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Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main goal of this article is to analyse the Non-Partisan School movement (EsP, or Escola sem Partido) which articulates social and political actors around a conservative agenda for education in Brazil. Based on Ball's studies, this article analyses political governance networks using a free software, GEPHI, using a qualitative network methodology. The article analyses some relevant social actors in this conservative initiative. The research shows that the Non-Partisan School, though presented as an initiative against ideological indoctrination, is in fact the result of a strong combination of ideological, conservative and partisan interests. The article shows that EsP is a conservative agenda among other movements in the struggle for ideological hegemony in the educational field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agroecology is increasingly seen to contain solutions that can be used for wider societal transformation. While debates have mainly focused on reformist versus revolutionary strategies, less attention has been paid to how such strategies connect to peasant demands and how they can be combined for agroecological transformation. In this article we study transformation by the agroecology movement in Brazil through the theoretical lens of political articulation. We show that peasants' local demands for land, alternative farming and local markets were mobilised in an institutional politics to gain policy support and in a populist politics to create movements that pose a systemic challenge to authority. We then argue that the political viability of wider societal transformation lies in the ability to create movements and organisations that politicise peasants and embrace local demands. We conclude that attention should not only be paid to individual strategies and their immediate effects but also on how diverse politics combine, to build the material and symbolic capacity of the movement and their potential for transformation over the long run. • The potential of populist politics lies in its ability to create movements that politicise people and embrace local demands. • Reformist and radical politics combine to build the long-term capacity of agroecology movements for transformation. • The politics of agroecology encompasses democratic struggles by Indigenous people, Blacks and environmentalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Educacao e Pesquisa is the property of Faculdade de Educacao da Universidade de Sao Paulo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Interface - Comunicação, Saúde, Educação is the property of Fundacao UNI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Comunicação Midiática is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista, Faculdade de Arquitetura, Artes e Comunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This article explains the process of construction and configuration of the Brazilian social imaginary on the global '68 using the daily press as source material. Design/methodology/approach: It looks at the narratives conveyed by the press about the condition, situation, motivations, aspirations and capacity for action of young university students. The analysis is focused mainly on the usage of totalitarian language and permits an in-depth view of the reality of life in Brazil at the time and the role played by the students in the resistance to the dictatorship. It also includes an analysis of how other students' protests of 1968 – in Poland and Mexico – were portrayed through the media, and how they helped to shape the collective imaginary about Brazilian university students, situating it in a conjuncture of broader dimensions and connections. Findings: The youth of Brazil, Poland and Mexico were represented as active political and social subjects, capable of defying, and sometimes profoundly upsetting, the established order. Violence and the discourse of violence were constant unifying elements in the narratives created by the daily press. This helped generate an image of university students which portrayed them as a rebellious, revolutionary and/or subversive sector of the population, responsible for one of the most extensive and profound social and political crises which those countries had experienced in decades. Originality/value: This is the first study of the Brazilian reception of the '68 Polish and Mexican students' protest and its implications for the social narrative of students' resistance in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Oficina do Historiador is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This paper aims to unveil the spheres that were silenced by the media and academia with regard to the collapse of the Fundão Dam that occurred in 2015, in Mariana (Minas Gerais - Brazil). Design/methodology/approach: In an attempt to contribute to studies into the evil side of organizations, the authors use the theoretical contributions of corporate crime and the one-dimensional society. The authors used the "Samarco Mud" corporate crime case as an object of analysis, while a press conference with the company's CEO and representatives from its parent companies was used as the analytical corpus. For the analysis, the authors used the content analysis technique. Findings: The conclusions of this study point to the existence of subjects who were silenced about the phenomenon of the Fundão Dam collapse, a situation that reveals the power exercised by corporations and the totalitarian domination of the one-dimensional society as a social factor that favors the occurrence of corporate crimes. Originality/value: The case in question is recent and not fully understood by academia. Neither is its organization around political and social movements understood with regard to the management implications for society and the environment. With a discussion that mixes the concepts of corporate crime and the one-dimensional society, this