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How does a civil servant who has launched a major attack on the Bush presidency protect himself from what he has unleashed? Richard Clarke, the former counterterrorism adviser to Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush--who saw al-Qaeda expand under his watch, attack U.S. interests abroad and produce the deadliest terrorist attack in U.S. history--knew he couldn't pin the blame on his bosses if he didn't start by apologizing himself. Clarke, who quit his job at the National Security Council a year ago, would not have survived Washington's brutal ways in the service of three Presidents if he had not been a good politician. And last week he needed all the political skills he could muster for what he was about to do--direct a missile at the very fortress that so far has protected Bush's presidential advantage in this campaign season: the perception that, for all his faults, Bush has done everything he could to keep the country safe and managed the war on terrorism well. With all the dust flying around Clarke last week, the question ofwhether Washington appropriately handled the terrorist threat tended to get lost. That question is of course the one of greatest interest to the public in the wake of 9/11. In his strongest public statement, to 60 Minutes, Clarke said Bush "ignored" the terrorist threat before 9/11. To the commission he testified, more soberly, that, for the Administration, it was an "important issue but not an urgent issue." the end, the drama produced by Clarke in Washington was not about the last terrorist attack against the U.S. but about the next one. Since it began its work in early 2003, the commission has uncovered huge failings in the national-security system, including how even a presidential order can be misunderstood down the chain of command. But these dangers got lost in a high-stakes political showdown. Unless Washington can focus on them, someone may risk having to ask forgiveness again.

Presents an analysis of U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney's views on foreign policy and examines the claim that, even while serving as Defense Secretary to George H.W. Bush, Cheney believed that the only true guarantee of U.S. security lay in transforming threatening nations into democratic ones. Details of Cheney's views on the Soviet Union under the first Bush administration; Reasons why Cheney agreed that Saddam Hussein should be left in power at the end of the Gulf War; Details of the process through which Cheney came to believe that Saddam should be deposed; Claim that Cheney's views on foreign policy were formed before September 11, 2001; Details of how Cheney recruited a team of neoconservative intellectuals to serve in the George W. Bush White House, including Paul Wolfowitz, Stephen Hadley and Zalmay Khalilzad; Claim that Cheney's mistrusted the CIA and its conclusion that Iraq posed no immediate military threat; Claim that Cheney will continue to push his agenda of aggressive promotion of democracy through military policy.

Discusses the role of United States Vice President Dick Cheney in military campaigns since the September 11 terrorist attacks, including the recent war on Iraq. Views of Cheney on terrorist threats by Al Qaeda and the threats of the Saddam Hussein regime; Political background of Dick Cheney, including his relations with Iraq in the early 1990's before he was vice president; Accusations by Cheney of Iraq having weapons of mass destruction; Role of Cheney as an intelligence adviser to President George W. Bush.

Discusses how events and personalities brought the United States to war in Iraq and the implications of the war with respect to U.S. relations in the Middle East. Thoughts on the United Nations relevance in the world; Discussion of anti-Americanism in the Middle East and the rest of the world; How the war with Iraq is different than all other wars in which the United States have engaged; Discussion of the roles of former President George Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin Powell, and Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz.

Discusses the partnership of U.S. President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney. How the pair has dealt with the possibility of a war with Iraq; Focus of the war on terror; Effects of the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001 on the Bush administration; Role of Cheney in the war cabinet; Rates of approval for Bush and Cheney.

Reports on the tensions between the Central Intelligence Agency and the office of Vice President Dick Cheney. Contention that the investigation into the intelligence leak that outed former covert CIA operative Valerie Plame may turn up damaging evidence against Lewis Libby, Cheney's chief of staff, and Karl Rove, U.S. President George W. Bush's top political strategist; Discussion of the distrust between the CIA and Cheney over evidence related to terrorism and Iraq.

Reports on the book "The Price of Loyalty" written by journalist Ron Suskind that examines the tenure of Paul O'Neill as the former United States Secretary of the Treasury under the administration of George W. Bush. Observations on President Bush's domestic policies; Views on the war in Iraq; Opinions of President Bush's leadership role; Communication problems with Vice President Dick Cheney.

Presents letters to the editor referencing articles and topics discussed in the November 17, 2003 issue. "Cheney's Long Path to War" on the Vice President's role in declaring war on Iraq; "With the Ghost Squad," which highlighted the Florida National Guard 1-124's efforts in Iraq; "FALLING THROUGH THE CRACKS," on the attempts of Daniel Spangenburger to get into college; "Souls Divided," on the Episcopal Church split over the appointment of a gay bishop.

The article focuses on the dispute between the U.S. Senate and the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) which could lead to the possible impeachment of U.S. President Barack Obama. Topics include the continued fight between the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) and the CIA, the coverup of Obama over the war crimes of U.S. Vice President Richard "Dick" Cheney in Iraq, Afghanistan and other nations, and the speech of U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein on March 11, 2014.

