share publicity information, this was not the case with Dusit D2 where such communication was curtailed immediately. In both attacks though, communication between victims and outside help was poor and unreliable, and false information was passed. This was more prone and documented in the Dusit D2 attack. It is recommended that multiagency response teams should constantly review their operation guidelines and standard operating procedures so as to deal with the ever-changing sophistication in terrorist attacks. The government should put in place ways aimed at checking disparities in capabilities and equipment among various tactical and intelligence teams in Kenya for a uniform response to terrorism. There is a need for multinational frameworks for undertaking financing and creation of joint information infrastructure for security agencies so as to reign in on international terrorism in the East African Region. Training should also be synchronized across security agencies.

The purpose of the article – to analyze the situation, the state of affairs of the Jewish population of Eastern Galicia during World War I from August of 1914 till June of 1915. The methodology of the research: adherence to the principles of objectivity and historicism contributed to the elucidation of the preconditions, essence and consequences of the Russian administration activities during the occupation period concerning the Jewish community of Eastern Galicia. The scientific novelty consists in a comprehensive problem coverage of the civilian administration and military command attitude to the local population and national minorities; in the analysis of socio-political and economic processes on the eve and during the years of the Russian occupation administration, which has not been the subject of a special historical study. The attempt has been made to recreate the picture of political changes in the structure of Galician multinational society, where a social category emerged – the refugees. New archival materials have been introduced into scientific circulation, which allowed to generalize the situation of the Jewish community of Galicia during World War I. The Conclusions. The occupation of the Galician region by the Russian troops was accompanied by a violent policy against the local population and national minorities of the region. The government's inaction led to mass looting and military violence against the Jews. Russia's anti-Jewish policy on the South-Western Front had a negative effect on the country's international image, creating additional obstacles for the country to obtain foreign loans. The policy of persecution of the Jewish population by the state led to the confrontation in the society, the creation of stereotypes ingrained in the public consciousness, where the Jews acted as enemies, traitors, moneylenders, speculators, who were accused of all internal and military miscalculations of the Empire. Key words: Jewish minority, occupation, Eastern Galicia, the Russian Empire, World War I.

The period after June 2014 has seen forces from the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), an armed group, spread quickly across Iraq. This process has led to massive displacements in which affected over two million people. Indeed, the primary targets of ISIL have been religious and ethnic minorities. Some of these groups include Yazidis, Shabak, Kaka’i, and Christians. Also, ISIL has abducted or injured many people, with thousands also killed. Examples of adverse actions that the armed group has committed include severe human rights abuses such as the looting of property, the abduction of children, the destruction of places of worship, sexual enslavement, rape, forced conversion, and summary executions. Whereas the period before the insurgency group’s entry still witnessed minorities exist as a vulnerable group, the violence led by ISIL has threatened to eliminate them permanently from regions such as the Nineveh Plains, have lived in these areas for several centuries. The main question purpose of this paper is to examine the future status of minorities in post-ISIL Iraq? ISIL. I will argue that although ISIL had been defeated in Iraq, their impact will be critical on Iraqi Minorities Even after the demise of ISIL. Currently, informal settlements, abandoned buildings, and camps in which the displaced persons live reflect deteriorating humanitarian conditions. With international agencies experiencing limited resources and also the government failing to offer an effective response, most of the international displaced people (IDPs)[1] do not have enough shelter, health care, water, food, and other essential items. Indeed, most vulnerable groups include children and women. At a time when the majority are contemplating emigration out of Iraq, their survival in the immediate and far future rests upon collaboration among four groups that include the international community, the Iraqi government, Kurdish authorities, and minorities themselves. Some of the specific areas that need to be addressed include the asylum dilemma, reconciliation and restoration, preventing future abuses, legislation, and humanitarian issues.

Rescue has long been a defense for the removal of cultural property. Since the explosion of iconoclasm in West Asia, North Africa, and West Africa, there has been a growing demand for cultural property in danger zones to be “rescued” by being purchased and given “asylum” in “safe zones” (typically, in the market countries of Western Europe and North America). This article reviews evidence from natural experiments with the “rescue” of looted antiquities and stolen artifacts from across Asia and Europe. Unsurprisingly, the evidence reaffirms that “rescue” incentivizes looting, smuggling, and corruption, as well as forgery, and the accompanying destruction of knowledge. More significantly, “rescue” facilitates the laundering of “ordinary” illicit assets and may contribute to revenue streams of criminal organizations and violent political organizations; it may even weaken international support for insecure democracies. Ultimately, “rescue” by purchase appears incoherent, counter-productive, and dangerous for the victimized communities that it purports to support.

Ariella Aisha Azoulay’s Potential History: Unlearning Imperialism, is a long, passionately written account of the looting spree that created modernity. The book reads as though it were composed by ...

An ancient practice, sexual violence has long been associated with the consequences of armed conflict and often naturally occurs as incredulously as pillaging and looting have always been. This paper looks at the phenomenon of conflict-related sexual violence and how its conceptualization has evolved in both public consciousness and human rights praxis in the last decade. Through a case study of conflicts in Eastern D.R. Congo, Northern Nigeria and Iraq we trace the impact of group level factors in influencing targeting mechanisms in sexual violence during armed conflicts. Through this cross-national case study, we are able to provide a critical analysis of how the confluence of social, economic and political factors create opportunities to perpetuate sexual violence in conflicts. A key factor here is the scope of the variation in the cases selected for this study. Such an analysis is imperative if we are to understand the circumstances behind these variations and ultimately how they can be addressed.