paper contributes to the base of critical studies in management, especially as far as concerns the mining policies used in the Southern Hemisphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the socio‐political dynamics after the financial crash in two countries governed by the left, Argentina and Brazil. Whilst the economic crisis had an effect on the general distributive capacity of leftwing coalitions, it remains unclear why the political resolution of such a crisis adopted anti‐regime features in Brazil and the form of an institutional alternation of power in Argentina. Our aim is to understand the new socio‐political dynamics and their implications in the crisis of the left turn, especially the relationship between social mobilization and political change in the context of Argentina and Brazil. In doing so, the paper contributes to the growing body of literature interested in the intersections between social movements and the state. Based on the analysis of original qualitative and quantitative data on social protests events in both countries 2011–2015, the paper suggests that the complexity of changes in the socio‐political dynamics can be captured by looking at three dimensions of the problem: grammar of mobilization, social imaginaries, and political representation. The main argument is that the different types of left turn strategy developed in both countries affected in turn the responses to the economic crisis and the new cycle of mobilization. The kirchnerist's movimentista strategy in Argentina contrasted with the demobilizing strategy of the PT in Brazil. Whilst the former contributed to channel the high and polarized levels of activism within the polity, the latter resulted in the crisis of the long cycle of political representation opened with the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The struggles for the political independence of Brazil in the various provinces and the intense political debate at the time made it clear that a project for a republican nation was a strong and constant historical possibility, so that the republicanisms mobilized in various social movements since the end of the 18th century were constantly criminalized in various spheres by politics d. Peter I and d. Peter II. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate the way in which this criminalization occurred in the process of writing the story of Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen on the Bahia Conjuration of 1798, explaining that only men from the lowest sectors of that society were adept at the project of a republican nation, which is why the author praised in his work how the Portuguese crown removed these sectors from the world of politics with the exemplary punishment of the defendants of the Conjuração Baiana, hanged and quartered in a public square in 1799. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a framework for analyzing social movement participation in public education through a focus on universities in Brazil. It builds on the literature on social movement–state relations, participatory governance, and community organizing in schools, drawing on the case of the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement and the National Program for Education in Areas of Agrarian Reform (PRONERA) to illustrate the need to recenter the idea of conflict as a central and ongoing process of social movement participation in public schools and universities. The article also introduces the concept of prefiguration and highlights how students can prefigure in the formal public school system the types of social and economic practices they hope to build in the future. Contentious cogovernance and prefiguration are tools not only for improving educational equity but also for increasing the strength and internal capacity of social movements, paralleling the role Paulo Freire envisioned for nonformal popular education within grassroots organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper appraises Pastoral Land Commission's (CPT) practice of documenting the violence and conflict that has taken place in the Brazilian countryside since 1975. Based on 10 interviews with CPT National members and other primary sources, the paper conceptually explores the organisations' subversive practice of compiling and publishing data on this type of violence, hence producing emancipatory knowledge that supports progressive agrarian change. Although the state benefits from having such knowledge obscured, CPT's efforts shine a light on conflicts in the countryside and frame them as such. Documenting as a technology of resistance has been crucial for Brazilian social movements and scholar‐activists and has significant potential for reproduction elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines institutional activism between 2011 and 2018 in two Brazilian government programs, 'Green Grants' and the 'Stork Network'. Institutional activism is defined as collective action in the defense of contentious causes conducted within the boundaries of state institutions. The two policies were designed and implemented by bureaucrats committed to social movement causes, environmentalism and women's health, respectively. The environmentalist bureaucrats were mostly permanent public employees with few ties to movement networks, while the women's health group included mostly temporary employees with long histories of civil society activism. I argue that diverse locations in state institutions and movement networks gave these groups access to different combinations of institutional and relational resources. In dialogue with theories of situated agency and activist strategy, I show how those differences both led actors to engage in different kinds of strategies and influenced the way those strategies changed as political conditions became increasingly hostile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of a qualitative study on the relationship between social movements and a Master's Program in youth and adult