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This article re-opens the discussion of why there was “no Arab Uprising in Algeria.” After critically reviewing previous findings, the paper suggests that the stability of the Algerian regime was mainly a result of the non-formation of a cross-class and cross-ideological coalition. Splitting this hypothesis into its two main parts, it will be shown, first, that the working class was the missing element. Two factors explain this: (a) the numerical and strategic marginalization of productive workers – in turn, an effect of the process of de-industrialization that hit the country from the late 1980s onwards; and (b) the presence of an aristocracy of labour in the hydrocarbon sector, from which a tiny minority of workers produced an overwhelming amount of wealth. Secondly, the enduring distrust among opposition groups – a direct legacy of the still-too-recent civil war, as well as an effect of the specific institutional environment that developed from the mid 1990s onwards – prevented the establishment of a “negative coalition” through which all opposition forces could jointly mobilize against the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article considers the figure of Majid in Michael Haneke's Caché (2005) and the cinematic structures that influence both the spectator's and the other protagonists' ability to place his life within the sphere of the visible and the grievable. The formal tropes that Haneke employs emphasize Majid's exclusion and his impenetrability, as well as generating a persistent anxiety in the spectator around meaning and signification in the film. Drawing on Judith Butler's work on grievability and Jacques Rancière's thinking of visibility and the distribution of the sensible, this article argues that Haneke deliberately constructs a consistent tension between the seen and the unseen of representation, generating an anxious, uncertain rhythm which is violently ruptured by Majid's suicide. This disturbing scene shatters the familiar frames and cadences that have thus far constituted the diegetic space of Caché, imposing a form of brutal visibility upon both Georges and the spectator. Ultimately, this article suggests that this scene forces the spectator into an unavoidable, albeit uncomfortable, form of political recognition, a recognition which points towards wider socio-political exclusions of marginal populations in twentieth- and twenty-first-century France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies circulations between Algeria and France from the 1950s to the 1980s to analyze the social dynamics characteristic of Algerians in France and to highlight their range of choices and trajectories. Bypassing the historiographically dominant focus on male guest workers, this article claims that most flows between Algeria and France involved women and children, as well as men who had settled in France a long time ago. Moreover, it shows a large emigration flow from France to Algeria: of business men, vacationers or people moving back to Algeria. This analysis relies on statistical data as well as migrants' testimonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compulsory smallpox vaccination was introduced to Algeria by decree on 27 May 1907. After World War I, the combination of public health crises, racialized fears of contagion, and the objective of mise en valeur prompted the colonial state to make Muslim villagers in the communes mixtes a more systematic target of smallpox vaccination. This was achieved in large part thanks to the efforts of Muslim medical auxiliaries. This article reconstructs the kinds of training, labor, and clerical skills embodied in these agents' administration of vaccination. It also examines the accommodation and contestation of their presence by officials, politicians, and villagers. The author argues that the administrative bureaucracy generated by vaccination may have preceded and enabled the expansion of state registration in rural areas during the interwar period, but ultimately was more effective at disciplining the medical auxiliary than it was at controlling villagers or the smallpox virus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Postal and Telecommunication administration offers a complex picture of colonial society in Algeria. Men and women, citizens and natives, were employed as mailmen, telephone operators, middle managers or postmasters. This article focuses on the specific position of colonized Algerians employed inside this administration. Addressing the period from the early twentieth century to the Second World War, it highlights how legal barriers and illiteracy narrowed access to public sector jobs and inhibited career advancement. However, professional records found in the Algerian archive centers also reveal how much the sociological backgrounds of these employees varied. The native mailman rarely got a permanent position, his wage was not high, but he could achieve some stability. He was a public figure in urban districts, as well as in remote villages. The article concludes with a detailed analysis of interactions at work and within the colonial context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focused on colonial and postcolonial Algerians' social practices and experiences in Algeria and France, this special issue calls for a renewal of Algerian history. Outlining past historical work and new research directions, the introduction argues that to understand colonial Algeria better, historians need to push beyond a political history that assumes a clear contrast between settlers and colonized. While recognizing the colonial divide between settlers and colonized people, we ought to attend to other social hierarchies. These include men and women's concrete experiences, for instance at work, at home, and in migration, intersections of race, gender, and class, contrasts between rural and urban areas, or the multiple role of religious identities and legal statuses. Reconstructing those social realities will require new archives, of labor and localities, for example, and new methods, including quantitative and oral history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since their arrival in France in the early 1960s, former settlers of Algeria have developed an array of private and public 'sites of memory' projects that have remained unnoticed in wider French society or have been interpreted uncharitably. This article offers a new perspective on these projects. Informed by Maurice Halbwachs' concern with the material supports for collective memory and Sigmund Freud's insights on loss, I reinterpret them as stages in a work of mourning, and offer new insights on the wider question of France's relationship to its colonial past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of the Code de la famille on Algerian women has been felt for 27 years and criticism of it is based on is supposed adherence to Shaī'ah. This is not an adequate assessment of this legal document or its amendments. It is a more complex issue that involves the attempt of society to re-define its identity as Algerian and Islamic after independence. In attempting to establish Algerian women's identity there was a shift from fearless independent combatants who moved among men during the struggle for independence to a space for women as strictly wives and mothers within the context of the home. The analysis is based mainly on the Code de la famille as well as the Qur'ān and it demonstrates that is not exclusively based in elements of Sharī'ah but rather a patriarchal framework supplemented by elements that are not truly Islamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using previously unpublished material to further socio-historic research into the migration of top footballers, this contribution studies changing national contexts in France and Algeria resulting in the dramatic fall in migration by Algerian footballers - the third largest 'foreign' population (since 1962) to play in the French Championship after professionalization. It also questions whether acculturation persisted in Algeria after independence. A quantitative analysis of 25 interviews carried out mainly in Algeria with ex-champions who had played for French clubs (colonial and postcolonial), shows that between 1956 and 1982 there did exist a 'desire for France'. Despite changes to the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) sports policies nationalizing Algerian football, this desire for France remained founded on socio-economic advancement and a fascination for life in the ex-homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the history of Algeria, such as the Algerian war, and how the historical event through the historians had shaped and inculcated into the social knowledge and the Algerian life in general. It aims at discussing the humanistic assumptions in capturing the historical events and structure and how these events are absorbed into culture. In discussing the role of historians in historical events, an overview of Pierre Bourdieu and his work on habitus, which explains theoretical innovation is provided.

