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In 1993 Sofía Tiscornia together with María Victoria Pita, Josefina Martínez, Carla Villalta and María José Sarrabayrouse Oliveira formed a research team that later became known as the Political and Legal Anthropology Program of the Institute of Anthropological Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires. This article traces the history of this Program based on an open interview that Florencia Corbelle and Soledad Gesteira conducted with its founders during an internal conference in March 2022 and on documents related to its history. Knowing the history of the Political and Legal Anthropology Program allows us to understand the theoretical inspirations and the networks and alliances that were built, at the same time that it makes evident a particular way of thinking about research and knowledge production in dialogue with various actors and organizations that are part of the field of human rights activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aristotle’s Politics is not only famous for its theory of constitutions, but for its statements about human nature. According to the central claim of Aristotle’s political anthropology, man is by nature a political animal (phusei politikon zôon). This famous statement is presented as the conclusion of the first set of arguments that Aristotle develops in the second chapter of book I of the Politics (Pol., I, 2, 1252a24–1253a3). Aristotle’s statement is inextricably linked with the claim that the polis exists by nature (phusei), which he mentions in the same phrase, as part of his conclusion: “From these considerations it is evident that the polis is one of the things that exist by nature, and that man is by nature a political animal” (Pol., I, 2, 1253a1–3). Evidently, the claims that the polis exists by nature and that man is by nature a political animal are complementary. This article presents an interpretation of the two complementary claims or theses arguing that in Pol., I, 2 Aristotle conceives exclusively of human beings as political animals because the whole chapter focuses on the analysis of the polis, a community peculiar to humans. It also examines Aristotle’s claim that the polis “is by nature prior (proteron) to the household and to the individual” (Pol., I, 2, 1253a18–19). The paper disagrees with scholars who understand this claim as an independent third thesis and theorem and argues that Aristotle’s claim functions as a strong argument for the thesis that man is by nature a political animal. Furthermore, it contends that Aristotle neither defends an organic theory of the polis nor has a “tendency towards totalitarianism” (J. Barnes). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de la Transparencia is the property of Asociacion de Profesionales de la Transparencia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Serie II, Historia Antigua is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy is the property of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the objective was to carry out a political analysis on the victory of Pedro Castillo in the 2021 Peruvian presidential elections. Thus, a mixed methodology is used: combining the use of qualitative and quantitative data. In this sense, this analysis' arguments are based on concepts of political anthropology to provide an explanation for this electoral result. It is concluded that the unity of the rural sectors, product of Castillo's political culture of grassroots work, was able to impose itself on an urban sector affected by the COVID-19 pandemic and the division around electoral preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scienza & Politica is the property of University of Bologna, Department of Political & Social Sciences Alma Mater Studiorum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Antropología Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To extinguish the Mau Mau, a movement driven by land issues that marked Kenya, the colonial government declared a state of emergency in 1952, creating villages to which the Kikuyu population was displaced, as well as detention camps for the guerrillas. Therefore, it is worth analyzing the relationships amongst Consolata missionaries and the Mau Mau guerrillas, which led to an approximation between these missionaries and the Kikuyu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Antropologia is the property of Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article seeks to contribute to the knowledge of contemporary independentism through the anthropological study of the relationship between imagination and politics. It argues this approach allows decentralizing nationalism as an interpretive framework, thus to incorporate the social production of social totalities relevant to actors themselves who, in this case, challenge the hyphen between the State and the Nation. Through an ethnographic approach, it develops the case of the Gure Esku Dago, a movement that emerged in the Basque Country in 2013 under the motto of fostering the right to decide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Antropología Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Runa: Archivo para las Ciencias del Hombre is the property of Runa: Archivo para las Ciencias del Hombre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tempo (1413-7704) is the property of Universidade Federal Fluminense, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Olivar is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents as a comparative distinction -distinction for comparison- the essential notes of the analysis realized by Enrique Dussel's in his «early work» about the «Semitic Humanism» (1969) and the «Hellenic Humanism» (1975). Firstly, it presents the perspective from which Dussel understands the «Hellenic humanism». Secondly, it systematizes the Dussel's analysis about the anthropological configuration of Hebrew people. Thirdly, it analyze the way that the paradigms of the Exodus and the «Yahwah Servant» become prolific theoretical-categorical frameworks to think practically about the processes of political-economic liberating service ('avodáh- עֲבוֹדָה). The «generative topic» of the three sections is the type of relationship between «singular-community» (in terms of political and anthropological constitution) and the transcendence's conception that presents each anthropological configuration analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ámbitos: Revista de Estudios de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades is the property of Asociacion de Estudios de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ideas y Valores is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The political anthropology of Evangelii gaudium proposes a return of the zōon politikon belonging to the Aristotelian philosophical tradition. It is not a nostalgic or backward attitude, but a way of re-thinking the three concepts which are at the base of it: the town, the citizens and the urban inhabitants without rights. Today's world globalization raises the problem of using rationality to guide the processes of transformation under way. The analysis of Pope Francis' political thought allows highlighting the utopic conscience which underlies it, and allows defining it as the acknowledgement that a more human and interdependent world is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, genetics knowledge has given rise to new DNA-based tests aimed at inferring suspects' geographic origin. This article analyzes how recent practices in this field have been "problematised" in France, between 2006 and 2014, in Michel Foucault's sense of the term. First, the launch of these genetic tests is examined, looking at the work accomplished by actors who helped create the preconditions for this problematisation but at the same time tried to deconstruct it. The paper goes on to focus on how this problematisation is expressed, questioning the arguments used particularly by its opponents who called upon political and ethical concerns regarding data use. Finally, current state regulations on the mater are outlined, showing how "points of problematisation" have been construed in terms of prohibition. In conclusion, the article shows how problematisation highlights changes in contemporary notions of origin and the types of subjects it produces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an ethnographically situated study of recent electoral processes in Argentina, this study contributes to the understanding of politics and political activities of which the protagonists- politicians and political activists or operators- refer to as the territorio or local level. Drawing on ethnographic observation from different contexts- both rural and urban areas-, the case is made for the need to rescue analytically the concept of agency and the importance of personal relations that both common sense and the scholarly literature often consider politically "weak". An alternative approach is put forward for the future research agenda which centres on inter-knowledge in the use of technology used within the political work of political leaders, candidates and activists in the process of creating relations of political representation. In addition, the importance of understanding different scales of the local, the State and government are also analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work aims to analyze how the Wayuu leaders are inserted into the dominant model of political parties in Venezuela. Ethnography is used to access the social dynamics that establish the Wayuu with the surrounding society. From the Political Anthropology, we interpret the different interactions that the Wayuu people made to participate politically. Political parties have become organs used mainly in their struggles for claims. We conclude that the indigenous leadership must overcome the vision of traditional political parties and create political structures to ensure the possibility of moving one intercultural aspect from their cultural postulates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Propomos revisitar aqui um capítulo muito comentado da historiografia brasileira, mas que permanece à espera de uma análise propriamente etnológica: a assim chamada "confederação dos Tamoio", coalizão de diferentes coletivos tupi da costa quinhentista que pôs em risco a colonização portuguesa, tendo como pano de fundo a disputa entre franceses e portugueses pela região da Guanabara, hoje Rio de Janeiro. Em que medida essa "confederação" consiste numa novidade engendrada pela Conquista, que poderia eventualmente conduzir a uma virada em direção à centralização política? Ou, ao contrário, deveríamos ver nela a realização de uma possibilidade já (sempre) presente nas formas de ação e organização política tupi? Estas são as perguntas que deveremos perseguir, lançando mão tanto de fontes históricas como do sólido conhecimento a respeito de populações Tupi-Guarani desenvolvido por vários autores nas últimas décadas.In this article we revisit a famous chapter of Brazilian history, yet to be properly analysed from an ethnological perspective: the 'Tamoio confederation,' a coalition of 16th century coastal Tupian groups who threatened to undermine Portuguese colonization during the dispute between the French and Portuguese for the Guanabara region (now Rio de Janeiro). Was this 'confederation' a new phenomenon in Tupian politics, engendered by the Conquest and inducing a shift towards political centralization? Or was it, on the contrary, the actualization of a possibility already (always) present in Tupian forms of political organization and action? These are the questions guiding our inquiry, which we seek to answer through the use of both historical sources and the in-depth ethnological knowledge of Tupi-Guarani peoples developed by various authors over recent decades.