ABD’de 25 Mayıs 2020 tarihinde George Floyd’un öldürülmesi sonrasındaki olaylar kitlesel tepkiye dönüşmüş ve diğer ülkelere de yayılmıştır. Bu çalışmada www.amerikaninsesi.com haber sitesinde George Floyd haberleri ırkçılık ve nefret söylemi bağlamında incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın amacı Amerika’da polis şiddeti sonucu hayatını kaybeden George Floyd’un ölüm haberlerinin www.amerikaninsesi.com haber sitesinde nasıl yansıtıldığını ve siyahi olmasının ırkçılık ve nefret söylemi bağlamında nasıl aktarıldığını tespit etmektir. Amaçsal örneklem yöntemine göre olayın meydana geldiği 25 Mayıs tarihinden sonra ilk haberin yayınlandığı 27 Mayıs ve 2 Haziran tarihleri arasındaki bir haftalık süre çalışma kapsamına alınmıştır. Bir haftalık süreçte imzasız olarak yayınlanan on yedi haber incelenmiştir. Haberde kullanılan dikkat çekici, anlam üreten fotoğraflar da çalışma kapsamına alınmıştır. Yöntem olarak Teun A. van Dijk’ın eleştirel söylem analizi kullanılmıştır. İncelenen haberlerde Floyd’un ölümü sonrasındaki şiddet olaylarına dikkat çekildiği görülmüştür. Ana olay ve haber öznesi önemsizleştirilmiştir. Ana olay protestolar olarak sunulmuştur. İdeoloji ve anlam yüklü fotoğraflar kullanılmıştır. Haberlerde siyahiler suç, yoksulluk, şiddet ve yağma ile ilişkilendirilmiştir. Göstericiler ve polis karşıtlığı üzerinden öteki tanımlanmıştır. Resmi kurum ve yetkililerin açıklamaları aktif cümlelerle aktarılarak söylemleri yeniden üretilmiştir. Haberlerde ötekileştirici, özneyi önemsizleştirici sözcüklere yer verilmiştir. Haberlerde göstericilerin söylem ve açıklamalarına yer verilmemiştir. Yargılamanın adil olup olmadığı, toplumda siyahilerin karşılaştıkları ırkçı ve ötekileştirici yaklaşım üzerinde çok fazla durulmamıştır., In the United States, the events that followed the murder of George Floyd on May 25, 2020 turned into a mass reaction and spread to other countries. In this study, the news of George Floyd's death on www.amerikaninsesi.com was analyzed in the context of racism and hate speech. The aim of the study is to determine how the news of the death of George Floyd, who died as a result of police violence, was reflected on www.amerikaninsesi.com and how black people were perceived in the context of racism and hate speech. As the first piece news on this incident was published on 27 May,in line with the framework of the purposeful sampling method, the one week period between 27 May and 2 June was included in the analysis conducted in this study. The seventeen pieces of news published in this one-week period were analyzed in detail. Remarkable and meaningful photographs used in the news were also included in the study. Critical discourse analysis of Teun A. van Dijk was chosen as the research method. Analysis of the news revealed that attention was drawn to the violence that occured after the death of Floyd. The main incident and news subject were trivialized. Protests were presented as the main event. Ideological and meaningful photos were used. In the news, blacks were associated with crime, poverty, violence and looting. Otherization was defined around demonstrators and police opposition. Statements by public institutions and officials were conveyed in the forms of active sentences and their discourses were reproduced. In the news, the words otherizing and trivializing the person were used. The discourses and statements of the demonstrators were not included in the news. Whether the trial was fair or not, othering or the racist approach that Blacks face in society was not emphasized at all.

The article analyzes the phenomenon of social protests that swept the United States in 2020. The article considers the evolution of the concepts of sacrifice and redemption in the modern public consciousness of the USA and Europe. The author analyzes the cause-and-effect relationships of what is happening, the phenomena accompanying the protests, in particular, looting, which is perceived by the protesters not as a marginal phenomenon, but as a necessary condition for restoring social justice.

В 2014 р. в зв’язку з окупацією Криму призупинила свою офіційну діяльність єдина в Україні державна установа, яка займалася питаннями підводної спадщини — Чорноморський центр підводних досліджень. На 1.02.2019 р. залишаються недоступними 49% берегової смуги України і 51% пам’ятників (безпосередньо акваторія АР Крим). Ситуація в питанні збереження цих об’єктів характеризується як не керована. Правоохоронними органами фіксуються факти розграбування і не санкціонованого підйому підводних пам’ятників. Головні державні музейні заклади, присвячені морській історії України залишилися в Криму (мм. Феодосія, Севастополь і Балаклава). В результаті окупації Україна втратила доступ до всіх колекцій і експозицій цієї тематики.

The Iran-Iraq War (1980–88) has been the subject of many aesthetic productions in contemporary Persian literature. The Iranian mass media during the war with Iraq described the armed conflict as holy and masculine, and propagated the replacement of the word “war” with “sacred defense” to urge authors to write within this established framework and reflect the ideals of the State. Opposed to such an ideological view of the war, the prominent Iranian novelist Ahmad Mahmoud began to express dissent in his works of fiction such as The Scorched Earth (1982). This study, therefore, analyzes Mahmoud’s scope of dissidence toward wartime propaganda and gender in the above mentioned novel to articulate how Mahmoud raises important questions regarding the State’s view of war and the established gender norms in Iran at war. It uses cultural materialist dissident reading and textual analysis to study Mahmoud’s contempt for wartime propaganda through the text’s portrayal of desperate people in Khorramshahr in the southwest of Iran caught between Iraqi airstrikes and artillery fires, and domestic problems including inflation, looting and mismanagement.