Focuses on the persistence of inequality when it comes to the political treatment of foreigners in comparison with the natives in France. Correlation of discrimination with the treatment of foreigners in France; Comment on the judicial situations which question the foreigner's right to stay in France and in turn limit his right to work; Annotation on some Algerian experiences regarding immigration and asylum seeking in France; Insight into the social conditions of emigrants in France.

Focuses on the beur cinema, a transnational film movement based in France, which explored the identity of a second generation of immigrants from Algeria. Linkage of the term beur to political movements and uprisings in the housing projects in France in the 1990s; Identity of the emerging beur youth population.

Evaluates the social conditions of the Algerian immigrants in France. Social integration and conflict; Religion and French School System; Economic concerns.

An abstract of the article "Entre Algérie et France: Écrire une histoire sociale des Algériens au vingtième siècle" by Muriel Cohen and Annick Lacroix is presented.

The article discusses the rising number of Algerians who leave the country in search of better living conditions. A 2006 survey revealed that 4, 600 Algerians have tried to illegally enter Europe, of which an estimated 50 people mostly young and unemployed, risk their lives everyday. Observers think that the socio-political condition in Algeria is one of the contributing factor of the phenomenon. Unemployment, housing crisis, bureaucracy and cost of living are some of these. Algeria is dubbed as a rich country with poor people due to the vast reserve of national oil which is controlled by the military-run state who is reportedly spending the oil revenue for personal expenditures.