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Indo-Pacific is a geopolitical construct that combines the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean, representing the new strategic reality of the twenty-first century. Indo-Pacific is also considered significant for countries as it is a strategic and economic domain with a critical role in maritime security and cooperation. With a strategic location in the Indo-Pacific region, India is now a theatre of opportunity to increase its role regionally and globally. The Indian Ocean carries 90 per cent of India's trade and its energy sources, and nearly 50 per cent of India's trade is centred in the Indo- Pacific region. India's relations with incredible powers, island nations, and smaller littoral states will significantly shape India's Indo-Pacific strategy. Increasing non-traditional threats and growing challenges from rising China are significant drivers of India's policy options in the post-pandemic world. India's soft power diplomacy and bilateral and multilateral partnerships in the region continue to be decisive factors for security and balance of power in the post-pandemic scenario. Thus, the geo-strategic environment of the Indo-Pacific in the post-pandemic era is crucial for India and the countries in the Indo-Pacific region as a whole for their growth, development, and security. Thus, this paper explores India's crucial role in ensuring the security and equilibrium of the post-pandemic Indo-Pacific through a comprehensive analysis of its strategic initiatives and regional dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Drawing upon the Social Identity Theory, this research aims to investigate the effectiveness of Qatar's soft power sponsorships among the Indian Premier League (IPL) fans in India. We explore the relationship between team identification, team-sponsor fit, and purchase intention of sports fans, while also examining the moderating effect of sponsor brand awareness in the context of the IPL. Design/methodology/approach: Using a quantitative research design, we conducted both offline and online surveys from sports fans. The proposed model was examined using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Partial Least Square-Structural Equation Modelling to test the study's hypotheses. Findings: The results reveal a positive and significant association between team identification and team-sponsor fit, and team-sponsor fit and purchase intention of sponsor brands. Further, brand awareness moderates the relationship between team-sponsor fit and purchase intention of sponsor brands, but not on the team identification and team-sponsor fit relationship. Research limitations/implications: This research adds to the paradigm of social identity theory and soft power sponsorship research. By providing insights into fans' predisposition towards the team sponsors, the study will help managers design effective brand promotion strategies. Originality/value: This research is the first to explore the effectiveness of soft-power sponsorships in the Indian mega-sports landscap. It is also the first to explore the moderating effect of sponsor brand awareness on sponsorship effectiveness, which is determined through the purchase intentions of the sponsor brand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines 'diasporic geopolitics' as a significant factor in the future of global politics. Whereas discussions of global order in IR have been highly spatialised, we instead highlight the extent to which different regions of the world are entangled via ongoing migration processes, and their legacies in the form of global diasporas. We examine the significance of these interconnections by focusing on rising powers and their relations with the existing international order. Major migration-sending states such as China, India, and Turkey are now aspiring great powers that seek to exert global influence in international affairs. In this context, their diaspora governance policies are also undergoing a transformation, with diasporas increasingly understood as important assets for promoting sending states' geopolitical agendas and great power ambitions. We examine three mechanisms by which such states exert power transnationally via their diaspora engagement policies. States can treat 'their' diasporas as economic assets that facilitate trade and foreign investment; as soft power assets that contribute to the promotion of 'civilisational' politics; and as diplomatic assets that can be strategically mobilised or repressed. We conclude by discussing the implications for thinking about the nature of global order and power politics in the coming 50 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine how two emerging economies, Brazil and India, initially responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. Historically, to build their international reputation and soft power influence in health, both countries implement effective prevention and treatment programs in response to global pandemics, such as HIV/AIDS. However, this did not occur in response to COVID-19. Why? Building on the global health diplomacy and soft power literature, we introduce a new concept, soft power extremes, to explain Brazil and India's delayed and lackluster policy response to COVID-19. Soft power extremes emerge when presidents either prioritize building their international reputation in health at the expense of meeting domestic healthcare needs, or conversely, when they are apathetic towards international reputation building through policy innovations. At the same time, we argue that the absence of a strong state-civil societal partnership in response to COVID-19 in both countries facilitated the emergence of these soft power extremes, in turn revealing the importance of combining a focus on elite-centered foreign health policymaking with analysis of governance and social accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the proposition that India will become the world's next superpower. It discusses the three defining criteria of a superpower – economic strength, military might and soft power – and examines the extent to which India fulfils them in comparison with the current reigning hegemon, the United States, and potential contender China. In doing so, this article examines the favourable conditions for, and possible impediments to, India's prospects of attaining great-power status. Based on the analysis conducted, this study argues that the South Asian country's hopes of rising into the league of superpowers will ultimately be dashed if its advantageous conditions are weakened by an inability or unwillingness to address some of its most pressing problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TYB Akademi Dil Edebiyat & Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Turkiye Yazarlar Birligi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

