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According to the Executive Secretariat of the National Public Security System, between 2015 and 2017, 1,761 suspected cases of feminicide were reported throughout Mexican territory. These murders of women, linked to a culture of machismo, occur within a context where impunity rates have remained consistently high throughout the country's history. The purpose of this article is to analyze the coverage of feminicide in the Mexican press during the most violent year of President Enrique Peña Nieto's six-year term, from January 1st to December 31st, 2017. A content analysis was employed to examine a total of 988 journalistic texts on femicide during 2017, encompassing the seven most widely read newspapers in Mexico: La Jornada, El Universal, Milenio, Excélsior, Reforma, El Economista, and El Financiero. The coverage provided by the Mexican press extended beyond reporting on the murders of women, to various aspects related to the phenomenon, including political and governmental actions to address and prevent violence against women (design and implementation of public policies, programs on violence and impunity), social actions and demands (the feminist movement), and the dissemination of research and other content related to cultural and recreational activities. The research reveals a notable diversification in the published content on femicide and a shift in sources, with witnesses, family members of the victims, and perpetrators no longer serving as the primary sources of information on femicide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/Context: Child sexual abuse has a history, but we still don’t know much about it. This article studies trials for indecent assault and rape of children that occurred in Mexico at the end of the 19th century. Methodology: The analysis reviews periodical publications extracted from the newspaper El Foro. Periódico de Jurisprudencia y Legislación (1873-1899) and the Penal Code of 1871. Originality: Historiography about the topic has focused primarily on the lack of child protection, the influence of gender violence, and the ineffectiveness of the nineteenth-century penal system. This contribution broadens the knowledge of this last aspect, analyzing the trials portrayed in El Foro, by attending to the allegations and disagreements generated during the processes. The article proposes that these controversies represent complex legal discussions, the most frequent being those focused on clarifying the seriousness of these acts, evidencing the underage status, distinguishing between the two crimes, and explaining the causes of the aggression. Conclusions: Besides illustrating different ways of observing the intimate contact between adults and children, the disagreements also show the limits and consensus of the nineteenth-century penal system in Mexico. The permanent interpretation of the law and the impossibility of anticipating all the conditions of everyday crimes mark the limits. The consensus, meanwhile, established a new way of judging and punishing these crimes. Through the Penal Code of 1871 and its trials, the Mexican justice confirmed the danger of these actions, instituted different levels of severity, began persecuting previously ignored gestures and practices, accepted complaints from boys, declared the age of minority as an aggravating circumstance, established that crimes against minors were more serious, and began to be interested in the motivations of the aggressors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The phenomenon of the fictionalization of journalistic writing will be explored, by following Marie-Ève Thérenty and Sarah Mombert, who analyze this discursive process in which the reality, the facts themselves, are treated as fiction in journalistic genres such as the chronicle, the fait-divers, the travel story, the reportage and, even, the interview. These textual exchanges, which will problematize the relationship between journalistic writing, fiction and reality, are the issues that will be examined in some Mexican newspapers of the early Twentieth Century. To this analysis it will be added the consideration of material conditions and reading practices as possible indicial elements of the phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the media environment in Mexico, under an adverse context: reporters who work for public media must submit to the control of the government in turn, international accusations are constant for the lack of freedom and security, and the media are losing credibility in the face of an avalanche of information that spreads on social networks that differs from what they spread. In its investigations to determine the Media Development Indicators, UNESCO reveals the situation that the press is going through in the country, and the adversities that reporters face to carry out their work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trump's disruptive presidency has created predictable schisms in international politics, relations, trade relations, cultures, and social structures worldwide. His campaign promises and subsequent executive orders have constructed a 200-mile wall across the US and Mexican borders. The Wall project has cost about $20 billion and has incurred criticisms about its anti-immigrant, racism, and xenophobia implications domestically and internationally. In this cross-national computational framing study, we examined the corpus of English-language media discourses of 967 articles to describe, compare, and interpret how international media organizations and journalists have framed this monumental architecture during Trump's Presidency (2017–2020). Our text mining analyses have identified six news frames and confirmed home country's existing racism and xenophobia account for variations in the framing practices of the Wall project among media organizations and journalists around the world. Discussions and implications were provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concepción Gimeno de Flaquer moved to Mexico from Spain in 1883, where she founded El Álbum de la Mujer (1883-1890), one of the most important feminist journals of the epoch. This article studies the troubled waters that Gimeno had to navigate shortly after her arrival in the country, and the impact that her unconditional support of the Porfiriato had on her standing, with both the press and portions of society of the period. This text identifies several previously unknown texts and pseudonyms of the author, proposes that interdependence with the Porfiriato extended to her subsequent editorial project -El Álbum Ibero-Americano (Madrid, 1890-1909) until its conclusion-, and that this relationship may explain why the journal stopped abruptly its publication in 1909, after two decades of existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During election campaigns the mass media favor political debate, giving relevant issues a particular framing. In this coverage the use of the conflict frame stands out, and although it usually presents politics as an exercise of confrontation and attack, it can also show it as a process of discussion and the exchange of opinions. A content analysis was conducted on television and press news during the 2018 presidential and the 2021 federal legislative elections in Mexico. The findings confirm the existence of two differentiated frames, that of “conflict” and that of “discussion and political agreement”. Furthermore, a connection between the two frames was detected in the media coverage of the campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study proposes a historical approach to the experiences of War Children who were evacuated to Mexico and the USSR during the Spanish Civil War between 1937 and 1938 and their experiences, through diverse sources, testimonies, memoirs, specialized literature, collected throughout various research projects, and focuses on audiovisual narrative, to address the perceptions of exiles and the press to collect their impact on host societies, the latter aspect that must be studied to deepen contemporary legacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This article explains the process of construction and configuration of the Brazilian social imaginary on the global '68 using the daily press as source material. Design/methodology/approach: It looks at the narratives conveyed by the press about the condition, situation, motivations, aspirations and capacity for action of young university students. The analysis is focused mainly on the usage of totalitarian language and permits an in-depth view of the reality of life in Brazil at the time and the role played by the students in the resistance to the dictatorship. It also includes an analysis of how other students' protests of 1968 – in Poland and Mexico – were portrayed through the media, and how they helped to shape the collective imaginary about Brazilian university students, situating it in a conjuncture of broader dimensions and connections. Findings: The youth of Brazil, Poland and Mexico were represented as active political and social subjects, capable of defying, and sometimes profoundly upsetting, the established order. Violence and the discourse of violence were constant unifying elements in the narratives created by the daily press. This helped generate an image of university students which portrayed them as a rebellious, revolutionary and/or subversive sector of the population, responsible for one of the most extensive and profound social and political crises which those countries had experienced in decades. Originality/value: This is the first study of the Brazilian reception of the '68 Polish and Mexican students' protest and its implications for the social narrative of students' resistance in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Francisco "Pancho" Villa was not just a military general or quasi-politician, but also a practitioner of public relations. By close observation of his actions and words, as recorded by primary sources, this study explores his strategies and tactics to build support among three specifically targeted audiences: the people of Mexico, American war correspondents, and the people of the United States. By examining secondary literature about public relations and about Pancho Villa's life, this study finds evidence of his practicing public relations as we understand it today. This analysis is enriched through the use of primary documents from the archives of Byron C. Utecht at the University of Texas at Arlington, who interviewed and observed Villa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pasos: Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural is the property of Universidad de La Laguna, Instituto Universitario de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Evidence about the relationship between exposure to media violence and criminal activity remains mixed. While some scholars argue that exposure to violent media content "triggers" crime and aggression, others contend that media may influence crime, but only as a source of information about techniques and styles, not as a motivation for crime. This debate has critical implications for criminal justice academics as calls for policy are regularly made on the basis of research in this area. This article contributes to this literature by presenting detailed empirical evidence of how media coverage of violent crimes affects homicides perpetrated by drug traffickers in Mexico, and their crime style. With an empirical model that addresses possible bidirectionalities between drug homicides and media coverage, we tracked 32,199 homicides, their stylistic characteristics, and their coverage by the press. Our results show that when media covers drug homicides it influences the probability that other criminals use similar styles of crimes, but it does not change overall rates of homicidal activity. This is evidence