Lake Chad is an oasis in the middle of the desert. It is a tropical lake whose active basin feeds largely on the waters of the Chari River and its main affluent, the Logone River. To a lesser extent, it receives contributions from the Komadougou Yobe, the Beid, the Yedseram and the Ngadda basins. The size of the lake is variable due to the fluctuations in the rainfall regime. Nearly one hundred million inhabitants rely on its waters for food. For several decades, its population has been suffering a hydric and humanitarian crisis that is the result of a combination of various factors. The purpose of this paper is to address this multidimensional problem from a hydrosocial perspective, focusing not only on environmental issues but also considering that water crises are the consequence of symbiotic relationships between human beings and nature. This political-ecological perspective suggests, in Swyngedouw’s words, a close correlation between the transformations of, and in, the hydrological cycle at local, regional and global levels on the one hand and relations of social, economic and cultural power on the other (2009, p. 56). Thus considered, crises involve state structures and political decisions, geometries of power, economic and social relations of its inhabitants, and the relationship established between these factors and the environment. Therefore, this study does not consider the Lake Chad issue as the mere result of a natural desertification process or as a consequence of climate change, influenced or not by human action. Instead, we consider that this issue comprises multiple variables and actors that interact and influence each other, thus shaping the current situation of the region, which also involves four African states. Additionally, we will use the concept of “waterscape” to refer to “a landscape unity” resulting from the interaction between societies and their environment, which involves, therefore, “all social, economic, cultural and political processes through which nature is perceived and transformed by societies, as well as - in return - the influence of these environmental changes on societies” (Molle, 2012, p.220). In its current form, Lake Chad’s waterscape shows a region suffering constant human displacements and insecurity due to the conflicts triggered by human migrations in search of new lands as a consequence of the desertification caused by changes in rainfall levels. These displacements are, in turn, influenced and aggravated by state action and state violence, and by the proliferation of various armed movements that leverage the situation to pursue their illicit activities linked to organized crime. The Lake Chad Basin is part of a circuit of trade routes established centuries ago by populations largely dependent on livestock and agriculture, who experienced periods of peaceful coexistence among them, and others not so peaceful. In modern times, this modus vivendi has been disrupted by droughts and desertification. Consequently, populations have moved from the most arid to the most humid regions, while confrontations between semi-nomadic populations or herders and sedentary populations have proliferated. In the basin states, these displacements soon led to violent clashes between herders and farmers over land use and access to water sources. In view of such a scenario, states have not acted effectively in order to stop violence. Since their independence, the Sahelian states have neglected the desert regions of their territories mainly because of the resistance of their inhabitants to bureaucratic state practices that affected their nomadic or semi-nomadic way of life. This is the reason why such regions never had access to the basic services or economic possibilities that were available at urban centers. Consequently, desert regions did not have access to health, education, basic health services or even safe drinking water. States have also failed to implement a land policy that ensures access to the resources that each sector needs in order to survive and prosper. The legal gaps regarding land tenure and the coexistence of several “legal categories” (such as reserves, communal land, vacant land, etc.) is a pervasive reality in this region, which reveals traditional coexistence mechanisms that are not in line with states’ bureaucratic dynamics, sometimes clashing with them. The Lake Chad Basin states have not either been able to bring an end to the terrorist violence unleashed mainly by Boko Haram and Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP). As a matter of fact, one of the main strategies for recruiting members and getting civilian support in the early days of Boko Haram had to do with the provision of basic health services and the opening of Koranic schools, trying to fill the gaps left by an absent state. Subsequently, Boko Haram resorted to forced recruitment, looting and widespread violence against the inhabitants of the cities and towns where it settled. The states’ military response was channeled through the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) and various national or bilateral operations in the affected states. The MNJTF organized several boisterous operations –some of them successful, and others not so much- but managed to significantly reduce Boko Haram’s area of influence. Taking the hydrosocial perspective into account, this paper seeks to analyze the variation in the rainfall level and its impact on the lake´s conditions; the historical and current population movements of the various ethnic groups inhabiting the region; the role of the region’s inhabitants and the policies imposed on them by the four basin states; the state, communal and terrorist violence occurring in the area; and the link among these factors as determinants of the current regional crisis.

Los complejos tiempos que vivimos ante el suceso demoledor de la emergencia global del Covid-19, nos muestran las debilidades sistémicas de las instituciones y la incapacidad de los Estados y gobiernos modernos por dar garantías, rutas y esquemas que sirvan como insumos estratégicos para hacerle frente a las crisis estructurales de nuestros tiempos. Parte de esta situación, no es ajena a las otras formas y expresiones radicales de pandemias que se han vivido históricamente: despojo, saqueo, re-colonización, genocidios y exterminios físico, cultura, étnico, racial, ideológico, ecológico y social entre otros.

The transition and consolidation of the democratic regime in Argentina banished violence as a means of gaining access to state power. However, the frequent appearance of violent protests (“outbursts,” riots, looting or “puebladas,” among others) interrogates the persistence of violent collective actions and their relations with the dynamics of institutional policy in the current democratic framework. To what extent do these facts form part of the new repertoires of action, as several authors maintain? Are they actions that are an instrument of politics, or are they the expression of a radical opposition to the system? On the other hand, the emergence of a multiple and a fragmented form of violence go hand in hand with the emergence of illegalities of various kinds: the expansion of informal and illegal economies (the trade in drugs, weapons and people, among the main ones). The proven complicity of the state institutions in these processes also questions the relationship between politics and violence, although in a different register. Is it an institutional “flaw” or a new form of government? To what extent does such violence represent strategies of political accumulation?

One of the most important events of the 2nd Constitutional period, the March 31 Incident, was completely suppressed after the Movement Army took control of the city and the Yıldız Palace after walking from Istanbul to Thessaloniki. Subsequently, Sultan Abdulhamid II was “related” to the incident and was exiled to Thessaloniki.When it came to the Armistice period, the Movement Army has been allegedly raided by the Yıldız Palace in the process of taking it under control. Opponents of the Committee of Union and Progress have accused members of the Union and Movement Army of looting the Yıldız Palace, seizing money and valuables in it. These accusations, perhaps which were voiced after the end of 1909, was highlighted since October 1918, when the Unionists were forced to abandon their power. Because after the Union and Progress left the power, the Unionists began to be regarded as a relentless "enemy" of the state and the nation.. Thus, during the Armistice period, the judgments against the Unionists, which were considered to be responsible of every evil, were initiated. One of the accusations against the Unionist in this process was the allegations of 1909 Yıldız Palace Looting. Thus, the claims of looting became the subject of litigation. In the consequence of the judgment carried out by the 1st Customary Court Martial in the chairmanship of Nemrut Mustafa Pasha, and many people including Landed Proprietor member Ferik Hüseyin Hüsnü, Galip and Riza Pashas were expelled from the military profession on the grounds of “looting” and they have been sentenced to various kinds of punishment.In this study, in the light of archive resources, newspapers and memories, the dimensions of the claims of Yıldız Palace looting after the dethronement of Abdulhamid will be discussed. In addition, it will focus on the judgments and punishment over the allegations of looting during the Armistice period., II. Meşrutiyet döneminin en mühim hadiselerinden biri olan 31 Mart Vak‘ası, Hareket Ordusu’nun Selanik’ten İstanbul’a yürüyüşünün akabinde, şehri ve Yıldız Sarayı’nı kontrol altına almasıyla tamamen bastırıldı. Akabinde de Sultan II. Abdülhamid, hadise ile “ilişkilendirilerek” tahttan indirildi ve Selanik’e sürgün edildi.Mütareke dönemine gelindiğinde, Hareket Ordusu’nun Yıldız Sarayı’nın kontrol altına alması sürecinde Saray’ın yağmalandığı yönünde iddialar gündeme getirildi. İttihâd ve Terakki Cemiyeti muhalifleri, İttihâdçıları ve Hareket Ordusu mensuplarını, Yıldız’ı yağmalamak, Saray’daki para ve değerli eşyalara el koymakla itham ettiler. Belki 1909 sonrasında kısık seslerle dile getirilen bu ithamlar, İttihâdçıların iktidarı bırakmak zorunda kaldıkları Ekim 1918’den itibaren gür bir şekilde öne çıkarıldı. Zira İttihâd ve Terakki’nin iktidarı bırakması sonrasında İttihâdçılar, devlet ve milletin amansız bir “düşmanı” olarak telakki edilmeye başlanmışlardı. Nitekim Mütareke döneminde, her kötülüğün müsebbibi olarak değerlendirilen İttihâdçılara yönelik muhakemeler başlatıldı. Bu süreçte İttihâdçılara yöneltilen suçlamalardan biri de 1909 Yıldız yağması iddiaları idi. Nitekim yağma iddiaları da dava konusu haline getirildi Nemrut Mustafa Paşa riyasetindeki I. Divân-ı Harb-i Örfî tarafından gerçekleştirilen muhakeme neticesinde Ayan azası Ferik Hüseyin Hüsnü, Galip ve Rıza Paşaların da dâhil olduğu pek çok şahıs “yağmagerlik” yaptıkları gerekçesiyle askerlik mesleğinden ihraç edilerek çeşitli cezalara çarptırıldılar.Bu çalışmada; arşiv kaynakları, gazete ve hatıralar ışığında, Abdülhamid’in hal‘i sonrasında Yıldız Sarayı’na yönelik yağma iddialarının boyutlarının ele alınmasına çalışılacaktır. İlaveten, Mütareke dönemindeki yağma iddiaları üzerine gerçekleştirilen muhakeme ve cezalandırmalar üzerinde durulacaktır.

