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The crisis of utopia is an evil that has been installed for a long time, in a general way and particularly in Brazil, which has dragged down not only the social movements inherited from the past, but also those that wanted to emerge in such a bleak picture. This was the product of problems inherent to such groups, but fundamentally it was caused by the establishment of neoliberal hegemony, which will carry out a titanic effort to subjectify its predicates. Through this, it will crystallize its rationality as the only possible order, thus preventing the construction of a utopian horizon that can overcome it. A phenomenon that we will break down taking the Brazilian case as a witness, with a current approach but that takes up elements of the past in brushstrokes, on which we will weave our theoretical argument, showing how its introjection was central to building a warp of enormous consistency that imprisons most of the actors and movements that can constitute an alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Educación is the property of Espacio, Tiempo y Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The first mobilizations for the democratization of communication emerged in the context of struggles for democracy in Brazil, between the second half of the 1970s and 1988. The central demands were the confrontation of the authoritarian State and the power of commercial media and the defense of the social right to communication, in line with the debates of the New World Information and Communication Order (NOMIC). Umbilically linked to the struggle for citizenship and rights, the democratization of communication was already asserting itself as a necessary condition for democracy, but it faced structural obstacles such as the incidence of private interests in the Brazilian State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bolsonaro was elected in 2018 with a very conservative political agenda, promising neoliberal economic measures, and opposing to minority's rights. Bolsonaro has been well-known as a right-wing and authoritarian politician and his government is recognised as extreme right, conservative, and/or neo-fascist, with important setbacks in public policies. The "bolsonarismo" shall be defeated, but the electoral process will not be easy, with fake news and political violence. The open threats to democracy are leading to alliances of democratic and popular political forces, including agrarian and urban social movements. This article reflects critically about Bolsonaro administration, particularly the dismantling of public policies and programmes to the countryside, reflecting about the political actions of the agrarian movements in the 2022 electoral process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Praxis & Saber is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Comunicação Midiática is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista, Faculdade de Arquitetura, Artes e Comunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article brings a brief socialization of the historical processes of implantation of the rural education in the city of Colatina - ES, recalling the main milestones of this movement in peasant territory. It aims to present the organization and performance of community social movements, with a view to ensuring rural education. The methodology was based on a qualitative study. The case study was the strategy used to approach the collection of data and information about the theme investigated. The results revealed the dissatisfaction of families residing in the region of São João Pequeno and in the peasant communities of the Vales de Boa Esperança and Santa Joana, observing their children studying in distant schools and with divergent realities from the peasant context. These findings were experienced by many students, families and peasants from all over Brazil, contributing to the organicity of social movements in the struggle, claim and guarantee of public policies for rural education in peasant territories. In the results obtained with bibliographic, documentary and field research, we have highlighted the importance of these social organizations in strengthening rural education, as a modality of basic education, until it is consolidated as the right of the peasant population. In this context, it is increasingly necessary to sow and reap the fruits conquered by movements organized on the ground of rural schools, in the critical and emancipatory formation of educators, family members and the school community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are space and territory important to social movements and how do they produce them? Despite the always apparent centrality of space and territory, mediated and appropriated by social movements around the world (for example: camps, protests, land occupations, indigenous resistance, occupations of land and buildings in urban areas, neighborhood organization and struggles for environmental issues, for education, health, food and other public policies, women's activism, LGBTQIA+, feminists, students, etc.), there has been a surprising lack of attention to this issue by scholars from various fields of knowledge, for example, English-speaking geographers. This article advances the reflection on the actions of socio-territorial movements as an analytical category whose central objective is to analyze the mediation of space and appropriation of territory. We contrasted the concepts of socio-territorial movement, social movement and sociospatial movement in four axes of analysis. First, how space and territory are produced as a central strategy for the achievement of a movement's objectives. Second, space and territory produce the identities of movements, in their actions, generating new political subjectivities. Third, space and territory are places of political socialization that produce new values and change circumstances. Fourth, through processes of territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization, movements can create new institutions. These axes are subsequently elaborated through the comparative analysis of two case studies: the Movement of Landless Rural Workers, a peasant movement organized in all regions of Brazil, and the Tupac Amaru Neighborhood Organization, an urban movement in northwestern Argentina. The comparison is made as an expansive way of analysis to open up the concept of socio-territorial movement and indicate potential lines of investigation for studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an analysis of the struggles of