India's coastal cities have been playing a pivotal role in international relations through culture, commerce, and connectivity since the hoary past. In modern times, coastal cities such as Mumbai (formerly Bombay) on the Arabian Coast and Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) on the Bay of Bengal have been active actors in international affairs. While Mumbai has been the hub of international trade and commerce, Kolkata has been the junction of cultural bonhomie with Bangladesh and Southeast Asian countries, which gained more traction due to cross-border movements of technology, information, education, trade and finance, and artistic tools bolstered by the New Economic Policy beginning in the early 1990s. Indian states and metropolitan cities are enhancing their positions in international affairs with tangible gains. Mumbai is referred to as India's financial capital and the home to the headquarters of great global business houses and financial organisations. Similarly, Kolkata is known as the cultural capital of India (Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Shanti Niketan, Bengali folk art and culture etc.) and a destination for foreign tourists, artists and curious researchers. This paper examines the growth and impact of city diplomacy in India through the prism of federalism in advancing local interests in international politics. It attempts to assess the role of Indian cities from a comparative perspective in the conduct of city diplomacy from economic and cultural aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary multipolar world order, great powers are on the rise. As they possess coercive hard power, they also tend to have persuasive soft power in international relations. Soft power has become one of the most important dimensions of the foreign policies of great powers. Over the past decades, the use of soft power in the Asian context has gained significant traction. As an emerging power, India has begun to realise the usefulness of its rich culture and ancient civilisation as an indispensable source of soft power in the practice of public diplomacy. Specifically, New Delhi has utilised soft power in its Act East Policy (AEP) towards Southeast Asia, where historical connections and cultural legacy are deep between the two regions. In this context, the article examines the concept of soft power and its implications in India's AEP. It argues that rather than asserting influence on the recipient country, India's soft power is instrumental in building its international image as a benign power in international politics. The article looks at Cambodia as a case study to see how India's international image has been perceived in the Southeast Asian kingdom, given that both countries share strong cultural and civilisational links. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, China has rapidly increased its influence throughout the South Asian region, using both its hard and soft power tactics. China has succeeded in eclipsing India's influence and emerged as an important player in the region. China is making inroads in South Asia by making huge investments and constructing roads, highways, railways, sea ports, bridges, power grids, dams, and public buildings. China is pursuing a foreign policy that aims to advance its strategic and economic interests while trying to imbalance India's predominant position and contain India within the boundaries of South Asia. This is to prevent the rise of a peer competitor that can challenge or hinder the rise of China as a sole Asian power. This paper argues that the geostrategic situation of South Asian countries is such that they pose threats to India's security by aligning with the extra-regional powers. Hence, China's expanding strategic and security ties with South Asian countries have wider implications for India's security due to the complex and sensitive nature of its relationship with China. The theoretical approach of Power Transition Theory has been utilized to analyze the Sino-India power rivalry and China's growing threat to India's security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-Indian rivalry in Sri Lanka's economic turmoil has significant implications for regional security and India's defense cooperation. Following President Xi's announcement of China's grand strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative, in 2013, China has utilized its infrastructure investment as a typical example of its implementation of soft power diplomacy on a global dimension. This has raised concerns about China's geopolitical ambitions in the Indian Ocean and the potential security threat it poses to India. Using qualitative research methods, this paper analyzes the geo-strategic importance of Sri Lanka in China's ambitions and the political strategies behind economic crises in South Asian countries. The paper evaluates the impact of China's debt-trap diplomacy on India's national security and defense cooperation with Sri Lanka. The findings suggest that Sri Lanka's economic instability has provided China with an opportunity to encircle and contain India in the region, and that India needs to take proactive steps to mitigate this threat. Overall, the paper highlights the importance of understanding the Sino-Indian rivalry in Sri Lanka's economic turmoil for regional security and India's defense cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as, a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from its neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China, in the Himalayan terrain to the eastern region of India. This article looks at the defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India's security threats in the South Asian region. India's soft power policy reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses empirical and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions, and to draw a proper conclusion to the study. Finally, as a result of the study, we can see that India's serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening the bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, India has increased its engagement with Maldives. This development coincides with the growing strategic competition between India and China over the Indian Ocean's littoral states. New Delhi has employed a range of hard- and soft-power instruments to operationalize India's smart-power influence in Maldives. However, the "India Out" protests and #saveaddu online campaigns have exposed the lack of equilibrium between India's hard and soft power in its smart-power matrix. This study argues that India needs to prioritize its soft-power inputs in Malé to restore the balance in its