Después de la declaración de la conquista definitiva de la región chaqueña en 1911, la Reducción de Indios de Napalpí fue, en 1924, el escenario de mayor manifestación de la violencia institucionalizada del Estado-nación argentino contra los indígenas chaqueños. Revisada a la luz de los procesos de democratización de los años 80 y de la acción política toba contemporánea, la matanza de Napalpí generó una multiplicidad de lecturas y de usos a veces contradictorios. Dicha multiplicidad refleja la diversidad de formas de acción política, de subjetividad indígena y de lecturas de un devenir histórico compartido tan sólo en apariencia. En este trabajo analizaremos los contextos en los que la masacre de Napalpí se convierte en un escenario de reivindicación política. Para esto nos concentraremos en la naturaleza de dichos procesos en un panorama complejizado por la aparición de nuevos actores que desdibujan la verticalidad de las relaciones Estado/indígenas.Após a declaração da conquista definitiva da região do Chaco em 1911, a redução de Índios de Napalpí foi, em 1924, o cenário da mais forte manifestação de violência institucionalizada por parte do Estado argentino em contra dos índios da região do Chaco. Repensada à luz dos processos de democratização dos anos 80 e da ação política toba contemporânea, a chacina de Napalpí gerou uma multiplicidade de lecturas e de usos às vezes contraditórios. Dita multiplicidade reflete a diversidade de formas de ação política, de subjetividade indígena e de leituras de uma trajetória histórica compartilhada somente em aparência. Neste trabalho vamos analisar os contextos nos que o massacre de Napalpí transforma-se num cenário de reivindicação política. Com esse intuito, vamos nos concentrar na natureza de ditos processos num panorama que se torna mais complexo pela aparição de novos atores que destraçam a verticalidade das relações Estado/índios.After the statement of the final conquest of the Chaco region in 1911, the Reducción de Indios de Napalpí was in 1924 the scene of the greatest expression of institutionalized violence by the Argentinean State against the indigenous people of the region. Revised at the light of the democratization's processes of the last decades and of the contemporaries' indigenous processes of political action, the massacre is characterized by a multiplicity of readings and uses with several contradictions. Such multiplicity reflects the diversity of forms of political action, of indigenous subjectivity and of readings of a historical trajectory shared only apparently. In this paper we analyze the contexts where the massacre of Napalpí turns in tool of the political action. For this, we focus in the nature of these processes in a complex landscape characterize by the emergence of new actors that erase the verticality of the relationships between indigenous peoples and the State.