education in Bahia, Brazil. It pays particular attention to the importance of antiracism in and the decolonization of the program's curriculum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Field Education arises in Brazil as a result of the struggle process of rural social movements, especially the Settled Rural Workers Movement (MST). Thus, this work aims to demonstrate that despite public policies for rural education, major advances, the current reality of rural schools reveals the existence of a chasm between such policies and the educational challenges to be faced by schools in rural areas. Analyzes carried out in the light of the 2018 School Education Census (BRASIL, 2019) reveal the great precariousness of the infrastructure of these schools and the closing of a significant number of them in recent years. All these problems pointed out, as a result of the abandonment of our governors, cause great difficulties in the teaching and learning process of rural students and also contribute to a significant number of children and young people in rural areas remaining out of school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text is inserted in discussions about popular social movements and their articulation around the struggle for education. The article presents the results and reflections of a qualitative research conducted in order to understand some educational aspects that are present in contemporary struggles in defense of public education. For that, a documentary study was developed on the materials produced and disseminated by the collective outlets of the First National Meeting of Education (ENE), held in 2014 in Rio de Janeiro-RJ, Brazil. The collected materials were submitted to the Discursive Textual Analysis (DAT) procedures and the categories of the research were obtained in an inductive manner and contextualized with a critical theoretical framework of educational policies. Research showed assumptions involved in the struggle for public education: the need for rearticulation of organized subjects and reaffirmation of public education as a social right and the resistance to fragmentation and increasing commercialization of the educational field from the scenario given by educational policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (0034-8244) is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Public policies are based on categories that have a double effect: build eligibility for rights and generate symbolic effects, reproducing or fighting social stigmas. This article aims to analyze the historical setup of categories targeted in mental health policies in Brazil. Based in a study of the legislation from 1841 to 2017, we observed how was the processes of constructing the political categories of mental health – passing from users to citizens or mentally ill. The processes of control of public policies were selected for the respect of users of mental health policy, the social framework of data and the criteria for access to policies and the construction of social stigmas. The analysis shows important changes in these categories over time that tried to remove stigmas based on new conceptions proposed by social movements of mental health, international policies and social changes, such as Brazilian re-democratization. However, we also highlight the difficulty of effectively coping with stigmas due to the lack of consensus in the field itself, resistance to changes in social categories, family members and health professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of the use of populist framing mechanisms by grassroots right-wing organizations. It brings together the social movement literature on framing and the populist literature to understand how actors build an emergent field of activism in a highly contentious context. Based on the analysis of a sample of 4,574 Facebook posts published by 5 civil society organizations during the campaign to oust Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff, it argues that two mechanisms, reductionism and antagonism, enabled actors to focus on similar targets and diagnostics while maintaining relevant differences when seeking to motivate followers and present prognostic frames. These were key mechanisms used by all the actors, albeit with different contents, depending on the frame task. This article contributes to filling gaps in the framing and populist literatures and sheds light on the relevance of populist communication in the rise of right-wing activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the first participation in the Summer Olympic Games, 52 athletes born in other countries represented Brazil and became Brazilians due to hereditary factors or naturalization. The migration of these individuals is related not only to sports but to a social movement that dialogues with several other social components. This work aims to present part of the trajectories of these individuals, highlighting the relevance they had for the Brazilian Olympic sport and discusses the relevance of the sport in the process of identity construction of athletes. As a methodology, we chose to work with Biographical Narratives, a work derived from oral history, but which allows the interviewee to highlight the main points of their lives. As a result, it is notable that the migration of sportspeople is a global phenomenon, intensified in recent years, yet it does not occur in isolation from the migration of other individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relationship between labor and politics in Brazil during the COVID-19 pandemic. This is done by tracing the political and social processes that have built up today’s world of labor in Brazil, identifying its main features, and also relating the ways the working class and social movements have struggled against it. Our main argument is that even before the pandemic the Brazilian world of labor was already marked by low social protection and high levels of precariousness, informality, and unemployment. The