smart-power matrix. Therefore, the objective of this article is to offer recommendations on how New Delhi can optimize its hard and soft power by promoting cricket diplomacy as a soft-power tool to enhance India's national influence in Maldives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As both India and South Korea build their ties on the basis of democratic partnership and ASEAN centrality, the need for Seoul to emerge as a strong partner in India's Indo‐Pacific initiatives is vital. India's quest for a more serious multilateral network is continuously growing in the security sphere, and Korea's induction in the same via the "Plus" framework of the quadrilateral hints at potential for successful connects with other multilateral frameworks or bodies like the AIIB to balance economic assistance and development. Ultimately, the natural upgradation of India‐South Korea relations relies intensely upon the degree to which Seoul will embrace the Indo‐Pacific account that India's AEP is pitching. The merging of soft and hard power by the middle and rising power is critical to India to ensure a rules‐based international order; finding a formal place for Seoul in its Indo‐Pacific prism must emerge as a necessary focus of New Delhi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's pursuit of a position within the structure of Southeast Asian States has seen its most extensive 'soft power' campaign in all probability. One of the most effective forms of these soft power campaigns is its cultural diplomacy invoked through a shared cultural heritage with the Southeast Asian States. This cultural diplomacy takes the form of a multitude of instruments. However, the instrument of temple restoration as a form of cultural diplomacy is rarely analyzed irrespective of its steady presence in the last decades. This article is an attempt to fill in the gaps between the understanding of soft power and cultural diplomacy through temple restorations. The authors in this article examine India's restoration of temples across the Southeast Asian States as a form of its cultural diplomacy and analyzes the effectiveness of the same as an instrument of soft power. In the first section, the authors examine the concept of 'soft power' and India's efforts in the exercise of the same through the restoration of temples. In the second section, the author analyzes India's exercise and development of 'soft power' with specific reference to how Buddhism enables India to develop its relations with Southeast Asian States. In the third section, the author examines whether India's cultural diplomacy through its restoration of temples has actually had a positive impact in developing India's relations with other Southeast Asian States. Finally, the authors analyze whether there is any merit to a continuation of such measures of its cultural diplomacy as an instrument of its soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term soft power has become a catch-all-phrase for public and cultural diplomacy since Joseph Nye introduced it in 1990. India has had several historical and cultural advantages regarding its influence in foreign countries. While India and Indians enjoyed goodwill in most countries, the sudden interests in India among the policymakers, businesses, and politicians were mainly after the 1992 economic liberalization that had opened the Indian markets to foreign investments. Besides the nation-branding exercises globally, New Delhi employed soft power instruments in countries it deemed to have more significant interests, from traditional allies like Bhutan and Afghanistan to the countries in the West in the last three decades. Nevertheless, how successful has India been in exploiting its cultural linkages and using its soft power in its branding? This question becomes pertinent as, in recent years, India has often received negative press coverage in international media, and on several freedom/democratic indices, its rankings have gone down. As India celebrates 75 years of independence as Azadi ka Mahotsav (a grand celebration of independence), this paper assesses the scope of its soft power as a foreign policy instrument, points out its shortcomings, and recommends the possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power is a critical factor in several types of diplomacy. India-EU relations are a classic case of how changing geopolitics prompted diplomatic acumen. This scoping review assesses the changing relations of both partners as a manifestation of Smart Power. The dynamic relations from normative-based to pragmatic and inclusive interests based are evaluated. Their value-based relations are put under international relations theories. Their changing factors of cooperation are used to justify their smart diplomacy, where contemporary relations are less likely to be affected by multilateral interests. To solidify claims of smart power in their relations, the recent TRIPS waiver schism illuminated health diplomacy between the two regions. This health diplomacy discourse promotes smart power diplomacy between India and the EU, where new avenues of cooperation emerge despite pandemic disagreements. The article explores how hybrid power is better than soft and hard power in silos by systematically searching and selecting the existing knowledge in the contemporary context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing FDI in Africa from China and India in recent years has drawn the attention of scholars, policy makers, and the media. Africa is an arena where the two emerging giants compete on different bases. Indian firms have the advantage of institutional proximity and large diaspora communities in Africa, while Chinese firms rely on government-to-government relationship-building. The rivalry between India's soft power and Chinese hard power in Africa will continue for the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Africa have been sharing a multidimensional relationship of cooperation and friendship since the ancient civilizations. The COVID-19 pandemic has brought new possibilities and opportunities for India to leverage its soft power diplomacy towards Africa. The paper's main focus is to analyze how India has made soft power part of its foreign policy and examine India's relationship with the African continent through health diplomacy. A literature search was done in major databases, such as Web of Science, Medicine/PubMed, Scopus, OVID, and Google Scholar search engine to gather relevant information. Through humanitarian assistance and geopolitical influence, India had won the support and heart of Africans. Besides, India has become a global healthcare provider in the African continent through its global health diplomacy and vaccine diplomacy. India has achieved impressive gains through its soft power