against the "trigger" hypothesis, and in favor of "copycat" effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Donald Trump framed the migrant caravan during the 2018 U.S. midterm elections as an invasion, using it to attack the Democratic party. Trump's attitude towards the caravan can be placed in the wider context of relationships between the U.S. and Latin American countries, reinforced by the mainstream media's representation of Latino/Hispanic migrants as the other. However, the diasporic media frame topics in ways that represent and support the migrant's own interests and create identities that bypass transnational borders. This research examined 55 articles about the migrant caravan published by La Hora Voz del Migrante, a Guatemalan diasporic newspaper, between Oct. 15 and Dec. 2, 2018. We found wide and sympathetic coverage of the reasons for migrating and the situations the migrants face on their way to the U.S. This coverage actively challenged Trump's rhetoric, creating a sense of pan-ethnic solidarity between the countries of the Northern Triangle and Mexico. However, due to the level of involvement and the power of the U.S. in the region, Trump remained one of the main actors driving the conversation about the migrant caravan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political trust is essential for a democratic regime to work, and a declining asset in Western countries. It has been confirmed theoretically and empirically that news media are an important source of influence on political trust, though literature have not considered social media, in which the circulation of false or misleading information, and propaganda, might have a negative effect on political trust, to be relevant channels of news consumption. In order to explore the effect of social media on political trust in comparison with that of traditional media, an ANOVA test and hierarchical multiple linear regression models were run on a three-wave panel survey, during the presidential elections of 2018 (N = 701) in Mexico. The findings indicate that the election campaign had a positive effect on institutional trust, growing as the campaign developed, and that there was a positive influence from social media, followed by television. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Health journalism was investigated during the COVID-19 pandemic in Nuevo León, through two concepts: journalistic leadership and journalism with a mission of service. Objective: The aim of this study is to investigate the journalistic leadership and the values that guided the news coverage, in order to know through the experience narrated by journalists, the way in which they face the pandemic. Methodology: The qualitative study is based on an analysis of in-depth interviews with Journalists that work in mass media (TV, radio and newspaper). Results: The investigation yielded 3 categories and 12 subcategories of analysis. Conclusion: The journalists think that the information is a right of people to stay informed of this pandemic. The journalist are citizens' voice. The honesty is basic for them. But, in this moment, the journalists are considering that now isn't a good moment to criticize the government, instead, they consider that is time to work in a synergic manner to spread key messages and actions to prevent coronavirus disease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Items featured in the news usually have a particular novelty or describe events which result in severe impact. Here, the length of time that a story remains in the media spotlight is investigated as well as the scaling with population size of the amount of attention that the media gives to stories from different cities. Based on Twitter feeds, the media coverage from the major online newspapers in Mexico is analysed over a period either side of a recent powerful earthquake. The amount of coverage given to earthquake-related stories had an initial peak and then exhibited an exponential decay, dropping by half every eight days. Furthermore, the coverage per person usually exhibits a superlinear scaling with population size, so that stories about larger cities are more likely to appear in the news. However, during the immediate post-earthquake weeks, the scaling was no longer superlinear. The observed trends can be interpreted as a fundamental switch in the emergent collective behaviour of media producers and consumers. Highlights • An earthquake in Mexico received the spotlight of the media for several weeks, allowed quantifying media coverage. • A person from a large city receives more attention from the media, per person, than a person from a small city. • The coverage that the media places on a specific event or topic has an exponential decay. The coverage given to an event drops by half every eight days. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Signa is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The concept of women engaging in physical recreation was anathema to late nineteenth-century Mexican society. While underlying scepticism continued throughout the decades that followed, post-Revolutionary reforms provided a surprisingly open arena within which both men and women could practice sport. We analyze how the issue of gender influenced these reforms and the degree to which this affected popular participation in sports. Identifying media coverage as a barometer of broader society's perceptions of female sporting activity, we consider the salient trends in the Mexican press, how these changed over time, and the ways in which female journalists approached women's sport. Our findings suggest the need for caution in leaping to gender-based assumptions and provide evidence that, in some respects, male journalists became more enlightened than their female counterparts in confronting underlying prejudices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work deals with the creation of the left-wing newspaper: El Martillo, in the city of