sanitary emergency brought by COVID-19 exposes this situation wide open and makes its impacts even more serious. That is why the demands presented by the working class in this context are relevant, as they bring to light the hardships in work activities, highlight the social and labor processes that were dismantled and implemented in Brazil in recent years, and point to future issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the history of Brazil, a country that became entangled with the latifundium, land is synonymous with power. The struggle for land in the present time carries tensions and marks of na unfinished history, in which present/past and past/present are mixed and re-signified, however, the historical concentration of lands remains. Agrarian reform in the state Mato Grosso do Sul (MS) and in Brazil takes place, in particular, based on the struggles undertaken by rural social movements and the contradictions of the national agricultural policy. The creation of rural settlements is the main instrument of the agrarian reform policy. In this sense, the article reflects on the creation of rural settlements in the state of MS, between the years 1984 and 2013. In addition to the bibliographies on the topic, data from the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) was used, through the Information System for Land Reform Projects (SIPRA). The research adds to other investments in understanding the complexity of the paths and deviations of the struggle for land and in the creation of rural settlements in Brazil, starting from the state of MS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sought to analyze, from a psychosocial perspective, what young brazilian college students think about the current situation. Participated in this research 45 undergraduate students between 18 and 26 years old from the Administration, Accounting, and Psychology courses at a public university located in the state of São Paulo. The idea of a conservative wave, identified in narratives of previous studies (2015-2018), was confirmed with the strengthening of rightwing and far-right social movements, by the daily realization of antidemocratic acts and by the result of the 2018 presidential elections. At the time of the present study (2019), the conservative wave was already a reality and this was observed among the participants as a fact not impossible to be overcome, although consolidated. The conservative wave was identified among the participants as being responsible for the precarization of public services, mischaracterization of social rights, criminalization of social movements, use of Fake News, and for fostering a social polarization based on the construction of the image of the political opponent as an enemy. Thus, conservatism is translated in the narratives as a phenomenon that generates fear and hopelessness. From Lula to Bolsonaro, would fear have taken the place of hope? This is the question that we seek to answer - not definitively - at the endo f this text. We conclude that the perspectives and horizons of transformation are shy among the participants, as well as the engagement in political parties, entities, and movements. However, the scenario is uncertainty and new configurations emerge in the logics of political participation and representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Theory of Social Change underscores that public policy that tries to solve a collective issue will always have the capacity of impacting on the process and on the evolution of social change. Since from the start of coronavirus infection cases in Brazil, state governments established legal mechanisms for the control and coping with the disease within their respective jurisdictions. Current paper analyzes the norms and laws published by the administration of the state of Paraná, Brazil, issued between 2019 and 2020, from the point of view of the Theory of Social Change. Norms were selected by researching the digital platform Legislation State System available by the government. Research criteria were the terms "covid", "coronavirus" and "sars cov 2". However, following inclusion/exclusion criteria, only laws with direct and wide social impact were selected for analysis. Initial research produced 297 results, but only 15 attended to selection criteria. Results show the effort by the administration to control and cope with the pandemic through changes in customs involving self-protection and social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2010, the far-right in Brazil has led the backlash to feminism, sexual and gender diversity, racial equality, and other human rights agendas. In this article, we shed light on the devastating impact of the comeback of conservatism and Jair Bolsonaro's presidency on the lives of Black women. Next, we draw from the interviews conducted with a wide range of activists to unveil how Black women have been energised to resist the backlash. We argue that the Black women's movement has employed grassroots organising, institutional politics, counter narratives, and the Black culture, in complementary and interconnected ways, to resist the resurgence of the far-right. Moreover, we suggest that the ability to engage with different forms of activism and strategies of resistance is a key strength of the Black women's movement in Brazil and has placed it at the forefront of the resistance against the far-right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this lectio praecursoria, which I presented as part of my doctoral defense at the University of Eastern Finland on 5 November 2021, I delve deep into the Brazilian anti-mining movement to understand the context in which activism take place, their main strategies and course of actions, and their ability to influence the overall mining debate in Brazil in the 2010s. It sheds light on the key challenges faced by groups fighting for more environmental and social justice in mining conflictual situations. More specific, the research covers the 2013-2017 