diplomacy and has become a compassionate and benevolent actor in the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's all-out war with Pakistan for the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971 may have been brief, but it came after a lengthy prelude. For months, New Delhi laboured to convince the world—especially the West—about the grim consequences of Islamabad's oppressive bid to stomp out Bengali nationalism in East Pakistan. While there is adequate literature chronicling the diplomatic persuasion undertaken by India leading up to the war of 1971 and its military pursuits during the conflict, the academic interest in the civil society's contribution to the cause appears insufficient. A dearth of retrospective case studies of India's socio-cultural responses to its foreign affairs is, in fact, noticeable, especially in the discourse on Indian soft power. In an attempt to address this gap, by principally relying on the historical evaluative analysis of primary news reports, this article attempts to chronicle the contributions towards the cause of East Pakistan's liberation by individual and collective civil society actors of Bombay (now Mumbai)—a cultural and commercial hub of India—focusing on the efforts of a dedicated volunteer-run committee for fundraising, the fraternity of the city's Bollywood celebrities, and a few distinguishable films produced within it. In doing so, the potential of these actors to qualify as resources of India's soft power during that tense year is also examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The „soft power" can be brought forward and achieved for any developing country through softer means. Advertising (both direct and indirect approach) is a powerful tool for disseminating information to various stakeholders concerning the MSME sector. To introspect the potentiality of India's MSME's emerging power, the researchers attempted to answer the different components that shaped Indian industrialization over the years and also analyzed the direct and indirect audio-visual advertisements created on MSMEs to encourage entrepreneurial activities throughout the nation. The observation indicates that direct and indirect advertisements that promote and encourage the growth of entrepreneurship have their advantages and disadvantages; however, direct advertisements are proven to be preferred over indirect advertisements, while the reason behind it can be the dilution of concept or the prominence of commercialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Going by the economic growth patterns of China, India, Japan, South Korea and ASEAN countries with corresponding decline in the Western economic heft, it was often claimed that the 21st century will be the Asian Century. This might be in doubt due to the pandemic and geopolitical contestation between China and the US, where new faultlines are being drawn. Moreover, India and China being in a potential conflict zone, the dream of the Asian Century might have receded even further. But Asianism, given its intrinsic strength, has gone through its own evolution over the centuries, as the major Asian civilizations and cultures have interacted often seamlessly and occasionally competed with one another. Assimilation has often been the result. Ancient is intrinsic to the Asian thought, philosophy, and existence. Harmony with nature and a share-and-care attitude have been the hallmarks of the quest for eternal peace and co-existence. Yet, political Asianism has occasionally witnessed conflicts and wars in the name of supremacy and superiority which was hardly the real essence of the Asiatic value systems. The battle between the West and East accentuated them through the 19th and 20th centuries and the First and Second World Wars. The Western system moved forward, as Japan was defeated but eventually became part of the Western alliance system. India became independent and avoided the Cold War with the global governance architecture by virtue of her ancient mystical heritage and knowledge, new-found democratic credentials, a moral and principled stance reflected through her non-aligned approaches and pragmatic emphasis on peace and development for one-sixth of humanity, thereby leading the newly-independent developing countries from Asia to Africa, from the clutches of colonialism. This has provided India with an authoritative international voice of reason. And this is what will combine her software, powered by the civilizational heritage and universality of her cultural ethos, to enhance and extend her soft power appeal which is the subtext of her very existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the Taliban came back to power in Afghanistan in August 2021, India and Afghanistan had cordial bilateral relations and were often described as great friends. Since 2002, India had helped build several infrastructure projects as part of its promised development assistance program of over $2 billion (later increased to $3 billion). Considering India's investments in Afghanistan, the goodwill it enjoyed among common Afghans was understandable. However, it would be wrong to imply that these unique, multifaceted bilateral relations between the two countries were simply due to India's helping hand. This research paper is one of its kind attempt to explain the perceptions Afghans had about India based on the field survey done in Afghanistan in 2019. Using responses of over 321 Afghan participants, the paper attempts to quantitatively analyze the goodwill and positive vibes that India enticed among Afghans. However, many Afghans felt that India did not do enough during the crisis in August 2021. Based on the survey and the general perceptions of Afghans in the aftermath of the return of the Taliban, this paper argues that the soft power investments in Afghanistan helped India in its nation-branding, making it attractive and creating goodwill. However, New Delhi lacked the will to act smartly and hence did not get the desired strategic influences due to „soft power behavior". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every state's foreign policy contains two important elements: (i) hard power, and (ii) soft power. In history, we have seen this since the ancient Roman Empire to represent a hegemon. America has been using both these elements to expand its influence on other countries. In this context, the relationship between India and the Baltic States can be viewed through the prism of soft power diplomacy. This paper analyzes the India-Baltic States relations from the perspective of cultural diplomacy. The relationship between the two is based on freedom, as well as mutual respect of the other's culture, language, and history. This paper traces this relationship to even before India's independence. It discusses in detail the linguistic similarities and cultural exchanges between both sides. The paper also deals with the diplomatic and political relations between the states in question after 1991 that marked the collapse of the USSR. The study enumerates how the cultural exchanges between India and the Baltic States increased many folds in this era as well. Apart from cultural exchanges, trade, interchanges on information and technology, education occupies a considerable part of this interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that while India's Balakot airstrike garnered popular attention as a hardline military approach, the role of soft power, which was very much part of it, received little or scant regard. Moving away from the popular view of the Balakot airstrike as a hard power-oriented military approach, taking a nuanced look at it from the soft power and strategic narrative vantage point, this exegesis explores both the hard and soft dimensions of power employed as means to advance India's aims and ends. In doing so, this examination finds the strike as a smart power strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the year 2014, India has adopted Diaspora Engagement as an important foreign policy and soft power alternative. India's ply for enriching diaspora engagement in strengthening soft power capacity in most of the countries has been a positive force, except for some like Iran where India has not been able to engage its diaspora in line with foreign policy and soft power capabilities. Indian Diaspora in Iran can be a suitable tool to enhance mutual trust and cooperation. From the foreign policy perspective, the element of 'diaspora' has usually been regarded as one of the powerful soft power diplomacy instruments. Like the Chinese Diaspora being attributed for playing a major role in the transformation of China into a modern industrial society, they are the single largest source of foreign investment in China. Similarly, the Jewish diaspora has exercised an influential role in shaping US and West European policies towards Israel. Indian Diaspora has also been cherished for their contribution to upholding the activities giving a boost to the status of the homeland. Indian diaspora almost exists in every part of the world and is making a considerable contribution, like that of the Indian diaspora in The US. The Indian Diaspora in the US is very active not only in the economic dimension but also in the political and cultural spheres. The Indo-Iran relations are age-old and both nations regard their Diasporas as their best diplomatic alternatives. Being the best soft power technique as well as the cherished element of India and Iran relations it becomes necessary to analyze the role of the Indian diaspora in Iran to understand 'what went wrong?'. Therefore, this paper focuses on the role of the Indian diaspora in Iran from its beginning to the current scenario; explores its dimensions to explain its decline. The paper aims to view the scope of the Indian diaspora in building mutual trust and cooperation between India and Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes the argument that India's cricket authorities moved the sport away from being a semi-amateurish game to one which met the commercial criteria for a globalised sport. Further, while cricket was a game dominated by the Western nations, it was only after the game was taken over by India that it was opened up to a broader set of nations and not based on racial and cultural preferences. While the sport has been reformed, India has still to bring the game to global financial standards or to be able to use the soft power of cricket to enhance its international status. This is because India has exhibited the behaviour of a middle power in international politics by fitting into and exploiting a particular niche in international sports which is of dominating a game that is multinational rather than truly global. Instead, the Chinese, in their forays into the international sports market, are not only taking the steps to increase their soft power but, also, showing that their relative power status in the international system is reflected in their ability to use sporting events to shape their soft power advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to investigate the power and role of social media with respect to Indian context relating to insurance industry. In this era of social media, new dimensions are being created every day. The widespread penetration of the Internet, its scope of use is increasing daily. Brands have made their imprint on these platforms, and social media has become a vital aspect of everyday life. Insurance firms have also gotten their fair share of social media attention. The focus now is on reenergizing their online presence, making it more engaging for customers and profitable for the company. When it comes to their social media strategy, insurers have acknowledged the necessity to innovate and optimize. The goal of this research is to examine the current condition of social media usage and its impact on the Indian insurance business. No one can deny the necessity of engaging with social media for analytics, to form opinions, draw conclusions, and reach better decisions. However, the conservative nature of the insurance industry has been a significant factor in the delayed adoption of social media. Our latest data show that there are 4.48 billion social media users around the world in July 2021, equating to almost 57 percent of the total global population. These figures suggest that more than 9 in 10 internet users now use social media each month Social media user numbers have surged in the past 12 months too, with 520 million new users joining social media in the year to July 2021. The present paper aims to define the forms and characteristics of social media as a soft power for people belonging to insurance industry in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