Looting of archaeological sites and thefts from cultural institutions in the Middle East is driven by an international demand for artifacts. Despite the efforts of Ministries of Culture, Department...

The question of the fate of the “Benin bronze” is part of a more general problem of the restitution of African art pieces exported from the continent, during the period of European colonial rule. The difference between the history of the looting of the monuments of the Benin Kingdom (the territory of modern Nigeria) by British troops from many other examples of the removal of original African heritage, is in the fact, that in this case there was a robbery committed as a result of a military conflict, both sides of which were politically independent. The political independence of each party, strictly speaking, does not allow for the situation to be considered in the system of relations “metropolis — colony”. Modern owners of Benin monuments, spread across a number of museums and other collections in the world, recognize the injustice of their acquisitions, but they do not always recognize the possibility and necessity of restitution of these artifacts. This is facilitated by the complexity of the history of objects after their exportation from Africa and the absence of, in most cases, legal grounds for their direct return. Recently, the situation has changed significantly, making it possible to transfer a vast portion of art pieces, originating from Benin, on the basis of not so much the letter of the law, but on the desire to restore justice.

The article describes the origins of Bashkir enlightenment literature, the influence of democratic ideas of the late XIX century, in particular the influence of M. Akmulla’s works on Bashkir poetry. Separately is discussed the enlightenment work of Bashkir poet Safuan Yakshigulov and his becoming the educator. The article compares the views of the national poets Sh. Babich and S. Yakshigylov on the problem of looting of Bashkir lands. There is some information about Sh. Babich, whose works are studied better than the poetry of S. Yakshigulov. While more attention is paid to the analysis of poems by S. Yakshigylov. It is concluded that poets-educators were pioneers of national movements and educational reforms of the beginning of the twentieth century. The article deals with the study of enlightenment poetry, more precisely, with the understanding of the land issue in the works of two Bashkir poets of the early twentieth century. This article also assesses socio-political problems, such as the tsarist colonial policy, the land issue, and social inequality in society. Democratic transformations in various areas of spiritual and cultural life of the country are considered from the perspective of Bashkir educational poetry.

La pratique de la détection de métaux a connu un développement considérable durant les quarante dernières années. Prenant la mesure du risque que celle-ci faisait courir au patrimoine archéologique, les pouvoirs publics, à la suite de recommandations internationales, ont mis en place des législations pour tenter de diminuer son impact. Certaines nations à l’image de l’Angleterre et du Pays de Galles, et récemment des Flandres belges, considèrent néanmoins les utilisateurs de détecteurs de métaux plus comme des auxiliaires à la recherche que comme un réel risque pour le patrimoine archéologique, et les encouragent à déclarer leurs trouvailles aux autorités compétentes. De plus, les découvreurs d’objets exceptionnels peuvent se voir récompensés financièrement. En France, où la législation impose l’obtention d’une autorisation administrative pour utiliser un détecteur de métaux, les systèmes déclaratifs font figure d’exemples pour la communauté des utilisateurs de détecteurs, rêvant d’une « collaboration active » entre eux et les archéologues. Certains scientifiques, arguant que la détection illégale est une réalité qu’on ne peut combattre, font cependant le choix d’enregistrer et d’étudier les découvertes des utilisateurs clandestins de détecteurs de métaux, voyant ainsi la possibilité de « sauver ce qui peut l’être ». Cependant, divers exemples issus de l’actualité et de différents médias démontrent que, loin de son but originel, cette pratique offre une caution scientifique à la détection de métaux et une valeur marchande aux objets découverts, créant ainsi une demande alimentant le pillage du patrimoine., The practice of metal detection has developed considerably over the past forty years. Taking into account the risk that it posed to the archaeological heritage, public authorities, following international recommendations, have put implemented legislation to try to reduce its impact. Some nations such as England and Wales, and recently Belgium, nevertheless consider users of metal detectors more as research assistants than as a real risk to the archaeological heritage and encourage them to report their findings to the competent authorities. In addition, discoverers of exceptional objects can be rewarded financially. In France, where legislation requires administrative authorization to use a metal detector, declaratory systems are models for the detector user community who have dreamed of “active collaboration” between themselves and archaeologists. Some scientists, arguing that illegal detection is a reality that cannot be combated, nevertheless choose to record and study the discoveries of clandestine users of metal detectors, seeing in this the possibility of “saving what can be saved”. However, various examples from current events and the media show that, far from its original purpose, this practice provides a scientific validation for the detection of metals and a market value for the objects discovered, thus creating a demand for the looting of heritage sites.

