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The rise of far-right movements calls for greater understanding of how the public responds to such movements. In the context of the United States, we examined the role of normative beliefs about the Alt-Right in shaping public reactions toward the movement (three studies, total N = 1,379). Specifically, we examined how perceived prevalence (high descriptive norms) and acceptability (high injunctive norms) of the Alt-Right are linked to public attitudes toward that movement. We found limited evidence of a threat response—that is, perceived prevalence of the Alt-Right did not consistently predict more negative reactions toward it, such as fearing its potential harm to society. There was, however, more consistent evidence of a normalization response—that is, perceived acceptability of the Alt-Right predicted more positive reactions toward it, such as showing leniency toward their activities. These findings underscore the importance of far-right movements in possibly shaping normative standards in society, and how such norms are linked to public attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the way news media framed the protests following the death of George Floyd on May 25, 2020. It utilizes 510 tweets from 13 different U.S. media outlets in a mixed-methods content analysis of images tweeted by those media outlets. It looks at how protestors and police are portrayed as well as the role of race in the news images. Civil liberties, as opposed to law and order, are found to be a dominant frame. These findings suggest a change from previous research. Images of protestors were likely to include signs that are readable. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dominican-descended people are one of the most dynamic Caribbean and Latin American ethnic and cultural communities in the United States. Whether in the Dominican Republic or as members of a transnational community, the Dominican population has a long and rich history of challenging the powers that be, confronting unjust acts, and opposing oppressive laws within the communities they inhabit through their civic engagement. This paper addresses one question: As Dominican society and the world have evolved, what has been the role of U.S.-based online media in sustaining, disseminating, and rescuing the long tradition of civic involvement and struggle exemplified by Dominicans at home and abroad? To answer that question, we explore the role of the ongoing online Dominican-centric magazine ESENDOM to demonstrate how online journalism documents activism within the Dominican community. ESENDOM and similar media have filled gaps that the mainstream media has failed to fulfill, as there is a media blackout on the Dominican Republic and its people. This project is one about activism. This humanistic project documents some of the most important social movements to take place in the Dominican Republic and the United States in the past thirteen years (2009-2022), coinciding with the founding of ESENDOM in 2009. This project will present a timeline and an attempt to chart a chronology of political dissent and social struggles within Dominican communities in the United States and the Dominican Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high overdose mortality rates in the United States poses several questions: Why have they been increasing exponentially since 1979? Why are they so high? And how can they be greatly reduced? Building on past research, the causes of the increase seem to be deeply rooted in US social and economic structures and processes, rather than due only to opioid prescription patterns or the advent of synthetic opioids. Given this, we consider what changes might be needed to reverse the exponentially-increasing overdose mortality. We use a path dependency argument to argue that the United States political, economic, and public health systems have helped create this crisis and, unfortunately, continue to heighten it. These same systems suggest that proposals to expand harm reduction and drug treatment capacity, to decriminalize or legalize drugs, or to re-industrialize the country sufficiently to reduce "communities of despair" will not be enacted at a scale sufficient to end the overdose crisis. We thus suggest that in the United States serious improvements in overdose rates and related policies and structures require massive social movements with a broad social change agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To examine whether and how social movements that target private firms are influenced by larger protest cycles, we theorize about osmotic mobilization--social movement spillover that crosses the boundary of the firm--and how it should vary with the ideological overlap of the relevant actors and the opportunity structure that potential activists face inside the firm. We test our hypotheses by examining the relationship between levels of protest in U.S. cities around issues like Civil Rights, the Vietnam War, and the women's movement and subsequent support for labor-union organizing in those cities. Combining nationally representative data on more than 20,000 protest events from 1960 to 1995 with data on more than 150,000 union organizing drives held from 1965 to 1999, we find that greater levels of protest activity are associated with greater union support, that spillover accrued disproportionately to unions with more progressive track records on issues like Civil Rights, and that these effects were disproportionately large in the wake of mobilization around employment-related causes and shrank in the wake of conservative political reaction that limited room for maneuver among the external protesters, the labor movement, or both. Our research helps to specify the channels through which external pressures affect firm outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While considerable attention has been devoted to the repertoires of social movements, we know considerably less about how the repertoires of industry groups evolve as those industries face movement-driven contention. This is particularly important for environmental movements, which regularly target industries seen as contributing to environmental harms and risks. Focusing on contention surrounding hydraulic fracturing ("fracking"), we compare the repertoires of the two central industry associations promoting fracking in the Marcellus Shale region of the United States: one that is more transgressive and likely to counter-attack activists (Energy in Depth) and one that is more conventional