time frame, when discussions on the mining framework and a severe tailings dam failure happened. These two cases are analyzed and their effects on anti-mining activism are explored through a twofold focus on social movements and environmental justice studies. The study contributes to scientific discussions on mining and society by seeking conceptual bridges across political-ecologically oriented studies on social movements against mineral extraction. It also expands, significantly, analyses of social movements in Brazil by contributing to the international comparative literature on the social and environmental impacts of mining, Brazilian and Latin American studies, studies on mining history, sociology of mining, and mining policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espaço Jurídico: Journal of Law is the property of Espaco Juridico: Journal of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of e-Revista Internacional de la Protección Social is the property of e-Revista Internacional de la Proteccion Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on Literature Review and Document Analysis, the research carried out on material collected from magazines, websites and institutions, presents some of the main problems of the current Brazilian society in facing the market imposition of the media. Through the contributions that ICT can promote to education, topics such as the use of digital technologies and the processes of digital inclusion in public education are addressed. On the other hand, fake news, the scrapping of public communication institutions and the market conspiracy to maintain monopolies promote the opposite movement towards social and technological development. The conclusions revolve around the problematic school-communication-society and identify important socio-structural obstacles to be faced by Brazil today, among them are: social exclusion in a capitalist and excluding society and the need to democratize communications in the search for indexes social and technological necessary for the full human, multicultural, democratic and universal development that Brazil owes to its people. Baseado em Revisão de Literatura e Análise Documental, as pesquisas realizadas em material coletado de revistas, sites e instituições, apresentam alguns dos principais problemas da sociedade brasileira atual no enfrentamento da imposição mercadológica dos meios de comunicação. Mediante as contribuições que as TIC podem promover à educação, são abordados temas como o uso das tecnologias digitais e os processos de inclusão digital na educação pública. Por outro lado, fake news, o sucateamento das instituições públicas de comunicação e a conspiração mercadológica de manutenção dos monopólios promovem o movimento contrário para o desenvolvimento social e tecnológico. As conclusões giram em torno da problemática escola-comunicação-sociedade e identificam entraves socioestruturais importantes a serem enfrentados pelo Brasil dos nossos dias, entre eles estão: a exclusão social em uma sociedade capitalista e excludente e a necessidade de democratização das comunicações na busca pelos índices sociais e tecnológicos necessários ao pleno desenvolvimento humano, multicultural, democrático e universal que o Brasil deve ao seu povo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares how COVID-19 affected state–society relations differently in two relatively similar countries: Brazil and Argentina. Bringing together social movement theories and ideational institutionalism, we argue that variation in responses to the COVID-19 pandemic is explained by the different roles played by social movements inside and outside government and by contrasting ideational disputes. The extreme uncertainty introduced by the pandemic generated intense contestation about the meaning of the crisis and how to resolve it. In Brazil, progressive social movements not only were excluded from the government coalition, but also had to combat a powerful discourse that denied the existence of a crisis altogether. Such denialism did not flourish in the same way in Argentina, where progressive social movements were part of national government processes. The result was that in Argentina, movement–government dynamics revolved around constructing long-term policy proposals, whereas in Brazil movements focused on short-term emergency responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article brings a brief socialization of the historical processes of implantation of the rural education in the city of Colatina - ES, recalling the main milestones of this movement in peasant territory. It aims to present the organization and performance of community social movements, with a view to ensuring rural education. The methodology was based on a qualitative study. The case study was the strategy used to approach the collection of data and information about the theme investigated. The results revealed the dissatisfaction of families residing in the region of São João Pequeno and in the peasant communities of the Vales de Boa Esperança and Santa Joana, observing their children studying in distant schools and with divergent realities from the peasant context. These findings were experienced by many students, families and peasants from all over Brazil, contributing to the organicity of social movements in the struggle, claim and guarantee of public policies for rural education in peasant territories. In the results obtained with bibliographic, documentary and field research, we have highlighted the importance of these social organizations in strengthening rural education, as a modality of basic education, until it is consolidated as the right of the peasant population. In this context, it is increasingly necessary to sow and reap the fruits conquered by movements organized on the ground of rural schools, in the critical and emancipatory formation of educators, family members and the school community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements bear witness to the emerging