Considers political and social developments around the world during the preceding week. Continuing battle between American and Iraqi soldiers and Iraqi insurgents; Debate between vice presidential candidates Dick Cheney and John Edwards; Comments on John Kerry's attitude toward Prime Minister Ayad Allawi of Iraq; Suggestion by John Kerry that President Bush's Social Security reform would cut benefits for retirees by 45 percent; Suggestion that President Bush's tax cuts should be made permanent; Others.

Discusses the mistakes done by U.S. President George W. Bush in trying to govern Iraq after the overthrow of former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. Allegations of Bush, U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney and Central Intelligence Agency Chief George Tenet against Hussein; Reason for stating that it was a mistake to set a deadline for the handover of power to an Iraqi government; Things that the U.S. must do to bolster its staggering morale.

Presents an excerpt from an interview with David Kay, former lead inspector of the Iraq Survey Group, about the search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. His views on the comments from U.S. VP Dick Cheney on the issue; Effectiveness of the United Nations weapons inspectors; Proper role for international inspections regimes.

While Iraqis are counting the cost of the U.S. invasion, some small, privileged sections of American society are counting their profits. Operation Iraqi Freedom has proved a financial windfall for Halliburton Co., the company formerly headed by American Vice President Dick Cheney. The company has reported a net profit of $26m in the second quarter of this year. Following an increasing federal government trend under the U.S. President George Bush to award military contracts to individual companies, such as Halliburton, Bechtel and DynCorp, a Virginia-based security company currently involved in training the Iraqi Police Force, saw an opportunity in the no-bid contracts process instigated by the U.S. Corps of Engineers.

The Baghdad daily "Babil" couldn't restrain its joy. With the floundering U.S. and British attempts last week to push through a second United Nations resolution authorizing military action against Saddam Hussein, one editorial proclaimed that the allies had lost the round, "while we have won it." At week's end the majority of Security Council members openly acknowledged they would not support the resolution. It was the 70th anniversary of the first of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's Fireside Chats--those reassuring radio homilies that rallied the nation against the ravages of the Depression and World War II.While Roosevelt made international affairs comprehensible to ordinary Americans, U.S. President George W. Bush seems only to confuse them. Bush had promised British Prime Minister Tony Blair and other European leaders that, prior to any invasion of Iraq, the White House would unveil a "road map for peace" between Israel and the Palestinians: mutual concessions that might lead to the creation of a Palestinian state. Estimates of war costs alone range up to $100 billion, and a $900-million price tag was put on the initial post-war phase of occupation and reconstruction, when it emerged that the administration has quietly been seeking tenders from America's elite construction giants such as Fluor Corp., Bechtel Group, Inc., and Halliburton Co., formerly headed by Vice-President Richard Cheney. Clare Short, Britain's international development secretary, who has threatened to resign from the Blair cabinet should war proceed without U.N. approval, told Parliament that no amount of delay would allow adequate preparations for the worst-case scenario of open warfare in Iraq.

Comments on U.S. Vice President Richard Cheney's speech in 2002 outlining the Bush administration's case for a war against Iraq. Key issues of interest; Analysis of pertinent topics and relevant issues; Implications on war veterans. INSET: Active-Duty Members-at-Large Eligibility Must Be Documented..

Enumerates the reasons advanced by U.S. Vice President Richard Cheney on why should the U.S. invade Iraq and oust President Saddam Hussein. Criticism by the mass media that U.S. President George W. Bush has not made it case for invading Iraq; Public opinion in the U.S. about Iraq; Stand of leaders in the U.S. Congress on the issue.

The author offers opinions on U.S. policy in the Iraq War. The visit of Vice President Dick Cheney to Iraq is seen an appropriate symbol of the war's fifth anniversary. The policies of President George W. Bush are said to have failed completely, and Cheney is well known as both an architect and advocate of those policies.

Offers a look at politics and the U.S. as of July 11, 2005. View of Vice President Dick Cheney on the strength of the insurgency in Iraq. Details of comments by Cheney in which he described the insurgency as being in its "final throes"; Contrast of Cheney's statement with that of military commander Gen. John Abizaid, who views the insurgency as growing stronger; Claim of Cheney that his description was correct, because the word "throes" can indicate violence.