This research dealt with the authentic hadith of the Prophet that are related to combating against corruption. Some hadiths mentioned in the research dealt with issues related to administrative corruption such as bribery, gift to civil servants and looting of public funds. Whereas other hadiths dealt with administrative corruption in relation to mediation, and employment of relatives in the government out of favoritism and injustice. In this paper, effort has been made to ascertain among the most common causes that contribute to the spread of the phenomenon of administrative corruption in the Islamic world. This study aims to find a proper solution and appropriate remedies in light of the Sunnah, in reducing the spread of administrative corruption. A qualitative approach based upon extensive review of Hadith collections and their commentaries, as well as contemporary scholars writings, has been used to study the concept of administrative corruption and its causes. The researcher also analyzed these data through extracting and highlighting the precise meanings of the texts. The results explicitly elaborate that the Sunnah is the best means to apply for addressing the problem of administrative corruption in the Islamic world. It has been observed that the Sunnah completely address two-fold of people that are administrative officials as well as common people.

Introduction: Natural disasters is one of the real threats which cause the loss of life, property, and refugees. Background Problems: The role of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) in natural disaster management becomes an interesting thing to study when natural disasters occur in Indonesia. Novelty: This article reveals the analysis result of the implementation of TNI’s principles in disaster management, especially in the following regions: Palu, Sigi and Donggala (Pasigala), Central Sulawesi Province. Research Methods: The research was conducted using qualitative research methods. The collected data was analyzed using qualitative data analysis techniques. Finding/Results: Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that the role of TNI’s leadership style was very prominent to fill the vacancies of Regional Leaders in certain areas experiencing disaster. The support of TNI personnel in natural disaster management cannot be separated from the implementation of 11 TNI leadership principles, which consist of: Takwa, Ing Ngarsa Sung Tulada, Ing Madya Mangun Karsa, Tut Wuri Handayani, Waspada Purba Wisesa, Ambeg Parama Arta, Prasaja, Satya, Gemi Nastiti, Belaka, and Legawa . The application of these principles can be seen in emergency response situations, where TNI plays an important role, in which their instructions were conformed by the community. In disaster mitigations, they evacuated victims, rebuilt worship places, looked around for logistical sources for the community, were incharged for possible criminal actions, such as eradicated looting acts, arrested the perpetrators and handed them to the local Police. Thus, it can be said that the leadership of TNI has succeeded in handling natural disasters in Pasigala, Central Sulawesi. It can be then recommended that the Indonesian Government and stakeholders should improve the quality of training and education for leadership and disaster management by implementing the leadership principles of TNI, as well as synergizing with TNI in disaster management

The African borders established in Berlin in 1884–85, at the peak of Cecil John Rhodes’ South African ambitions, were functional to the main five colonial-imperial powers, but certainly not to African societies then, nor to future generations. The residues of Rhodes’ settler-colonial racism and extractive-oriented looting include major cities such as Johannesburg, which are witnessing worse inequality and desperation, even a quarter of a century after apartheid fell in 1994. In South Africa’s financial capital, Johannesburg, a combination of post-apartheid neoliberalism and regional subimperial hegemony amplified xenophobic tendencies to the boiling point in 2019. Not only could University of Cape Town students tear down the hated campus statue of Rhodes, but the vestiges of his ethnic divide-and-conquer power could be swept aside. Rhodes did “fall,” in March 2015, but the South African working class and opportunistic politicians took no notice of the symbolic act, and instead began to raise Rhodes’ border walls ever higher, through ever more violent xenophobic outbreaks. Ending the populist predilection towards xenophobia will require more fundamental changes to the inherited political economy, so that the deep structural reasons for xenophobia are ripped out as convincingly as were the studs holding down Rhodes’ Cape Town statue.

The Khmer Rouge’s impact on Cambodia’s ancient heritage has been understudied. There are, at present, no major resources that explicitly present a centralized compilation of data or information regarding the relationship between the communist regime and the temples of Angkor nor the various damaging effects that a decade of internecine upheavals have had on the monuments. This absence of primary material is surprising considering the extensive archaeological and conservational work that has taken place in Cambodia, and not to mention the international fascination with Angkor. This article aims to take the first steps in redressing this palpable gap in the literature—it is a brief inquiry into the cause and effect of damage, desecration, and destruction committed to the major Angkorian monuments and the treatment of Cambodia’s ancient, tangible heritage by successive political regimes. It also attempts to deal with the inadequate nature of existing documentation that has hindered any analysis of the issues at hand. I restrict my attention to the Buddhist complexes in Cambodia with a focus on four phases of violence: “Operation Menu” or the American bombardment of 1969–70; the Cambodian Civil War, 1970–75; Democratic Kampuchea’s occupancy of power, 1975–79; and the Vietnamese invasion of 1978–79. In regard to what exactly happened to these monumental complexes at the hands of the Khmer Rouge, I have covered structural damage from conventional weaponry; the use, and, in most cases, misuse, of the temples by various political factions (including strategic, practical and quotidian, and propagandistic use); and the effect of conservation interruption and looting. In light of the recent destruction of cultural heritage in the ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq and the recent conflict in Mali, these issues remain perpetually relevant in world affairs.

Egypt is a country renowned for its immense diversity of cultural heritage which has always been struggling with the multivariate impacts of illicit trafficking of artifacts and cultural objects, illegal excavations, pillaging of archaeological sites, and destruction of historical monuments and buildings. The aftermath of the Egyptian revolutions of 2011 and 2013, represented in the political unrest, the unenforceable laws and regulations, the dispersal of the police forces and the lack of governmental funding, has ultimately exacerbated this threat. Despite the exerted governmental efforts in combating illicit trafficking of cultural property on national and international levels, theft, looting, and illegal export remain constant hazards. The major objective of this article is to address the different aspects of the current inherent challenges that impede the implementation of an effective strategy for protecting and safeguarding the Egyptian cultural heritage from illicit trafficking. Moreover, it clarifies the focal key actions for the adoption of safeguarding measures, procedures and standards, while highlighting the necessary precautions needed for achieving the optimal protection for the Egyptian cultural property.