conception of human rights on a global level, focused on daily practices to meet not only basic needs, but also effective and expressive needs, those that give a meaning and a place in the world to every human being. From thisobservation, the importance of the present study emerges as it addresses the contributions of the Fraternal Law meta-theory in the reframing of the black woman individual in Brazil. Thus, from the perspective of gender, violence and the periphery, as a research problem, the question is: what are the contributions of the Fraternal Law meta-theory in the resignification of the role of black women in Brazil? For the research, the deductive approach method and the bibliographic procedure method are adopted. The female body has been carrying with it the weight of a patriarchal and control culture that contributes to the removal of women from the space of equality, so we can see contributions from the Fraternal Law meta-theory in the re-signification of the woman individual, in this case the black woman from the periphery of the city, because it allows a resignification of humanity and the pact between peers. In this way, the woman from the periphery is inserted into the common space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are space and territory important to social movements and how do they produce them? Despite the always apparent centrality of space and territory, mediated and appropriated by social movements around the world (for example: camps, protests, land occupations, indigenous resistance, occupations of land and buildings in urban areas, neighborhood organization and struggles for environmental issues, for education, health, food and other public policies, women's activism, LGBTQIA+, feminists, students, etc.), there has been a surprising lack of attention to this issue by scholars from various fields of knowledge, for example, English-speaking geographers. This article advances the reflection on the actions of socio-territorial movements as an analytical category whose central objective is to analyze the mediation of space and appropriation of territory. We contrasted the concepts of socio-territorial movement, social movement and sociospatial movement in four axes of analysis. First, how space and territory are produced as a central strategy for the achievement of a movement's objectives. Second, space and territory produce the identities of movements, in their actions, generating new political subjectivities. Third, space and territory are places of political socialization that produce new values and change circumstances. Fourth, through processes of territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization, movements can create new institutions. These axes are subsequently elaborated through the comparative analysis of two case studies: the Movement of Landless Rural Workers, a peasant movement organized in all regions of Brazil, and the Tupac Amaru Neighborhood Organization, an urban movement in northwestern Argentina. The comparison is made as an expansive way of analysis to open up the concept of socio-territorial movement and indicate potential lines of investigation for studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper offers an approach to understanding dramatic social change, entwined with belief revision and shifting knowledge. It explores the interplay between rapidly changing material and ideological conditions through the concept of a rupture. Ruptures are breakdowns in existing social and epistemic practices and relations: periods which call into question what is normalized, such that something else can grow through the cracks. Ruptures do not guarantee any particular replacement, but rather facilitate the emergence of new practices and understandings of the world. Ruptures thus create conditions of possibility for people to explore new social relations and ideas. To develop this idea, this paper draws on Franz Fanon's writings on the Algerian anti-colonial revolution (1954–1962), as a paradigmatic rupture, as well as two smaller-scale ruptures: the student-worker movements over 2015–2016 in South Africa (#FeesMustFall) and Brazil (the primavera secundarista). In their respective contexts, each movement has substantively challenged prevailing practices and understandings that had been hegemonic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The popular uprising in Brazil between 2013 and 2014 led to the emergence of midiativistas, media activists who produced audiovisual testimony from the front lines of protests. Their reports were grounded in their act of 'being there' and bearing witness, and the affective encounters that their position made possible. Their first-hand accounts were situated, partial, and deemed more convincing because they rejected the mainstream media's claims to 'objective truth' – as a view from everywhere that is simultaneously a view from nowhere (and no-one) – in favour of situated truth, witnessed directly, unsettling traditional divisions between representation and reality, and questioning the conditions (and relations) through which knowledge is produced. This ethnographic engagement with the knowledge practices of others, and the role of witnessing within them, reflects on anthropological knowledge practices more broadly, and how they may be conceived otherwise in light of empirical variants from our fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how Brazilian transitional justice has handled land dispossession suffered by peasants and Indigenous peoples during the dictatorship of 1964–1985. The article contextualizes the repression suffered by social movements fighting for land before and after the 1964 coup. Despite the fact that the National Truth Commission created a Working Group to investigate violence against peasants and Indigenous peoples, land dispossession was not considered a serious human rights violation. We also analyze the difficulties that peasants and Indigenous peoples have faced to access reparation programs