Chihuahua in 1972. In Mexico, during the 1970s, political organizations of the left proliferated, and with them, the publication of newspapers that they created to act as the voice of their ideological expression. This specific part of the historical press has been little studied, and the research that does exist generally analyzes the ideology contained within their pages. This article focusses its attention on the ideas of the founders, from the context of the leftist tradition regarding the printed media. To accomplish this goal, the author resorts to interviews regarding oral history with some of the founders of the newspaper. The central argument is that these men then felt they were part of a leftist tradition, and that Lenin's book: What to Do?, was central to that tradition. At the same time, the analysis leads to an understanding of the selective and fluid nature of the leftist tradition, whilst considering the Leninist idea of the newspaper as part of an inherited experience that acquires a mythical character. Precisely because it has that character of myth, the inherited memory impelled these individuals to the deliberate action of consciously making history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Procesos Historicos is the property of Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A well-functioning press is crucial for sustaining a healthy democracy. While attacks on journalists occur regularly in many developing countries, previous work has largely ignored where and why journalists are attacked. Focusing on violence by criminal organizations (COs) in Mexico, we offer the first systematic, micro-level analysis of the conditions under which journalists are more likely to be violently targeted. Contrary to popular belief, our evidence reveals that the presence of large, profitable COs does not necessarily lead to fatal attacks against the press. Rather, the likelihood of journalists being killed only increases when rival criminal groups inhabit territories. Rivalry inhibits COs’ ability to control information leaks to the press, instead creating incentives for such leaks to be used as weapons to intensify official enforcement operations against rivals. Without the capacity to informally govern press content, rival criminals affected by such press coverage are more likely to target journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a study exercise that takes Los Sucesos de Campeche as its primary source, which was a periodical published by an opposition group to Joaquín Mucel, the constitutional governor of Campeche. I analyze the alleged actions of corruption and illicit enrichment carried out by the local leader in Campeche and his group of associates within the state administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers medical news briefs as of October 2018, including the scheduled 10th annual International Interprofessional Wound Care Group (IIWCG) Abu Dhabi conference to be held in March 2019 and the conduct of the Global Wound Conference in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia in March 2018.

Using critical discourse analysis, this study examined news media's representation of Mexican immigrants. Sixty articles were analyzed from the Internet sites of ABC, CBS, and NBC news to uncover the ways in which Mexican immigrants and their stories are represented in the news articles and the kinds of discursive strategies used to create the articulations. The analysis of the articles focused on a variety of discursive strategies such as topicalization, omission, register, connotation, individuation versus collectivization in verbal and visual components of the articles. The analysis led to the emergence of 5 tones by which the online network news portray Mexican immigrants – empathetic, sympathetic, informative, impersonal, and opposing. The article discusses these tones in detail and in comparison to previous studies of news media representation of immigrants. It concludes with implications of problematic representations that were recurrent in the news articles. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Between 1840 and 1855 in Mexico City six magazines for farmers were published to introduce them to botany as a useful science. The analysis of some of the articles that appeared in these magazines, from the perspective of the social history of science, points out the important role of informal education among the Mexican public as part of the modernization projects of the intellectual elite. The efforts to popularize a knowledge of botany in rural areas focused on providing the readers with scientific elements that would help them to improve agricultural yields and understand the importance of Mexican and foreign species as raw materials in demand on the international markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1826 and 1857 the botanical study of the wax myrtle tree was carried out in Mexico City's scientific institutions as part of the inventory of Mexican flora. The research involved amateurs and naturalists who published several articles in the city's press about this tree as a new agricultural production to strengthen the national economy. The Mexican government and other individuals allocated resources to explore the places where the wax myrtle grew in order to learn about their anatomical characteristics, as well as to study the popular use of it and determine the feasibility of its exploitation in craftwork. This research contributes to expanding the studies on the history of Mexican botany during the first half of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section offers world news briefs on public health, as of July 2022. Topics include the changes in tobacco consumption before and during the COVID-19 pandemic in Mexico, reasons to use e-cigarettes among medical students at Taibah University in Saudi Arabia, and role of the flavor in cigarettes and e-cigarettes to smoking initiation of Singapore youths.