and likely to tout the industry's economic benefits (Marcellus Shale Coalition). We examine the tone and topical content of each of these industry groups' communications between 2009 and 2019. We examine a number of specific features of industry groups' communications: whether they use a more positive or negative tone, and the extent to which their communications address activism, government regulation, jobs/economy, and climate change. We find that the more transgressive association focuses far more directly on countering activism, both in the timing and content of communications. Both engage with government roughly evenly, and each engages with the politics of climate change in unique ways. We develop insights for our understanding of how targets strategically respond to environmental activism, and how industry groups develop a meta-level division of labor to engage multiple audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collaborative governance research examines the role of individuals, organizations, and partnerships within a community to understand why particular interorganizational networks emerge. We take a different tact, arguing that communities adopt collaborative governance models based upon exposure to the models and the individual and organizational resources in a community. We conducted a web-based national-level scan of communities in the United States (N = 1,162) for the presence of one model of collaborative governance, education-focused collective impact. We found that spatial proximity, poverty rate, and individual resources each predicted the existence of collective impact in a U.S. county. Implications for collaborative governance research are drawn from the results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Henry David Thoreau is one of the most influential writers in the North American tradition. His passages about nature have inspired generations of environmentalists and literature lovers, while his political thought has been branded as anarchist and claimed by different social movements. This article looks at Thoreau's political philosophy in order the reconstruct the components of his patriotic thinking. A parallelism can be drawn between the theoretical construction of nationalism in the United States and among the Romantics of continental Europe, while divergences between the two processes cannot be overlooked. An explicit examination of Thoreau's patriotism can open new lines of research, such as the relationship between ecosystem and human communities, and their operationalization in the collective imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía UIS is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the United States, striking racial disparities in COVID-19 infection and mortality rates were one of the core patterns of the virus. These racial disproportionalities were a result of structural factors--laws, rules, and practices embedded in economic, social, and political systems. Public policy is central among such structural features. Policies distribute advantages, disadvantages, benefits, and burdens in ways that generate, reinforce, or redress racial inequities. Crucially, public policy is a function of power relations, so understanding policy decisions requires attentiveness to power. This paper asseses statistical associations between racial power and state anti-eviction policies. Charting the timing of state policy responses between March 2020 and June 2021, I examine correlations between response times and racial power as reflected in state populations, voting constituencies, legislatures, and social movement activities. Ultimately, I do not find any significant associations. The null results underscore the complexities and difficulties of studying race, power, and public policy with theoretical nuance and empirical care. While the findings leave us with much to learn about how racial power operates, the conceptualization and theorizing offered in the paper, instructively underscore the value of centering racial power in analyses of public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At times of global unrest and the emergence of a wide range of protest movements, recent intra-disciplinary criminological debates on the potentials and limits of resistance suggest a paradoxical trend. Critical criminologists—in particular, those associated with the ultra-realist perspective—have become increasingly skeptical of the idea of "resistance," itself. In the context of these discussions, scholars have resorted to dismissing oppositional activities—including social movements and their different forms of protest—that are both intended and recognized as resistance. In my contribution to this debate, and in response to Jeff Ferrell's (2019) article, "In Defense of Resistance," I provide a critical reflection on the analysis of social movements in both ultra-realist and cultural criminological scholarship. Drawing from my ethnographic research with the (post-)Occupy movement in the United States, I argue that the dismissive reading of social movements' resistance and the calls for stronger political leadership are the result of a narrow analytical lens applied to movements, their temporalities, and their historical context(s). In addition, I contend that the harsh criticism of social movements by ultra-realists connects to the aim of developing an intellectual leadership concerned with informing social movement practice and strategy "from above." Here, as I maintain, the theory and practice of militant research, or militancia de investigación, as per the Colectivo Situaciones, challenges this understanding of intellectual leadership. The insights provided by radical collective knowledge production in social movements, and their critique of the institutional frameworks of the neoliberal university, allow for a critical reflection on the role of academia in resistance. This critical reflection can generate possibilities for social movements' knowledge and radical imaginations to influence academic theorizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protest is the result of complex multilevel processes. It is triggered by contextual factors such as political opportunities or events, it depends on organizations' mobilizing capacity as well as on the type of people who protest, and it is shaped by the characteristics of the populations they come from. To effectively study the antecedents that operate at various levels, social movement research needs to integrate data from multiple analytical levels and systematically examine the