Este artículo aborda los procesos de elaboración de presupuestos municipales en diez provincias del Cusco y Puno, inscribiéndose en el marco del análisis de la tensión burocrática y política entre espacios centrales (Estado) y periferias (ámbitos locales). Así la investigación analiza la participación y posicionamiento político de los distintos actores y muestra que la realización continuada de dichos procesos genera nuevas formas de articulación política y reordenamiento del territorio político local, lo que abre espacios para la representación ciudadana no electoral.This article tackles the processes that characterized the development of municipal budgets in ten provinces of Cusco and Puno. The analysis focuses on the bureaucratic and political tension between the central (the State), and the peripheries (local spaces). The article analyses the participation and political positioning of diverse actors and shows that the continuation of such processes generates new forms of political articulation and reordering of local political territory. This, in turn, opens new spaces for the representation of citizenship as a dimension that is independent of electoral politics.

Este ensaio analisa como uma questão particular - a irrupção de focos de poder político entre os antigos Tupi da costa brasílica - foi tratada de modo entrelaçado por Pierre Clastres e por Hélène Clastres. Ainda que a reflexão da segunda deva muito ao projeto de antropologia política do primeiro, objetiva-se traçar tanto as convergências como os afastamentos entre os autores, de modo a propor novas direções para o debate por eles iniciado. Nesse sentido, pretende-se avaliar os desenvolvimentos mais recentes da etnologia centrada nos povos tupi-guarani, antigos e atuais.This article analyses how a particular question - the irruption of political power focuses among the ancient brazilian coastal Tupi - was treated both by Pierre Clastres and Hélène Clastres. Although her reflection continues the project for a political Anthropology, proposed by him, it is important to point out both the agreements and disagreements between the authors, in order to draw new directions to the debate they have initiated. In this sense, one intend to evaluate the most recent developments of the Tupi-Guarani anthropology, considering peoples of the past, but also of the present time.

En el presente trabajo examino críticamente un procedimiento analítico habitual en la literatura dedicada al peronismo, el cual supone atribuir un potencial explicativo a categorías tales como las de 'carisma' o 'populismo' que son, primero, empleadas para clasificarlo y, luego, tratadas como si se tratara de factores presentes en la realidad misma y, en consecuencia, variables capaces de dar cuenta de innumerables hechos particulares. Me propongo contraponer a ese tipo de procedimiento otro de carácter etnográfico que se centra estratégicamente en las perspectivas de los actores respecto de los hechos a analizar. Por esta vía, algunos de los muchos hechos habitualmente 'explicados' por apelación a la supuesta naturaleza 'carismática' del peronismo pueden ser considerados como vinculados a cierta concepción específicamente peronista de la política.In this paper, I present a critical examination of certain analytical procedure widely extended in the literature devoted to peronism. This procedure grants an explanatory potential to categories such as 'charisma' and 'populism' by, first, using them as classificatory devices and, then, managing them as if they were features of the real world and, therefore, capable of explaining many particular facts. I intend to oppose to this practice another procedure -that of ethnography-, which focuses strategically on the actors' perspectives about the facts submitted to its scrutiny. This ethnographic procedure suggests that some of the many facts usually 'explained' by the alleged 'charismatic' nature of peronism could be meaningfully related to a certain conception of politics that is specifically peronista.