India's foreign policy in the twenty-first century has been dominated by the pursuit of an enabling environment in its neighborhood and throughout the world that enables its economy to grow, society to develop, and soft power to flourish - as this country of 1.3 billion people seeks its rightful place in the comity of nations. After almost three decades of reforms and opening up to the rest of the world, India now confronts new security challenges and the need for more money, technology, ideas, and creativity to drive its transformation. India's significant global influence is readily seen in its dynamic foreign policy orientation and a number of innovative joint initiatives with other countries. In the early 1990s, then-Indian Prime Minister P.V. Narsimha Rao launched a new chapter in the Indian foreign policy paradigm known as the 'Look-East Policy.' The Look-East Policy reflects a deliberate reorientation of India's worldview and positioning in the fast expanding global economy. Since the Policy's establishment, India and ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) have taken many bilateral, regional, and subregional efforts to ensure the Policy's success. The current article aims to highlight some of the emerging trends that India's foreign policy is expected to encounter in the twenty-first century. Furthermore, the study analyzes the changes that have shaped the substance and trajectory of India's foreign policy in the contemporary era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about India's soft power – how much it has, its sources and origins, and its deficits and applications. This article aims to place India's soft power in context of other nations like China and the US, by applying the Soft Power Rubric, a model that harnesses quantitative data on ordinary human interactions – like foreign visitors appearing in local street markets – to understand the relationships among countries. In this examination of India's soft power, the focus is on the activity of ordinary people, not necessarily actions by the government. The Soft Power Rubric centers around understanding in which foreign countries are people attracted to India and, vice versa, which foreign countries attract Indians to go abroad. The sum of this activity paints a picture of cultural affinity and social interaction unlike any other analysis of soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's connections with Southeast Asia are rooted in history in terms of geography, civilization, culture, economy and strategy. These connections became deeper since the 1990s as India initiated the policy of 'Look East' that resulted in manifold growth with ASEAN and Singapore. The initiation of 'Look East Policy' opened the door for Singaporean Indians for investments and interaction with their motherland. Through the 'Look East Policy' the distance between India and ASEAN ended and India was connected with this region and especially Singapore through trade relations. With this policy, India was able to enter this region and this was the chance for the Indian people to revitalize and energize their social and cultural bonds with their motherland (Pande 2017). These relations were further intensified after 2014 as Prime Minister Narendra Modi officially launched 'Act East Policy'. While 'Look East Policy' was launched by India in the backdrop of the critical economic situation, the 'Act East Policy' is aimed at strengthening our relations in terms of cultural, political and strategic dimensions. Therefore, this paper aims to study and analyse the role of the Indian diaspora as a soft power for making strong bilateral bonds between India and Singapore with special reference to the political and economic scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gastrodiplomacy, the strategic use of food as a powerful tool for achieving diplomatic goals, is linked well to tourism, and the concepts function symbiotically. Like soft power and cultural diplomacy, gastrodiplomacy is present through tourism which is catalysed by the country's international diaspora, ethnic restaurants, and food festivals. Considering the mounting academic interest towards tourism in gastrodiplomacy, this paper examines the role of national tourism promotional campaigns as the most relevant, yet unaddressed channel for the articulation of a country 's gastrodiplomacy. The findings of this study confirm that, if used effectively, government-led tourism campaigns are significant as a collective venue in which to introduce, explain and promote a country's national cuisine to foreign publics. This paper examines the pi falls of India 's national tourism campaign in terms of its capability to communicate the country's immense latent potential to tourists and recommends a strategic model for the future of Indian gastrodiplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this comparative study is on the use of soft power in the digital public diplomacy of two Global South players, Brazil and India, in EU member states. The main objective of this research is to find out how their embassies use digital diplomacy in communication through their official websites and to identify which soft power resources they dominantly use. Quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis were used to analyze the categories and subcategories on the main menu and special banners on each embassy’s home page, and the associated content. Unlike the Indian embassies, which fully embraced digital diplomacy 2.0, the Brazilian embassies do not utilize the full potential of digital diplomacy and primarily remain reliant on websites only. According to this research, the Brazilian embassies in the EU use film as a dominant soft power resource in their digital diplomacy, while the Indian embassies use yoga as a powerful diplomatic tool. Still, both approaches are not enough to attract European publics. There remains a lot of space for improvement and better usage of soft power resources and digital public diplomacy potentials in communicating the powers of Brazil and India in EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan's economy was weak since most of the industrial enterprises were located in Russia. To attain economic growth, Kazakhstan crafted a unique foreign policy known as the multi-vector foreign policy, which facilitated an easy inflow of direct foreign investments into the state economy. After economic liberalization in 1991, India took a serious interest in Central Asia, and since then the two nations have come a long way marked by complex interdependence in the international arena. They have demonstrated a successful and sustained upward trend in their bilateral relationship through soft power, trade and longstanding historical connections. Thus, the prospects of mutual cooperation between Central Asia, particularly Kazakhstan, and India are quite promising in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Central Asia have civilizational linkages which have been considered to be two great centres of oriental civilization connected through the silk route since medieval times. India reframes her foreign policy concerning dealing with the new Central Asian Republics of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmen Uzbekistan, notably after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. In the 21st century, the sociocultural ties were further strengthened by signing several agreements and high-level visits from both sides. Our relations with the region are based on robust political, economic, Socio-cultural, and technical partnerships. India's soft power is playing a significant