relationships across the various levels. While large N statistical techniques of multilevel modelling are well understood, less is known about applying multilevel analysis research examining small number of cases. The article develops conceptual and methodological tools for multilevel analysis of protests in studies with a small number of cases. First, it demonstrates the empirical requirements associated with analyzing three types of multilevel effects: contextual effects, composition effects, and cross-level interactions. Next, specific multilevel small N designs that can be used to examine the three multilevel effects are presented. The last section uses the multilevel approach to examine the demobilization of anti-Iraq War protests in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Benjamin Case (2021) argues that the framework of strategic nonviolence is limited by its assumption that violent protest necessarily demobilises movements, and that rioting can be empowering for participants. However, Case's statistical analysis of US riots and peaceful demonstrations may not be a comparison of rioting and nonviolent action because it is questionable whether, in the US, peaceful demonstrations should be classified as methods of nonviolent action. Rioting can be empowering, but there is also considerable evidence that participation in nonviolent action can be empowering. Much research remains to be done to determine whether rioting can be a leading or major part of strategic action for social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary Religious Left (RL) in the United States has proven to be somewhat of an enigma, both for academics and for the activists and voters who desire such a movement to thrive. In this paper, I look at one piece of the puzzle: is the RL able to mobilize supporters to political activity? Combining data from both the individual and movement level, this paper tests whether activity at the movement level of the RL can translate into individual supporters' political activity. Using existing data for 2008 and newly collected data on the RL in the 2016 election cycle, I find that the movement was successful in mobilizing constituents in 2008, but not in 2016. This can be linked to the Democrats' effort to engage religious voters in 2008, and its inability to do so in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to support the Euromaidan from abroad. Existing research has documented social movements within their national boundaries and the participation of young people in them. However, it has rarely examined the expansion of social movements beyond their national boundaries and the engagement of young immigrants in such movements. Drawing on a larger qualitative study, this article presents the findings about what motivated 24 young Ukrainian immigrants residing in the USA to support the Euromaidan movement of 2013–2014 and compares their motivations to those of the protestors in Ukraine. We argue that motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to support the Euromaidan from abroad manifest themselves in symbolic or psychological causes. Our findings demonstrate that the individual motivations were driven by an ideological commitment to systemic change in Ukraine, manifested through young Ukrainian immigrants' (1) desire to end injustice, (2) solidarity with fellow Ukrainians, (3) moral obligation to raise awareness among the US public, and, most prominently, (4) sense of agency to contribute to the long-awaited change in the homeland. Our findings also show that overall, the motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to join the movement aligned with those of the protestors in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article works with a comparative, hemispheric approach to address potential sites, propositions, and sources for postextractive energy transitions. Specifically, the focus is on case studies from within the United States and Latin America to consider energy paradigms and their future in relation to the "energy state," or the centralized governance apparatus that has historically organized power infrastructures. Like the physics term that references any discrete value of total energy that remains fixed, but that is potentially mutable because of its transitive properties, the modern energy state is addressed as an entity that has the capacity to undergo massive reconfiguration and transition. The energy state is not discrete, however, and is embedded within a global infrastructure of capitalist dominance, power inequalities, and commodity contingencies. Despite its current imbrication with the colonial/modern infrastructures of petrol extraction, the energy state, it is argued here, has the capacity to be reimagined and remade. By focusing on popular movements within the western hemisphere, and by learning from the lessons of energy pasts, presents, and futures, the article proposes the move to radical interdependency, which could be legislated by a substantially altered state apparatus during the implementation of a new energy paradigm. Unsurprisingly, land rights, social and multispecies justice, and antiracist social movements are central to enlivening the new energy state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Garnering coverage across the political spectrum is a major challenge for burgeoning social movements. The #MeToo movement stands out due to the volume of attention it generated. Yet, it is unclear how news media across the partisan spectrum covered the movement using different sexual violence language markers, latent topic, and word choices and which accusations and events drove media attention. To examine this, we used Media Cloud to extract 17,877 news articles from nine media outlets across the political spectrum, containing specific n-grams or co-occurrences of (1) "metoo," (2) "sexual misconduct," (3) "sexual harassment," and (4) "sexual assault" from October 2017 through February 2018. The analyses first examined whether language and attention differed across the ideological news ecology and then turned to time-series modeling of these discourses to examine what drove press coverage and structural topic modeling (STM) and term frequency-inverse document frequency (TF-IDF) analysis to understand latent topics and language usage. Findings reveal that (1) left-leaning media dedicated more relative attention across all topics—#MeToo, sexual misconduct, sexual harassment, and sexual assault—relative to centrist and right-leaning media. Moreover, across the right, left, and centrist