In recent years, the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL)1 as well as several Al-Qaida affiliates have used the systematic and large-scale looting of antiquities as one of their income streams. Due to the large-scale and organized looting activities of these groups, in particular, in Iraq and the Syrian Arab Republic, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), following various reports and recommendations by the ISIL, Al-Qaida and Taliban Monitoring Team has adopted a range of measures, chiefly among them the landmark UNSC Resolution 2347 (2017) to counter this threat. These measures demand that both member states’ regulators as well as private sector stakeholders take specific action to ensure that the art and antiquity trading industry is capable of defending itself against the misuse of their services to finance terrorism. This article outlines the various challenges member states and private industry are facing in this regard and explains how the various new UNSC provisions, including the measures outlined in UNSC Resolution 2347 (2017), could be employed effectively to counter this threat.

On entering administration, British Home Stores owed its pension scheme £571 million—a significant employment relations issue of historical wage theft by investor–owner managers. The article locates ‘lawful’ looting of business assets in a framework that builds on Ackerlof and Romer's theory of bankruptcy for profit and connects this to an empirical narrative on business re‐structuring at British Home Stores towards administration.

The article is devoted to the work of the mountain police in the early twentieth century. One of the problems in the gold mines of the Far East was Chinese crime: the Chinese organized criminal gangs that were engaged in looting and robberies in the gold mines, counterfeiting, export of contraband gold. Despite the established quotas for admission of Chinese workers, their number was up to 75% of the total, according to the Special Commission at the Mountain Department, the Chinese kept gold in the amount of up to 2 million rubles annually. During the First World War, the entire border of the Russian Empire tightened control over the withdrawal of gold abroad, the Military Governor of the Amur issued an Order in which he urged the mountain police to strictly follow the movement of gold abroad so that it would not get to the Germans. Those who did not comply with the order were to be punished to the full extent of the law., Статья посвящена работе горной полиции в начале XX в. Одной из проблем на золотых приисках Дальнего Востока была китайская преступность: китайцы организовывали преступные банды, которые занимались грабежами и разбоями на приисках, фальшивомонетничеством, вывозом контрабандного золота. Законами Российской империи были установлены квоты на количество азиатских рабочих — 50%, реальное же количество китайских и корейских рабочих было больше, их численность доходила до 75%. Ничего с этим явлением, вызванным экономическими потребностями отрасли, власти поделать не могли. Горная полиция не соблюдала распоряжения о квотах. По данным Особой комиссии при Горном департаменте китайцы утаивали золота на сумму до двух миллионов рублей ежегодно. В годы Первой мировой войны по всей границе Российской империи ужесточился контроль за вывозом золота за границу. Военный губернатор Амурской области вынес предписание, в котором призывал горных полицейских с учетом военного времени строго следить за перемещением золота за границу, чтобы оно не досталось немцам. Для тех же, кто не будет выполнять предписание, предполагалось применять наказания по всей строгости закона.

This work aims to show the strength of propaganda in the religious conflicts of the late 16th and first half of the 17th century through the many images that have survived. The rulers, particularly Protestants, sharpened their skillful propaganda machinery using the image as a fundamental element for the creation of an "Antihabsburg" visual culture. The brutality of looting was especially used as a thrown weapon to shape European "public opinion" against enemy States and armies. The analysis of films and engravings of the time, as well as of the literature, reveals not only the deliberate construction of a propaganda, but also of myths, stereotyped visions and national cliches that are still repeated today.RESUMENEste trabajo tiene como objetivo mostrar la pujanza de la propaganda en los conflictos religiosos de finales del siglo XVI y primera mitad del XVII a traves de las numerosas imagenes que han pervivido. Los gobernantes, particularmente protestantes, afilaron sus habiles maquinarias propagandisticas empleando la imagen como elemento fundamental para la creacion de una cultura visual “antihabsburgo”. Especialmente se utilizo la brutalidad de los saqueos como arma arrojadiza para moldear la “opinion publica” europea contra los estados y ejercitos enemigos asaltantes. El analisis de laminas y grabados de la epoca, como tambien de la literatura, desvela no solo la construccion deliberada de una propaganda, sino tambien de mitos, visiones estereotipadas y topicos nacionales que aun hoy se repiten.

Although humanitarian aid (HA) is desperately needed in Yemen to cope with the worst humanitarian crisis in the world, few studies have analyzed the effect of these grants. This article provides such an analysis using 34 interviews of NGO directors and staff members in Yemen. The interviews were conducted in an open format, to enable interviewees to express all their ideas on the HA situation in Yemen, not just ones that solely fit into the frame and questions of this study. Our empirical analysis indicates that the ability of local NGOs to use and deliver supplies to those suffering is severely constrained. This is mainly due to looting by conflicting factions, corruption, and the absence of the international deterrent that obliges the conflicting parties to preserve human rights. Furthermore, this study indicates that HA is being used as a weapon of war for power and financial gain, and thus is a contributing factor in the continuation of the conflict. This means it is important that international donors explore alternative solutions to effectively deliver and distribute HA in fragile states.

Due to its geographical location, China has been the target of sea bandits in almost every period from the first dynasty to the last. Their existence in Chinese history dates back to the about 2000s B.C. Sea bandits are usually regarded as villains who rule the seas, as they are known for their lifestyles of law-breaking and criminality. In many cases, however, Chinese naval bandits emerged as a result of forced conditions that cannot be considered apart from the nature and formation of their society. Until a centralized authority was established, people who escaped from the oppression of slavery started to live on the seas and tried to survive the difficult conditions of seamanship by plundering. Over time, piracy became a profession, and Chinese bandits sailed across the seas throughout the following dynasties. 張伯路 Zhang Bo Lu, who rebelled (A.D. 109) in the Eastern Han dynasty (A.D. 25-220), was the first person to be recorded in Chinese official records as a sea bandit, although there had been piracy activities before. Across history, the scope and nature of piracy has changed with social developments and technological advances. Sometimes they involved themselves in the politics of the country only on the seas, while robbing and looting, and sometimes indirectly with the people they are acting with. By the Qing Dynasty (A.D.1644-1911), piracy peaked with鄭一嫂 Zheng Yi Sao, commonly known in English as Ching Shih. 鄭一嫂 Zheng Yi Sao took over her husband’s legacy and began to rule the South China Sea. Cooperating with 張保仔 Zhang Bao Zi, her deceased husband’s adopted son, she owned dozens of ships with thousands of crew members. They made their own laws at sea and punished crews who did not comply with death. Compared to other naval sea bandits, 鄭一嫂 Zheng Yi Sao and her subjects posed a threat not only to their own country, but also to the Western states that were now operating in the Chinese seas. However, contrary to what we might expect today, she did not meet her end in a prison or a grave. On the contrary, by negotiating with the Qing Dynasty, she spent the rest of her life in prosperity.