role in strengthening bilateral relations. In the Central Asian region, there is an enormous interest in Bollywood films, Indian classical dance, music, literature, Yoga, and other forms of culture. India usually arranges cultural events in these countries and also encourages exchanges of academics, scholars, youth delegations, and civil society to get the core knowledge of each other's cultures. Scholarships for study in India by young men and women from these countries are also provided. The Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) is a valuable programme through which young professionals in these countries endure training and personality development. This scheme allowed the youth of these countries to contribute not only to India's economic progress but also to its civilization and heritage. ITEC has particularly contributed to social and economic development for these countries, which forms part of its objective of India to strengthen the diplomatic and socio-cultural ties with the Central Asian countries. The natural cover-up of the whole Central Asian states attracts thousands of tourists from across the world every year. Indians visit these states for tourism as well as for cheap medical education. However, these visits have been marred due to the ongoing pandemic globally. This is true that the mobility of Indians to the central Asian states is scanty, but many emerging realities are reshaping India's existing cultural relationship with them. The main aim of this paper is to highlight the emerging socio-culture relations between India and Central Asia countries. How economic and trade relations would be strengthened has also been discussed in this study. To make India's relationship stronger with the region, exchanges of visits from both sides have been given special attention in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disastrous event of 9/11 changed the Political and Security dynamics of the world. The event of 9/11 provided a chance for India to enter into Afghanistan. Afghanistan attracts the world powers due to its strategic importance. Afghanistan is a gateway to the energy rich Central Asian Republics. India's involvement in Afghanistan is quite realistic. India had never established cordial relations with the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The event of 9/11 gave India a chance to establish cordial relations with the Afghan political government. India participated in the Bonn Conference and announced its support for the people of Afghanistan in the reconstruction of the country. India enjoyed its best relations with the governments of Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani in Kabul. India enhanced its ties with Iran to secure its interest in Afghanistan and to counter Pakistan. India and Iran have some common interests in Afghanistan. New Delhi has invested a big amount in various sectors in Afghanistan to enhance its influence in Afghan society. India has worked hard to facilitate Afghan Nationals to boost its soft power. India now influences the internal politics of Afghanistan. The world considers India a major market in South Asia. India's presence in Afghanistan has always been a source of worry for Pakistan. Pakistan considers India's presence in Afghanistan a threat to its National Security. Pakistan thinks India should work for the betterment of Afghan people but she should avoid using Afghan soil against Pakistan. Pakistan has already suffered a lot due to the disturbance in Afghanistan. Peaceful Afghanistan is in the favor of South Asia and for the Global Powers. This paper focuses on the Indian presence in Afghanistan and India's role to bring peace in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Narendra Modi administration's use of three specific soft power assets of India - Buddhism, Diaspora, and Yoga - in diplomacy in service of the country's national interests. It attempts to address the following questions: What is the main purpose of the Modi administration's soft power strategy and the reasons behind the promotion and utilization of these three assets? What are the impediments to India's soft power projection ability? Finally, how can the Modi administration better exploit India's soft power advantages? This paper demonstrates how the Modi administration is making efforts to project India's soft power in the service of larger strategic goals. The use of soft power is designed to complement India's conventional diplomacy, boost its international image, project it as a peaceful rising power, improve relations with other countries, and help attract foreign investment, technology, and tourists in order to promote economic growth and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yoga is increasingly being used in India’s cultural nationalist discourse at home and soft power projection abroad, with mixed results. This paper unpacks the rise of India’s use of yoga as a form of soft power narrative through contextualising it within the a ‘soft’ Hindutva cultural nationalist discourse. It is argued that this discourse represents an innovative blend of exclusivist Hindutva with the earlier democratic state-focused cultural nationalism. Yoga soft power diplomacy represents an effort on India’s behalf to draw on ancient Hindu spiritual traditions to portray itself as a benign and beneficial cultural force in global affairs. However, while being largely successful, it also presents a series of significant challenges to India’s communication strategy at home and abroad. Yoga’s adoption has led to questions in some communities about the appropriateness of this political cooption of yoga by Hindu nationalism, as well as claims that the practice of yoga is religiously as well as politically laden act. Although the adoption of yoga has been a remarkably successful soft power strategy, as evidenced by the adoption of International Yoga Day, it presents contradictions and difficulties for any cultural nationalist or soft power discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first decade of the twenty-first century saw the chants of the rise of an Indian superpower. These claims of the twenty-first century as India’s century were not only based on the massive economic growth that the country saw in the post-1991 liberalisation period, and the concomitant boost in military infrastructure, but also by virtue of its having the biggest functional democracy, an influential multi-million plus diaspora, the sway of Bollywood in the region and abroad and the spectacular religious-linguistic diversity of the country. From conducting mega disaster-relief operations during the 2004 tsunami to effectuating the world’s largest civil evacuation during Operation Rahat, India has ceaselessly augmented its soft power potential to project