media, the language markers "misconduct," "harassment," and "assault" decreased over the study period, while the mentions of #MeToo movement increased during the same period; (2) stories relating to entertainment and those accusing politicians, especially those belonging to the party in power at the Federal level, seemed to be by far the strongest driver of news media attention; and (3) we further observed partisan differences in topics of news coverage and language usage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Millions of citizens, including a large number of whites, joined the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in the summer of 2020. An important factor that mobilized them toward BLM was the rise of social media. Recognizing the critical importance of social media, the present research explores the link between social media use and citizens' behavior on the BLM movement in the United States. The focus of the analysis is on the issue of diversity. Because diversity on social networks can expose individuals to more diverse views, one can hypothesize that a higher number of one's 'friends" and followers being from different racial and ethnic backgrounds can lead to higher levels of activism in the BLM movement. In order to test the hypotheses, we conducted a survey in the United States specifically tailored for this study. A statistical analysis on the survey data reveals that diversity in one's social networks on social media significantly enhances his or her likelihood of participation in the BLM protest. Yet, the significant effect disappears when the samples are limited to white respondents; it is clearly non-white respondents who are driving the significant result of diversity of social networks. This StUdy makes an important contribution to the literature of social movements by dissecting the mechanism through which social media shapes citizens' relations with BLM. Findings from this study generate critical implications that are essential in understanding dynamics of social movements in modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bridging Cultures is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What, if any, effect do physical barriers have on cross-border population movements? The foundational claim that barriers reduce migration flows remains unsupported. We conceptualize barriers as a tool of immigration enforcement, which we contend is one form of state repression. State repression could reduce mobilization (reduce immigration), have no effect on mobilization (barriers as symbolic political tools), or increase mobilization (backfire). We evaluate the relationship between barriers and cross-border population movements using a global directed dyad-year dataset for the 1990–2016 time period of all contiguous dyads and nearby non-contiguous dyads. Using instrumental variables, we find that physical barriers actually increase refugee flows, consistent with the "backfire effect" identified in research on United States immigration enforcement policies on its Mexican border. Furthermore, we find that state repression (immigration enforcement) creates this "backfire effect" via a "sunk costs" problem that reduces movements of people and increases movement of status from migrant to refugee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this discussion piece, eight scholars in geography, urban planning, and agri-food studies from the United States (US) and France engage in a bi-national comparison to deepen our collective understanding of food and land justice. We specifically contextualize land justice as a critical component of food justice in both the US and France in three key areas: access to land for cultivation, urban agriculture, and non-agricultural forms of food provisioning. The US and France are interesting cases to compare, considering the differences and similarities in their colonial and agricultural histories, persistent and systemic race and class-based inequities in land access, and the roles of public bodies and social movements. In this paper, we synthesize literature, share reflections, and offer directions for future scholarship, including a broader comparative research agenda. An important difference we found is in the degree of scholarly attention to race and how it mediates access to land. We also observe that few scholars articulate a clear definition of justice in their work, nor do they share a common justice framework. We hope that this paper contributes to a more robust food and land justice framework for the use of scholars, practitioners and activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Brief History of the United States" written by Carlos Sanz offers a rigorous and accessible analysis of the history of the United States from its origins to the present day. The author uses diverse methodological approaches to understand the construction of the American state, addressing topics such as independence, slavery, social movements, and the Civil War. The book also highlights the consolidation of the United States as a state with its own identity, its industrial and commercial development, and its participation in global dynamics, including its expansive foreign policy and its role in the Cold War. Additionally, internal changes in the country are mentioned, such as the New Deal, the social climate of the sixties, and the return to social policies with Barack Obama. Overall, the book shows the complexity of the organization of the United States and the causes and consequences of political, social, and economic changes. [Extracted from the article]