Statuary constitutes a significant field where to involve digital technologies overall, ranging from the survey of artefacts up to their staging, in narratives capable of showing the changes that have distorted their original image during centuries. The valuable collection preserved in the National Archaeological Museum of Venice has many Roman copies of Greek originals, including three Gauls, young warriors who were chosen for mercenary looting expeditions. These statues present manifest physiognomic discontinuities due to removals, collapses, and restorations from the Sixteenth century that inexorably altered their original anthropomorphic conformation. The Venetian Museum was the first to open in Europe in 1596. After several vicissitudes that decreed its closure, it reopened in 1923–1926, with a new set-up designed by archaeology professor Carlo Anti. The modernist approach in conceiving the fruition of the statues, together with their spatial location, is what we see in the current conditions. Part of the exhibited elements, consistent with the searching for the original form typical of modernism, were deprived of the additions of the 16th century historical restorations which attempted to return an image of their past. The first research objective concerns the relationship between indirect survey methodologies—typical of digital photogrammetry—and the restoration practices that over the centuries have left invasive traces upon the artefacts; the second is to test innovative communication projects that intertwine mixed multimedia content, to be implemented in the institutional web channels and the new set-up of the National Archaeological Museum of Venice, scheduled for 2021–2022.

In July 2021, large swathes of South Africa experienced several days of intense violence and looting, nominally stemming from political causes, but rooted more deeply in spiraling inequality and growing poverty. As the violence slowed, the "clean-up", began immediately, with South Africa's citizens banding together to sweep away the collected waste and debris left behind. Yet, as South Africa's most populous provinces burned, the detritus of their destruction is another poignant reminder that without addressing growing inequality, both domestically and globally, it will always be one-step forward, two-steps backwards for trying to create cleaner communities and to solving our interconnected waste management and climate change challenges. Written in the aftermath of July's events, the purpose of this viewpoint is to call for a centering of inequality within waste management academic discourse. Inequality, and its causes, must move from the fringe, to the mainstream within our collective body of work. Specifically, we must continuously, and meaningfully, engage with the systemic socio-economic and socio-political conditions responsible for our waste problems if we are to address them. Moreover, we, as academics should always be mindful of the ways in which our work relates to, or possibly contributes to, inequality, through (in)accessibility within communities or to systemic inequalities between the Global North and the Global South. ISSN:1354-9839 ISSN:1469-6711

The responses to the January 2015 looting of foreign-owned shops in Soweto and in April in Durban's central business district and elsewhere reveal more about the South African national consciousness than the events themselves. The ritual condemnations; the initial denial of xenophobia in preference to labelling it criminality; blaming victims and convoluted excuses of perpetrators are almost worse than the official silence and long-standing passivity about well-known xenophobic attitudes. When the President insists that "South Africans in general are not xenophobic", he ignores all surveys (Afrobarometer) showing a vast majority distrust (black) foreigners, wish to restrict their residence rights and prohibit the eventual acquisition of citizenship. On these scores South African attitudes are not unique. Anti-immigrant hostility inflicts most European societies. Perhaps suspicion of strangers is even universal: preferential kin selection as an evolutionary advantage, as sociobiologists assert. What is uniquely South African is the ferocious mob violence against fellow Africans. Why? The structural violence of apartheid laws has continued in the post-apartheid era for many reasons: the breakdown of family cohesion in poor areas which no longer shames brutalised youngsters; loss of moral legitimacy by government institutions, particularly a dysfunctional justice system; violence was glorified in the 'armed struggle', but, above all, marginalised slum dwellers learned that they only receive attention when they act destructively. Despite a rule bound constitution for conflict resolution, in a representative survey (Afrobarometer) 43 per cent in the Western Cape agreed with the suggestion that "it is sometimes necessary to use violence in support for a just cause". Only after two weeks of denial did the government acknowledge the emergency in response to business repercussions in the rest of Africa and the deteriorating image of the country abroad. In 2014, the former South African Ambassador to the United States (US), Ebrahim Rasool, at the US-Africa Leaders Summit, declared South Africa "a moral superpower", able to teach the world the way Nelson Mandela managed conflict resolution. In this view, liberated citizens cannot be xenophobic if the image of a glorified rainbow nation is to be salvaged. Admitting racism toward fellow Africans would deprive the ruling party of the moral high ground. The belated recognition of xenophobia, unanimous condemnations of violence and noble solidarity marches reinvigorated civil society organisations, but will not change attitudes on their own. That South African political exiles were welcomed in African countries in the past hardly impacts a generation with a limited historical consciousness . Most media explanations of these hate-crimes are far too rational to grasp underlying psychological causes. The very presence of thriving Somali shops insults unsuccessful, impoverished township dwellers. They endure daily exposure as failures. Envy breeds resentment. Perceived humiliation fuels scapegoating. Powerless people empower themselves by attacking those below them. While the ruling elite enriches itself by looting the state, the forgotten slum dwellers claim their share by collecting the crumbs from the vulnerable amakwerekwere. The derogatory label this time included not only other Africans, mainly Somalis, but Pakistani and Bangladeshi informal traders as well. Sensitive scholars like Francis Nyamnjoh already hint that the "bizarre nativity game of exclusionary violence" could easily expand from "outsiders within" to longtime insiders, such as Indian South Africans, Coloureds and lastly whites. Retribalisation, relatively successfully contained by the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) in public discourse, nevertheless simmers under the surface. The more meagre the pie in an economic downturn, the more a negative solidarity of ethnic nepotism comes to the fore. …

An Etruscan terracotta antefix in the form of a dancing maenad that had been looted from Veii was returned to Italy.