its national power in the region. This article is an attempt to analyse the possibilities and challenges that India faces in the effective functioning of its soft power in the region. It also remarks as to how India’s soft power limitations can be quashed by integrating a smart power approach in its foreign policy by strengthening existent digital and public diplomacy infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of soft power is new to South Asia. Two major countries, India and Pakistan, are struggling to improve their image globally. Both countries have enough sources to manifest soft power, however, culture, political values, and foreign policies are the parameters this research uses to analyse the relevance of soft power in South Asia. It is argued that due to difficult postindependence internal security issues, political instability, socioeconomic conditions, Afghan jihad and War on Terror, it is hard for Pakistan to pay attention to its soft image. Comparatively, India has had more success in improving its image globally. Though both India and Pakistan are trying to improve their image globally using soft power tools, both lack a well-defined policy on how it can best be utilised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Interlocalization’ has been witnessed as a new praxis in international communication which is all about horizontal flow of knowledge, culture, tradition, know-how and so on, among countries of the world, free from any form of hegemony and domination as against what has been observed in the case of ‘globalization’ and also in ‘glocalization’. This study is an attempt to understand and analyse this phenomenon in the Indian context, and it revolves around two possible broad catalysts of the interlocalization process: (1) India’s communication business alliances and (2) transnational networking among Indian diaspora communities. The article finds that India’s communication business alliances around the world have not yet reached a level to provide the desired impetus to the interlocalization process, although it is gaining momentum. But a highly encouraging scenario is presented in the case of Indian diaspora networking and its implications for the interlocalization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about Indian Defense strategies against terrorism focusing on an attacks made on Indian security forces in Manipur and the unrest around shoot-to-kill powers as per the Indian Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Topics include coordination and cooperation among authorities in India and Myanmar, military policies by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and operations by the Indian Army. Also discussed is Indian's soft power and foreign policies, role of social media in politics, and use of hard power in Indian foreign policy. The article talks about 2001-02 Operation Parakram, a military operation against Pakistan.

When the Western countries confronted backlash in their promotion of democracy, they wooed India to join them. India has shown reluctance to join them due to various factors. It starts with discussion of how it was inconceivable for India to promote democracy during the Cold War and then examine factors that made India reticent to commit itself to democracy promotion in the post-Cold War. The paper discusses the reasons as to why a nuanced shift towards supporting democracy promotion has taken place in the turn of the Century and how this shift is made with the intention of making a difference through participation rather than openly protesting and standing aloof on principle ground. The main focus of the paper is to highlight how India provides democracy assistance differently from that of the Western countries and what kind of tangible assistances India provided to those who sought. It highlights how, keeping in view the sensitivity of sovereignty among the developing countries, India uses term such as ‘democracy assistance’ or ‘democracy support’ instead of ‘democracy promotion’ and how it adopts policy of providing democracy assistance only when requested and it follows top-down approach, dealing mainly with the sovereign states and their institutions. It ends with an emphasis on the value addition of having diverse approaches to spreading democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the transformative potential of practices in the fields of digital mapping and DIY environmental monitoring as a means of incorporating alternative conceptualizations of urban space into official and commercial representations of cities. Using a recent media art project entitled Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies as a case-study, I argue that the political potential of digital urban mediation is shaped by an array of under theorized forces arising out of the intersection between issues of data motility and governance, soft power and livability initiatives of governments and urban planners, and the marketization of sensory, locative and media technologies more broadly. I suggest that despite the readily found celebratory accounts that accompany projects that aim to model alternative urban epistemologies, map the 'unintended' city and explicate hidden aspects of the urban environment projects like these are indicative of new and unexpected dimensions of urban politics relating to new media materiality in particular. These new dimensions result from the antagonistic nature of civic epistemologies relative to linear histories and the planned order of urban modernism and the internal tensions and transient nature of alternative spatial schematics produced through interventions made with networked digital technologies. In order to maintain and enhance the radical potential of civic-led digital mapping and environmental monitoring initiatives these dimensions demand consideration throughout their conception, planning, execution and documentation phases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses India's foreign relations from 1947 through 2014, with a particular focus on the relationship between globalization and India's soft power. An overview of the influence that Indian culture and civilization has on foreign countries, including in regard to Indian films, art and dance, is provided.

The present paper is a modest attempt to discuss the evolution of the concept of Soft Power and a foreign policy choice for India. It makes distinction between soft power and hard power. The researcher also attempts to discuss the factors and forces as well as the constrains which block the natural evolution of India becoming a soft power. However, the paper deals with the issues to promote India as a soft power that can help the nation to grow and promote her interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]