U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney defended the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush's Iraq policy on NBC's "Meet The Press." Cheney's rare TV appearances always warrant attention, but his defense of the administration's Iraq policy on NBC's" Meet The Press" was a one-of-a-kind performance. Rejecting any suggestion of insufficient planning by the administration, Cheney insisted the White House had underestimated neither the number of troops nor the amount of money needed for the postwar occupation. In fact, even though President Bush just asked Congress for an additional $87 billion, most of which is for rebuilding the country, Cheney suggested Iraq could pay for its own reconstruction. But, even if oil doesn't foot the bill, Cheney predicted confidently that, at next month's conference in Madrid, "the international community will come together and pledge funds." He must not have read Friday's "Los Angeles Times," which reported an aide to reconstruction czar L. Paul Bremer saying that the United States was unlikely to receive more than "gravy" from foreign countries. Despite the fruitless search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, Cheney also said the administration's prewar claims of the Iraqi threat would be vindicated, asserting that two Iraqi mobile biological weapons trailers are "in our possession today," even though American intelligence analysts and experts consider the claim patently implausible because the trailers are not equipped to handle virulent biological agents. Cheney averred that "we don't know" whether or not Saddam Hussein was involved in the September 11, 2001, attacks. In fact, we do know: He wasn't. The joint congressional inquiry into the attacks is, to date, the most authoritative account of the hijackers and their planning, and it does not remotely implicate Saddam. (However, classified sections of the inquiry do reportedly point a finger at the oil-rich Saudi royal family, which Cheney bluntly exonerated.).

Focuses on the problem of the United States not finding weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in post-war Iraq. Discussion of whether American intelligence agencies overstated the issue of WMD to support the policy of the Bush administration and the invasion of Iraq; Idea that the credibility of President George W. Bush is being investigated by the U.S. Congress; Controversy surrounding the role of Dick Cheney with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA); Vulnerability of Secretary of State Colin Powell to blame for overstating evidence against Saddam Hussein; Role of CIA Director George Tenet in the search for WMD; How the Democratic Party can use the credibility issue in their campaign theme; How problems with prewar intelligence can impact the war against terrorism.

Discusses U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell's role in international diplomacy. Decision of Powell that the U.S. must seek authorization from the United Nations before launching a war against Iraq; His view of war; Critics who believe that Powell is a reluctant warrior; Disagreement between Powell and Vice President Dick Cheney; Fear that Powell will decide to leave office.

In this article, the author discusses the insurgency in Iraq in 2003 and mentions the controversial role of then-U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney in it. He mentions that the Iraq insurgency was a political struggle in which both Iraq and the U.S. fought over the allegiance of the population. He adds how George J. Tenet, the former director of central intelligence, criticized Cheney and then-U.S. President George W. Bush administration officials for pushing the country to war in Iraq.

The authors reflect on their experience in reporting and producing "Bush's War," a film about the Iraq War. They claim to have examined how bureaucratic battles among U.S. President George W. Bush and his administration led to some of the critical decisions in the Iraq War. The authors say they focused on the relationship between Vice President Richard Cheney and Secretary of State Colin Powell. They assert that journalism must provide citizens with enough information to make an informed judgment about who is responsible for the decisions made.

The article reports on the results of a poll conducted by the "National Journal" regarding the political impact of U.S. Vice President Richard Cheney on the presidency of U.S. President George W. Bush and the presence of U.S. Armed Forces in Iraq in 2005. Cheney serves as a lightning rod for Bush. Concerns on the ties of Cheney to industry and lobbyists hurt the Bush presidency. About 57 percent of poll respondents said that they are in favor of beginning the withdrawal of U.S. troops in Iraq in 2006 with no timetable.

Examines the issue of whether Iraq will remain a member in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). Recreation of the oil production system in Iraq; Remarks from Philip Carroll, former advisor of the Iraqi Oil Ministry, on the plan of Iraq to opt out of the quota system; Influence of U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney on the switch to OPEC-friendly policy for Iraq.

provides an assessment of some of the key political figures issues from the preceding week. President George W. Bush; Senator John Kerry; Vice President Dick Cheney; Iraq War; Gun control.

Offers observations on U.S. President George W. Bush's re-election campaign. Bush's public speaking style; Implications of the Republican-dominated Senate Intelligence Committee finding that Bush's main arguments for war in Iraq were faulty; How the consequences of Iraq, including the administration's approval of using torture on enemy combatants, have drained the energy of Bush's campaign; Signs that some Republicans are getting nervous; Call for Bush to replace Dick Cheney on the ticket; Observation that any major change would seem a sign of weakness; Outlook.

Presents an opinion piece regarding the skepticism surrounding the relationship between al Qaeda and Iraq in the attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001. Belief that we are not going to find answers to such questions via the 9/11 commission; Focus on Vice President Dick Cheney; Argument from Cheney that invading Iraq was the right thing to do; Argument from Senator John Kerry that the administration was deliberately misleading the American people.

Looks at Vice President Dick Cheney's claim that his past history with Halliburton in no way influenced the awarding of the rebuilding of Iraq contract handed to the company. New email document which says arrangements for the contract where contingent on informing the White House and specifically names Cheney's office as liaison; Award of the contract to Halliburton without bids.