implemented by the Brazilian state. Finally, we highlight the setbacks undertaken by the current and former federal governments (of Bolsonaro and Temer) in the field of transitional justice, which contribute to the continuation of violence and impunity in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses an experience of Social Work in the context of urban social movements in Brazil and its relationship with the construction of an ethical-political project of the profession. The reflection is supported by the documentary "The struggle has no end", produced in 1987 by students from the School of Social Work of the Universidade Federal Fluminense, which records the trajectory of 18 homeless families from Morro do Estado in Rio de Janeiro. It considers the dialectical history of duration to situate the experience in the struggle for the construction of a transforming society project based on participatory structures organized autonomously in civil society. It analyzes the experiences accumulated by the urban social movement to understand the challenges of the profession in the contemporary globalized context of the crisis of modernity and new forms of rationality. It concludes that the current status of the documentary is to show a professional praxis committed to the class struggle, alongside the subordinates and subalterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a critical analysis of the relationship between work and subjectivity, based on reflections regarding experiences of dealing with the SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) epidemic in the Unified Health System (SUS) in Sao Paulo, Brazil. In order to do so, context is first provided regarding Brazilian policy and the SUS, drawing attention to different modes of health policy formulation. The ways in which the challenges of the pandemic were dealt with in the SUS are then presented, through an examination of material from panel discussions held with healthcare workers – which are publicly available on Youtube – regarding what they have lived through during the pandemic and the political conflicts they have encountered, as well as their lived experiences with the primary level of care, with mental health, and with social movements. This material is analyzed vis-à-vis conceptual elements that seek to expand upon notions of healthcare work, policies and practices in health care, and subjectification processes, shedding light on lessons that have emerged and on future challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to examine the dynamics of the debate on social networking platforms from the perspective of collective identity and collective action concepts. More specifically, we seek to identify who are the central actors on Twitter in the debate about the two delivery app workers' strike against the work regime and working conditions during the pandemics (Uber-Eats, iFood, Rappi, etc.) occurred on July 1 and 25, 2020, in Brazil. We also examined whether the most influential users played a role in the formation of communities around their interpretation of this topic. To do so, we collected 535,178 tweets published in two periods of workers' demonstrations, which occurred between June and July 2020. Based on temporal analysis of clusters, we identified the moment of entrance of each community on the debate and discussed how profiles of influencers, social movements, politicians, and celebrities on Twitter played central roles in mobilizing supporters and fostering public engagement linked to acts on the networks. The results show that social mobilization in digital environments occurs from interactions between groups with great involvement with the causes and profiles of more ephemeral performance, whose participation is fundamental for the promotion and dissemination of acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an analysis of the struggles of women domestic workers in Brazil, based on two field studies. We examine the imbrication of racism, sexism and class inequality in their lives and struggles, and in their relationship with the black and feminist movements and workers' unions. While this intersection of social relations produces multiple forms of oppression, it is also a force for the collective struggles of domestic workers, enabling them to form alliances that led to the enactment of a law guaranteeing the category's rights in 2015. However, the intersectional nature of their claims has also led to tensions and conflicts with their allies, which limit the scope of their success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a partial result of the research project Racial issues and denied citizenships in the city of Londrina-PR. The article aimed to investigate whether the characterization of the self-declared black population and its condition of peripheralization attributed by the State contribute to a greater school dropout in the city of Londrina. The first part of the article sought to carry out a bibliographic survey on the history of racism in Brazil and its consequences; in addition to the importance of the non-stereotyping of the black population in textbooks and also the mandatory approach to Afro- Brazilian History and Culture; African and Indigenous. The results were obtained through questionnaires applied in two public schools in Londrina-PR with students from the 3rd year of high school. The responses were analyzed using graphics and Fonseca's categorization model (2015) based on Bardin's Content Analysis (1977). Through the responses to the questionnaires, it was possible to verify the existence of institutionalized racism and how it influences the black community present in the school environment. However, with the creation of the Law 10639/03, the debate about racism begins to permeate the classrooms. Nevertheless, the discussion must remain constant in order to achieve racial equity, not allowing racism, in this sense, to contribute to school dropout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]