A looted statuette of a nude female belonging to the Halaf culture of northern Iraq was returned to Iraq by Italian authorities.

Article 44 of the KuHP states that: "Confiscated objects are stored in state confiscation houses. In Article 1 number 3 of Government Regulation No. 27 of 1983 on the Implementation of Criminal Events Act also mentions that the State Confiscation House is hereby called RUPBASAN is the place of objects confiscated by the State for the purposes of judicial proceedings. RUPBASAN is where objects confiscated by the State for the purposes of judicial proceedings. RUPBASAN is established in every capital city or city district, and if necessary can be established RUPBASAN Branch. However, in practice not all district capitals or cities have RUPBASAN to manage confiscated objects and loot proceeds from crimes, so the management of the proceeds of crime is under direct management by the law enforcement agencies that handle such crimes. Based on the background as described above, the formulation of the problems in this study is: what are the arrangements regarding the management of Confiscated Objects in the RUPBASAN? And how is the management of Confiscated Goods and Proceeds of Looting Crimes in Indonesia? This research is a normative juridical study, namely research conducted by examining library materials or secondary data. The results showed the amount of assets or items seized from the defendant in criminal cases by law enforcement officers that were still not properly managed, meaning they had been confiscated or taken from the defendant, but were not properly managed. So far there has been an institution called RUPBASAN, as stipulated in Law No. 8 of 1981 on KUHAP, PP No. 27/1983 on The Implementation of KUHAP, and Regulation of the Minister of Justice Number: M.05.UM.01.06 of 1983 on the Management of Confiscated Goods and State Booty in the State Confiscation House, but not utilized properly. Confiscated items are all stored in the police station or prosecutor's office, whereas if stored and left unmanaged properly then there will be a decrease in value. Keywords: responsibilities of the RUPBASAN, confiscation objects, proceeds of crime

The current war on Yemen threatens Yemeni cultural heritage to the point of annihilation. Aerial bombardment, extremist zeal, armed skirmishes, and looting have reduced iconic sites to rubble or ransacked them. Though all heritage sites are at risk of becoming places of what Lynn Meskell terms ‘negative heritage’ (2002), the country’s museums have been particularly hard hit. As repositories of precious artefacts and presenters of unique narratives that attempted to coalesce a national identity in a fragile state, their targeting epitomises the threat to Yemenis’ sense of national pride. Moreover, threats to heritage may not abate after the war. Historically, Yemenis themselves have been the most steadfast protectors of their heritage, often through private efforts to collect and display property that enhances their notion of Yemeni culture and tradition. This chapter argues that these Yemeni models of heritage preservation offer the best hope that once the war ends, Yemenis, with appropriate international support, can once again safeguard and showcase their heritage.

The past twenty years have seen significant changes in the demographic and entrepreneurial landscapes of South African cities and towns. Immigrants, migrants, refugees and asylum seekers have become an increasing part of cities and smaller conurbations. The province of Gauteng, home to the largest proportion of people born outside South Africa, is the country’s commercial hub. International migrants are an integral part of entrepreneurship in the province, as wholesalers, retailers and participants in the informal sector. Post-1994 South Africa has seen a rise in outbreaks xenophobia and entrepreneurs have often been the target of attacks, facing looting, assault and death. This chapter explores international-migrant informal-sector entrepreneurship in the province. It examines what entrepreneurs do and their interactions with the formal sector, South African entrepreneurs and the state. It is based on a 2014 survey of international migrant and South African entrepreneurs.

This study aims at problematizing President Trump’s argumentation in response to the protesters’ demands for justice, racial equality and police reforms over the killing of George Floyd. In his first reaction, Trump used mild rhetoric that frustrated and galvanized the angry mobs. In response to escalating protests, Trump escalated his own rhetoric. Calling into question the character and credibility of the protesters, Trump labelled the protesters “thugs” and “terrorists”, alluded to the deployment of the Military, and tweeted “when the looting starts, the shooting starts”. Pragma-dialectical analysis of Trumps’ response reveals that rational argumentation yields to derailed strategic maneuvering involving name-giving, ad baculum and ad hominem fallacies. Trump makes a dialectical shift from persuasive logic to fear arousing and threat making tactics in order to coercively hold up demonstrations and enforce compliance, and later shifts from persuasion to eristic discourse. He politicizes his response by accusing the media of fomenting hatred and anarchy, and by blaming the mayhem on his democratic rival, who is ridiculed and personally abused. These are irrelevant argumentative moves in the socio-political context as well as in the context of the persuasion discourse.

Haitian archaeological heritage is expressed through multiple traces of Amerindian cultures, enslaved African legacies, ruins of old colonial plantations and fortresses, and post-Haitian independence. Despite the existence of legal institutions engaged in the protection of this heritage, Haitian archaeological sites are becoming more threatened because of looting, appropriation of spaces, and lands management, as well as natural hazards. This paper aims to explore the current state of archaeological heritage with the broader context of the politics of heritage in Haiti. We analyzed the conditions of archaeological sites from the northern region and addressed their place in official heritage practices. The results of this study revealed that most of the archaeological sites that reflect the complexity of Haitian history are not given much attention in the politics of heritage that prioritize the nationalistic and emblematic character of historic traces. This study highlighted the importance of a new approach that prioritizes multiple voices to address heritage matters for the future.

Nowadays, the world is facing a historical event: with Global epidemic COVID-19. In fact, this epidemic is an unprecedented fact in history with the level of prevalence it gained. It is the duty of scientists to find an answer to the question of how this virus came about, how it spread and what its effects are. Analysing the subject within the framework of human existence in the world, historical processes, concepts of nature and culture and reaching some conclusions from this field are among the philosophers’ interests. In this article, the aforementioned epidemic will be discussed on contrasting between nature and culture, and “contrasting” will be explained with the understanding of “sovereignty over the nature”, which is one of the basic mottos of the modern conscious. This understanding of “sovereignty” can provoke the contrasting between nature and culture, and when it turns into “exploitation” and “looting”, it can cause deep environmental problems that increasingly threaten human existence as it is today. Within the epidemic process, we had an opportunity to think on contrasting of between nature and culture, and to ask a question “how can we solve this problem”? In the following article the epidemic process is discussed in the context of contrasting between nature and culture, and tries to reach a question: “Can there be a perspective in which the contrasting can be into a harmony?”