Discusses how the concentration by the Bush administration on the war on terrorism and the war in Iraq has effected other bills being passed through Congress. Reasons why an immigration-reform initiative stalled out; Problems with the energy bill that was once a top priority for Vice President Dick Cheney; Criticism by Bush of the only major bill that has passed through, an bill to repair the nations highways.

This article discusses the efforts of the Democratic Party in the 2004 presidential elections. Animated by a belief that George Bush stole the 2000 election--never mind that the liberal New York Times and the centrist USAToday, in separate studies, found otherwise--these hardcore primary voters rage from their seats on the pity pot, ready to believe just about anything suggestive of machinated unfairness: Bush knew the 9/11 attack was coming. Iraq is about oil, period; the rebuilding of Iraq is a scheme to line Halliburton's pockets; Dick Cheney (or Karl Rove) runs things. Each of these wild charges has been lobbed into the debate by one or more of the Democrats now running for President. The Democrats need to slap themselves out of this feverish delirium (known as Chomsky-Krugman Syndrome), or their demise could harm the country. The more entrenched the Republicans become, the less enthusiastic they will feel about leaner government. Regarding the economy, the Democrats could try to position themselves as better supply-siders than Republicans. The Republicans have left some areas vulnerable to attack.

Presents an editorial of musings on what people said, might have said or should have said on New Year's Eve. Thoughts from President George W. Bush on the power of the sword; The American soldier in Iraq on the price of freedom; Vice President Dick Cheney on the failure of the UN to deal with Iraq; National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice on her media critics; Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld on demands to increase troops in Iraq; More.

Focuses on U.S. Pentagon accusations that Halliburton, the energy and construction company once headed by Vice President Dick Cheney, overcharged taxpayers for oil it delivered in Iraq. Contention of Defense Department auditors that Halliburton overpaid a Kuwaiti subcontractor for the oil; Issue of miscommunication between Halliburton employees in Iraq and those at the company's headquarters; Asbestos claims against Halliburton.

Claims that a memo written by a top Washington lobbyist for the Iraqi National Congress raises new questions about the role U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney's office played in the run-up to the war in Iraq. Report that the memo suggests that the INC last year was directly feeding intelligence reports about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction and purported ties to terrorism to one of Cheney's top foreign-policy aides, despite the fact that most intelligence agencies have strongly questioned the reliability of defectors supplied by the INC; Denial of Cheney's office that it received intelligence reports from the INC; Details of the memo by INC lobbyist Entifadh Quanbar to a U.S. Senate committee, which lists Cheney staff member John Hannah as one of two U.S. government recipients of INC reports; Response of Cheney's office to the allegations.

Claims that, while a group Washington politicians who never saw military action were eager to invade Iraq, some military leaders, including Maj. Gen. Anthony Zinni, warned against invasion. Discussion of whether the term chickenhawks should be applied to Republican leaders like George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz and Tom DeLay; Claim that Iraq could be turning into the U.S.'s Lebanon; Quotes by Zinni made just over a year ago, in which he explained why he opposed the invasion of Iraq.

Focuses on numbers in current events. Estimated value of Gulf War II contracts awarded by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to Halliburton Company, whose former chief executive officer is Vice President Dick Cheney; Percentage of 2003 female graduates who said they had been victims of rape or attempted rape during their time at the U.S. Air Force Academy; Number of U.S. soldiers killed in Iraq since President George W. Bush declared that major combat had ceased.

Discusses the validity of remarks that U.S. President George W. Bush made in his January 28, 2003 State of the Union speech about a nuclear weapons program in Iraq. Classified report that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) sent to the White House suggesting that Iraq might be seeking uranium in Niger; Statement from the CIA that it pressed the White House to drop the Niger allegations from the speech; Review by the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee of what appears to be conflicting actions by the CIA; Efforts of White House officials to counter criticism that they used flawed intelligence to justify the war in Iraq; Reaction of Democrats to the Senate Intelligence Committee investigations; Role played by U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney in the false intelligence; Document prepared by Cheney's chief of staff, Lewis "Scooter" Libby.

The article comments on the occurrence of war in Mesopotamia and the U.S. The war did not turn out the way it was expected by politicians including U.S. Vice President Richard B. Cheney. The invasion by U.S. President George W. Bush could result to a long-haul endeavor. However, a tipping point could also be reached and the morass could eventually transform into military victory. The debate over whether the initial Bush-Rumsfeld-Franks war plan was sufficient is participated by a few members of the U.S. Congress.

Comments on the changes in the arguments of the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush for invading Iraq. Assertion of U.S. Representative Jim McDermott that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein is more credible that Bush; Credibility of the evidence presented by the Czech Republic which links Hussein to the September 11, 1991 terrorist attack, according to U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney; Assertions which challenge the Saddam-Al Qaeda connection touted by the Bush administration.