women domestic workers in Brazil, based on two field studies. We examine the imbrication of racism, sexism and class inequality in their lives and struggles, and in their relationship with the black and feminist movements and workers' unions. While this intersection of social relations produces multiple forms of oppression, it is also a force for the collective struggles of domestic workers, enabling them to form alliances that led to the enactment of a law guaranteeing the category's rights in 2015. However, the intersectional nature of their claims has also led to tensions and conflicts with their allies, which limit the scope of their success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Doc On-Line: Revista Digital de Cinema Documentário is the property of Doc On-Line: Revista Digital de Cinema Documentario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Commons. Revista de Comunicación y Ciudadanía Digital is the property of Universidad de Cadiz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal Public Administration & Social Management / Administração Pública e Gestão Social is the property of Administracao Publica e Gestao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research seeks to compare the socio-political scenarios in which the university student movements of Brazil and Venezuela have developed. A historical summary of the political development of both countries during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries will be made, comparing their democratic and dictatorial cycles chronologically, then a brief summary of the most important moments and actions of the university student movements of both countries and their leaderships will be presented, to finally establish differences and similarities between the two movements. The category chosen for the study is part of the approach of Maria da Glória Gohn for the study of social movements, a conceptual scheme that allows adequate delimitation and approximation to the movements of interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The University Journey for Agrarian Reform (JURA) at the Federal University of Uberlândia takes place traditionally through a national agenda of events for this purpose. The intention of this text is to reflect the territorialization of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transvestite and Transsexual movement within the land conflict's movements at Brazil, especially those linked to Via Campesina. A conversation circle was promoted by the researchers at the 5th University Conference in Defense of Agrarian Reform at UFU. The insertion of this agenda is a process that is taking place on a national scale. The circle raised issues that are often made invisible, such as the agenda of peasant sexualities and the LGBT experience within land reform camps and settlements in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Práxis Educativa is the property of Revista Praxis Educativa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Práxis Educativa is the property of Revista Praxis Educativa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Critics of contemporary liberalism question whether the expansion of human and social rights can deliver radical social change. Drawing on ethnographic research in São Paulo, this article challenges this view by analysing how the discourse of rights has been critically redeployed by a radical Homeless Workers' Movement – the Brazilian Movimento dos Trabalhadores sem Teto (MTST). The MTST's strategic use of a discursive framework of social rights problematises existing scholarship which fails to account for the ways in which activists rework and redeploy ideas of rights in practice. In particular, the article demonstrates the centrality of rights discourse to the formation of radical political subjectivities and the emancipatory goals pursued by the MTST. This counter-hegemonic politics of rights re-signifies liberal discourse, exceeding its conventional juridical boundaries: it creates politicisation in occupations, and it constitutes a strategy of counter-conducts vis-à-vis neoliberal governmentality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a case study to analyze the actions of ruling classes and social movement organizations in urban politics. The study observes these groups' disputes and interactions with the state, and how different strategies, actions, and political projects of the subaltern classes have influenced the orientation of urban development. In a broad time-scale approach, the article discusses relations of hegemony, the process of institutionalization of movements, disputes in society and within the state, and the heterogeneity of the political projects that guide the subaltern classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The reservoir of Brazil's Belo Monte Dam was filled in December 2015. The dam's planning, licensing and construction had rolled inexorably forward despite opposition from local victims of this development and from a wide array of other actors. Logical, legal and ethical arguments had less effect than the political and business forces prioritizing the dam. Part of the environmental destruction and human-rights violation at Belo Monte was apparently financed by taxpayers in North America and Europe with funds passed through Brazil's National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) from development policy loans (DPLs) to Brazil by the World Bank. This opens the opportunity for World Bank reforms to eliminate loopholes allowing funding through financial intermediaries. The human and environmental cost of Belo Monte should also give pause to governments and financial institutions in promoting dams as their primary response to energy issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes some aspects of Latin American social movements, especially their notion of participatory democracy. In order to explain what they are and how they solve the problem of political organization, following Zibechi, two countries are studied: Brazil and Bolivia. In the first, powerful rural social movements have emerged, but they have lost part of their political role during the years of the PT's progressive government. In the second, urban social movements have emerged that have transformed a country whose government lias decided to carry out an antiliberal political-economic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims at discussing the mediation of the communication produced by the MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) website on the changes in the Brazilian forest code facing the