An exercise in critical discourse analysis is presented with the purpose of establishing the representations made by opinion journalists about poverty, reproduced in one of Mexico's leading newspapers in the strategic period of global economic crisis of 2008-2009. By using scaffolds of levels and textual categories, rhetorical and ideological, fourteen pieces published over nine months were analyzed. The analysis confirms the widespread use of fallacies and rethorical resources aimed at building a stereotypical characterization of poverty, representing subjects as victims without agency and particularly disadvantaged in material terms, eliding other dimensions of the problem. The repeated attribution of poverty to the government, without any explanation linking the economic crisis, suggests that the issue is being dealt as a way to criticize the government institutions, rather than an attempt to explain the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of journalism in the revolutionary decades of Mexico, specifically from 1910 to 1940. The author comments on freedom of the press, freedom of expression, and the revolutionary government's attitudes towards the press and journalists. The public sphere and public opinion in Mexico, Mexican journalists, and propaganda are explored. Other topics mentioned include social change brought about by the revolution as well as the politics and government of Mexico under former president of Mexico Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada.

Copyright of Desacatos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal History of Latin American Education / Revista Historia de la Educación Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses how the Mexican news media cover the daily violence against women. It notes that media often reframe images of violence to make it more tolerable which are then sold to the working class who suffered the brunt of violence. It indicates the press' failure to scrutinize the role of government and security forces in the violence. It cites a Mexican news website that described Ciudad Mier as a place with only two types of women, namely the brave and the braver.

It is investigated through a careful quantitative and qualitative monitoring of the news in Veracruz, to figure out the influence of the press in the electoral behaviour through the analysis of the media tendency of 10 local papers, selected from their regional geographical cover, during the Elections to choose Federal Representatives in 2009. The Theory is based on the paradigm of the electoral behaviour in the psychosocial model that matches with the researches of the mass media, political culture, and public opinion, all these framed in social representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the period from 1840 to 1855, publications for women appeared in Mexico. Among other topics, they covered natural history and geography. The magazines were entitled Semanario de las señoritas mejicanas. Educación científica, moral y literaria del bello sexo (1840-1842); Panorama de las señoritas. Periódico pintoresco, científico y literario (1842); Elpresente amistoso. Dedicado a las señoritas mexicanas por Cumplido (1847); La semana de las señoritas mejicanas (1851); and La camelia. Semanario de literatura, variedades, teatros, modas, etc. Dedicado a las señoritas mejicanas (1853). All of them were used to reinforce the traditional role of Mexican women through scientific instruction for women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to provide information about the organizational influences affecting the production of news in Mexico, this paper discusses the testimonies of four managing editors of print and electronic news media during the 1980's in Monterrey, Mexico. Based on in-depth interviews, the study provides evidence on the complex processes of negotiation and degrees of autonomy of Mexican managing editors of newspapers and television newscasts in relation to the economic and ideological interests of media owners and of the local economic and political elite. In addition, the study identifies the main work routines and individual characteristics influencing and shaping the content of local news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a deep commitment to defend its lands and way of living, in 1847 the Mayas from Yucatán decided to take up arms against the white population in the State. The media from the capital spread the news criticizing the rebel group attitudes and cataloged them as enemies of order and progress, lacking of any political or social rights, even the right to exist as a specific race. The public opinion was divided. Some people thought that the solution was an ethnic cleansing; on the other side, the solution was to integrate them through education and work. While the confrontation was taking place the last opinion got stronger, especially in 1877 when Porfirio Díaz came to power and looked for a peaceful solution as a mean to be admitted on the group of the civilized countries of the world. The indigenous community was a hindrance for achieving this goal because of the common thought of the native as lazy, indolent and barbarous. Considering this status, as many journalist pointed out, the only solution was to integrate them to Mexican society with a drastic change, not turning them into a first class citizen but a productive being, meaning a kind of workforce available in any time, supposedly free. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the representation of women in the "Excélsior," a Mexican newspaper, under the government of President Manuel Ávila Camacho in the 1940s. It examines the relationship between domesticity, motherhood, and women's roles in Mexican society, which was established by the ruling elite. The author analyzes the newspaper's promotion of gender policies under the Mexican government from the 1940s. The restriction of women's access to various elements in the public sphere, the construction of a national identity based on the secondary role of women in society, and an analysis of the traditional family structure in Mexico at the time are also explored.

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo analiza el mito del feminicidio a la luz de los asesinatos de mujeres en Ciudad Juárez, México, en el caso conocido como Campo Algodonero. La Corte Interamericana de Justicia, dice la autora, validó el concepto de feminicidio. Se examina en papel de los medios de comunicación en el cubrimiento del caso y la violencia contra mujeres en ese país.