This work is a review article aiming to rebuild significant episodes for the anthropology discipline in its observation experience -through the ethnographical method- of what we call 'power'. I argue that said experience led to an epistemological central finding for the whole group of social sciences which I coined as de-ontology of the State. I explore three examples of diversification of the ethnographic observation objects which paved the road for said de-ontology. I deny any pretension of performing a critical and comprehensive examination of the ethnographies on the State, and finally, I call to reflection on three of the conceptual-theoretical problems which have appeared from the results of the research on said ethnographies: the analysis of the myths and rituals of the State; the problem of the foundation of sovereignty; and the question around the meaning of its margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Durante los últimos años, las ciencias sociales se han esforzado en captar al cuerpo como una realidad social, fruto de una construcción histórica y producto de representaciones culturales, pero se han dedicado menos al análisis de los usos políticos del cuerpo. Basándose en dos estudios de casos realizados recientemente en Francia, uno sobre la distribución de subsidios a desempleados y el otro sobre la regularización de los indocumentados en nombre de la razón humanitaria, el presente artículo analiza la manera en la que el cuerpo sirve de recurso para reivindicar un derecho, a título de la enfermedad o del sufrimiento. A través de estos ejemplos, se trata de comprender la economía moral de la ilegitimidad y de proponer una antropología política del cuerpo.During the recent years, social sciences have developed interest in the body, considering it as a social reality, a result of a historical construction and a product of cultural representations, but the political uses of the body have been relatively neglected. On the basis of two case-studies recently conducted in France, one on the distribution of subsidies to job-seekers, the other one on the legalization of undocumented immigrants for humanitarian reasons, the present paper analyzes the way in which the body becomes a resource for the claim of a right, justified by disease or suffering. These examples give clues for the comprehension of the moral economy of illegitimacy and the foundations for a political anthropology of the body.

Assumindo como ponto de partida que a "política" constitui um universo relacional onde o "local" e o "nacional" são planos sociais nos quais certas relações se objetivam, e não esferas autônomas compreensíveis em si mesmas, este artigo procura demonstrar que se pode dar maior inteligibilidade a certas práticas políticas se não se fica preso a um dos pólos, e aos pressupostos que lhe estão articulados, de oposições como esta entre o local e o nacional. Para isso toma as etapas de elaboração e execução da Lei Orçamentária Anual da União como um momento privilegiado do exercício da política que permite examinar algumas das relações e concepções que vinculam os profissionais da política situados nos distintos espaços de autoridade política (municipal e nacional). Na análise sigo duas linhas de argumentação: 1) Que os interesses em torno dos recursos federais e as práticas e concepções a eles associados inscrevem-se num sistema complexo de relações de dependências mútuas e assimétricas, constituído, entre outros, por lideranças municipais, parlamentares, autoridades governamentais e agentes privados; e, 2) Que a atuação destes distintos agentes remete a uma concepção específica da representação política.Having as a starting point that the "politics" constitutes a relational universe where the "local" and the "national" are social planos (fields?) on which certain relations objectify themselves, and not autonomy spheres which are comprehensive in themselves, this article tries to demonstrate that we can understand certain political practices much better if we don't get stuck in one of these poles and to the presuppositions which they are articulated to them, of oppositions like this one between the local and the national. Para isso (So / Having this intent) , it takes the elaboration and execution steps of the Annual Federal Budget Law as a privileged moment of the politics exercise that allows to exam some of the relations and conceptions that link the politics professionals situated in the different spaces of political authority (in the city and the country). In this analysis, I follow two argumentation lines: 1) that the interests around the federal recourses, and the practices and conceptions associated to them, are subscribed in a complex system of mutual and asymmetric relations and dependencies, that is constituted, among others, by municipal leaders, parliamentary and governmental authorities and private agents; and 2) That the action of these last agents leads to a specific conception of political representation.

Dense description of liminal social experiences, characterized by painstaking work with details, is a unique laboratory for understanding ambivalent fissures, producing and produced, through which to discover clues about how solidification mechanisms work on imaginaries. Here I describe the collective experience of a violent death that occurred on a street in Bogota where an intensive sensory exchange took place between different social actors motivated by the public collection of the corpse. The scene thus reveals the fissures through which a process of normalization and naturalization of evil is filtered, derived from an ambivalent use of God, in the midst of an implicit social game of solidification called theological lawlessness here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analisis Politico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent decades, the field of anthropological studies have produced different proposals for ethnographic analysis of the state, which have shifted their focus from the centralized government apparatus to the different actors involved in state-building processes. Taking up these proposals, we will analyze how black settlers from High Atrato, in the Colombian Pacific, build their imaginaries around the state, through its interaction with the officials in charge of the policy of collective titling to black communities. This analysis will allow us to see how, far from being a monolithic and coherent entity, the State is presented as a complex organization, as an arena of relationships and inequalities of power and influence between different actors, which when adhering to the dominant institutional structures, end up contributing to the overall project of state domination [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]