discursive field, since the figures employed there approach a reflexive dispute. We chose to focus the concepts of public deliberation and mediated deliberation within the context of social movements. The corpus of the research encompasses the notes published in MST website, within the section "Specials - Campaign: In Defense of the Forest Code", between March and December 2010, in which the Forest Code underwent a process of reformation by the Brazilian National Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The web development encourages public participation in the new social movements, expanding the use of digital interactive tools to promote discussions and launch calls. This paper aims to analyze the features of the disclosure, though an event created on Facebook, specifically "5a Marcha das Vadias de São Paulo". We designed a methodology that combines web content analysis and semi-structured interview. On the one hand, the results suggest that the posts are concentrated around the date of the event, characterized by the coverage of the event, especially made by women. On the other hand, the organizing collective interview confirms that the use of digital platforms is positive for the construction of new militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective this work is to understand the mediation actions -developed between social movements activists, rural workers and their adversaries- in the land occupations in the Northeast of Minas Gerais (Brazil) during the 1980s and 1990s. Interviews were conducted with some of the major figures in this process, as well as the analysis of written material produced by various organizations such as newspapers, booklets, pamphlets, official documents, etc. It is focused on the joints between some meanings produced by the groups involved, the dynamics of construction, deconstruction and reconstruction of the relations of representation of rural workers as well as on the relations between local mobilization and institutional politics. It highlights the alliance and dispute relations between the major groups that performed the occupations -as well as the strong reactions of his opponents-, interactions that decisively influenced the development of the process studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a new interpretation of the changes that occur in party-civil society relations when progressive parties of mass-based origin gain state power by looking at the experience of the Brazilian Workers’ Party (PT) during the Lula administration. The need to preserve what is defined here as ‘social governability’ changes the nature of party-movement relationships when political parties move from opposition to government. The article shows how the PT in national executive public office, to a large extent, managed to secure social governability through reward-based linkages, such as the distribution of jobs in the state apparatus and the allocation of massive state subsidies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Dearq is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many international analysts claimed that the Brazilian protests of June 2013 were a consequence of the country's rapid economic growth over the past few years, the rise of new middle classes, the heighten of expectations on government, the increase of citizen participation and the weakness of political institutions to handle all the above-mentioned situations. This explanation relied, explicitly or implicitly, on the modernization theory of Samuel P. Huntington, despite the fact more than forty years have gone by since the first appearance of Political order in changing societies (1968) -Huntington's most famous book on the political impacts of modernization. The purpose of this paper is to question whether Huntington's causality model actually explains the Brazilian protests. In order to do this, ethnographies of the protests that pay particular attention to their causes are contrasted with the model raised by Huntington. Based on the above, the scopes and limits of the modernization theory to explain contemporary social movements are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to relate the influence of the Pastoral Land Commission with its ties to Liberation Theology in. organizing the Landless Rural Workers of Brazil in 1984. That ecclesial model was one of the basic variables in the constitution of said social movement and its distinctive scale of national representation and socio-political coordination, which was to influence the methodology of rural collective action in Latin America in the decades that followed. The aim of the present project is thus to situate the debate regarding the agrarian issue in Brazilia during the military dictatorship, emphasizing the role of the Catholic Church in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comunicação, Mídia e Consumo is the property of Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on the concepts of Sociology of Absences and Emergencies (Santos, 2006), this article analyzes the relationships between dominant and subordinated epistemologies. The text is constructed from the voices of four subjects from brazilian social movements: two members of black communities descended from slaves, called "quilombos", and two participants of the Movement of Landless Workers (MST). The four testimonials serve as the basis for reflections about the relationship between different types of knowledge, and the appropriation of formal education, as possible paths for the process of social emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how the Brazilian Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (Movement of Dam-Affected People, MAB) has been represented in the press, in the context of networks of resistance to large hydroelectric dams in Latin America. We analyse how the press deploys linguistic-discursive resources in producing and constructing meaning and focus in its presentation of news about anti-dam protests. The study analyses print media reporting on anti-dam protests in Minas Gerais between 1998 and 2005, and shows how, at different moments and in different political contexts, representations of social protest have changed and newspaper reports have either ignored, criminalised or provided visibility to MAB in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This work proposes to study the different modalities that political institutionalization processes for social movements in Brazil and Argentina assumed under the governments of Nestor Kirchner and Lula Da Silva. The Brazilian “Movimiento de Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra” (Movement of Landless Rural Workers), and two expressions of the Argentinean picketers’ movements - the Corriente Clasista y Combativa (Classist and Combative Current) and the Federación de Tierra y Vivienda (Land and Housing Federation) were selected. The main finding of this work states that Brazil has a broad political institutionalization process for social movements, involving political and civil society spheres, while the Argentinean process is restricted exclusively to civil society, since participation in public administration occurred without generating institutional political participation spaces for the movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this text is to systematize some elements which supported the founding of peasant unions in the Rio Grande do Sul State. Those are the results of a public context of great clashes between social and political groups during the 50`s and the 60`s, with a great repercussion over the Brazilian political history and the peasantry. The role of the Catholic Church through its groups of ideological and political orientation was essential for this accomplishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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RESUMEN En 1998, en San Pablo, Brasil, un movimiento de familias pobres exigió la revisión de los procedimientos legales que condujeron a la adopción de sus niños por parte de familias brasileras y extranjeras. El análisis de los fallos de pérdida de la patria potestad reveló que las autoridades judiciales permitieron que se llevaran a cabo adopciones “irregulares,” sin el consentimiento de las familias de origen y sin que éstas hayan podido defenderse legalmente de acusaciones de malos tratos y abandono. El estudio de este movimiento puso en evidencia la existencia de representaciones particulares sobre parentesco al interior de las clases populares, así como la percepción de la pobreza que prevalece en las élites del país. En este artículo planteo que los niños pobres son vistos por un sector de estas élites tanto como una amenaza para la sociedad, como un medio para satisfacer los deseos de eventuales padres adoptivos, especialmente si se trata de recién nacidos “blancos” o de piel clara. In1998, in São Paolo, Brazil, a movement of poor families demanded a revision of the legal procedures that led to their children being put up for national and international adoption. The examination of judicial records revealed that “irregular” adoptions were allowed by the legal authorities without obtaining the families' consent and bypassing their rights to defend themselves against accusations that included child abuse and abandonment. The study of this movement brought out particular kinship representations among the country's poorer classes as well as the perception of poverty held by the country's elite. In this article, I argue that one sector of the elite views poor children both as potential threats to society and as a means of fulfilling the desires of prospective adoptive parents, especially when the child is a “white” or light-skinned newborn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government of Acre, federal governmental institutions, the Chico Mendes Committee, representatives of the rural syndicalism and the Rede Globo TV had in 2008 the initiative to celebrate through several events "Twenty Years without Chico Mendes". The different announced exhibitions pretended to crown in "high style" a monumental transmutation of the revolutionary legacy of one of the principal leaderships of the rural syndicalism in Brazilian Amazon converted in insignificant "environmentalist". The objective of this paper is to show that this transmutation was skillfully articulated by the State (in wide conception) in an attempt of re-signifying nature and culture in order to legitimate the ideology of "sustainable development" to facilitate the process of spoliation already ongoing in the Amazon. In the conclusions we demonstrate that after two decades of apparently success, this strategy begins to show signs of collapse and there are evidences of some social movements, like Via Campesina, who are re-taking the "voice" of control in the region. The approach of this work is referenced in the historic comparative method and in the analysis of social process and phenomena connected to the international environmentalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses conceptually some interpretative connections between social movements and Brazilian youth political participation. It probes some analytical trends of social movements by means of specific literature. Then it proposes reflection on juvenile participation ambivalences between conventional and non-conventional participatory spaces present in Brazilian democracy. In its conclusion, it recognizes the pluralization of those spaces for Brazilian youth, who stand as a sphere of mediation for culture demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text aims at understanding how the identity of young participants of the Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB) is constituted through the process of radio reception. The receptors interpretations of radio are explored based on the mediation categories of social movement and every-day life, inspired by Reception Latinoamerican Studies and etnographic approach. In a broader sense, the hegemonic process is at stake: the social movement defends its interests against the radio stations and the companies involved in the construction of Barra Grande Hydroeletric Dam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on field theory to explain why leftist parties in Brazil first broached debates on homosexual liberation in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The concept of a cultural field allows one to bring together both an institutional and a cultural analysis of changing debates in the left, casting light on processes of contestation often obscured in the institutionalist party literature. Electoral institutional changes and the emergence of a new generation of cadres, particularly from the student movement, fundamentally changed who and what were representable in the field. The emergence of a youth counterculture also expanded the discursive repertoire available to activists and their party allies, supported by debates in Marxist circles occurring internationally. This conjuncture of forces ultimately allowed party militants to contest meanings historically attached to the body, sexuality, the political, and everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]