In this article, I examine the United States' antiterrorism framework, Countering Violent Extremism (CVE), which mobilizes social service providers as terrorist watchdogs and delivers critical resources to enhance information sharing between communities and police officers. I focus on how CVE draws from previous community policing paradigms to activate care work that strengthens carceral power. I theorize these policing arrangements as "carceral care work" to highlight how the US security state uses the provision of social services to expand the criminalization of communities of color, while appearing to attenuate past practices of governmental overreaching, racial profiling, and coercive policing. The concept of carceral care work therefore does not denote a departure from past policing practices but a continuation of them; the concept, however, intends to highlight the liberal narratives and frameworks used to justify, normalize, and advance these illiberal practices. In the context of rising demands to #DefundThePolice, I view the term carceral care work as politically useful in militating against the mobilization of helping professionals and caring institutions to enhance carceral power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2020, the United States experienced potentially its largest ever social movement in the protests against racial inequality. Predictably, protestors clashed with law enforcement officers, often leading to arrests. Arrested individuals could bring § 1983 retaliatory arrest claims alleging that the officers deprived them of their First Amendment right to free speech. Such claims underline the tension between two vital interests: free speech and law enforcement effectiveness. In 2019, the U.S. Supreme Court decided Nieves v. Bartlett, which crafted a new framework for retaliatory arrest claims that consequently diminished a plaintiff's chance to prevail and recover damages. The Court held that, aside from a narrow exception, the presence of probable cause would extinguish the plaintiff's claim. Rather than striking a balance between the two interests, the Court heavily tipped the scale in favor of law enforcement. Challenging the Court's current position, this Note examines prior § 1983 retaliation decisions and concludes that a more appropriate framework would eradicate the probable cause standard and instead permit introduction of evidence of an officer's subjective mindset. Further, to overcome the causal complexity inherent in retaliatory arrest claims, this Note advocates for the addition of a proximate cause requirement, such that the interests of both parties can be adequately balanced. Ultimately, this new framework provides the opportunity for both the plaintiff and the law enforcement officer to litigate about the officer's subjective motivation surrounding the arrest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When individuals evaluate something as serious as sexual misconduct allegations in politics, they are often motivated to defend their party—but outside forces can reduce these partisan biases. We bridge work from political psychology with studies of social movements to theorize how the #MeToo movement helps to mitigate partisan‐motivated evaluations of sexual misconduct. With a two‐wave survey experiment, we find that partisans are more likely to view out‐party members as guilty of sexual misconduct and that individuals less likely to reflect are particularly biased in their evaluations. We then turn to the #MeToo movement and its potential to promote reflection. We show that support for #MeToo is associated with more evenhanded evaluations of sexual misconduct in politics, particularly among those unlikely to reflect on their own. This study contributes to our broader understanding of how movements can induce reflection and moderate partisan‐motivated reasoning among the mass public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black women, LGBTQ folx, and artists in Louisville, Kentucky, played key roles in bringing attention to the police killing of Breonna Taylor and ensuring that Breonna became a focus of the Black Lives Matter movement. In this oral history interview, one of the organizers of protest actions in Louisville, Talesha Wilson, remembers how she became involved again in Black Lives Matter in 2020. She discusses the need to address sexism, homophobia, and transphobia while seeking racial justice and describes an action that she organized in an area of the city called NuLu. The action highlighted how the organization of urban space and gentrification have disempowered Black people and forced them to live in areas where they are more likely to be the victims of police violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South Side Community Art Center (SSCAC) is a cultural hub, meeting place, and gallery on the South Side of Chicago. The only surviving Works Progress Administration (WPA) community art center, it functions as a space for African American art, intergenerational dialogue, and as an institution for community education in the arts. In this interview with Natalie Battles, artist, activist, and former employee at the SSCAC, we learn about the center's history and its connections with social and cultural movements, her work there, and what it is like to be a young artist involved with a long-standing institution of African American art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the events which transpired in the U.S. in the summer of 2020 particularly the death of George Floyd in May 2020 and the COVID-19 pandemic. He explains his reason for not trusting the police and the government. He cites the significance of the consensus reached after the collective effort to address racism such as removing Confederate monuments. He emphasizes the necessity for a legislative, social, economic and consistent approach to resolve racism.

Subaltern social groups do not see their conceptualizations of leadership represented by the images of leadership and leaders portrayed in the narratives of the "official" history of their countries. This article draws from the experience of an American Indian summer leadership camp in the United States (US) where memory is used by the organization as a resource for legitimizing their power and leadership perspectives to effect social change. Through a leadership work based on rhetoric and framing to decolonize the dominant history of the US, a process of collective sense and meaning-making is unfolded. This work of leadership builds collective agency that contributes to legitimize both American Indian memories and leadership perspectives. Through legitimacy, subordinated social groups develop the capacity to justify that they hold the power to govern themselves and not just to consent and submit to external actors. Eventually, legitimacy of memory and leadership perspectives can be leveraged as power since the group believes in their potential. Through a critical approach drawing from history and sociology, the study contributes insights to both the social change and the Indigenous leadership literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should we study contentious politics in an era rife with new forms of contention, both in the United States and abroad? The introduction to this special issue draws attention to one particularly crucial methodological tool in the study of contention: political ethnography. It showcases the ways in which ethnographic approaches can contribute to the study of contentious politics. Specifically, it argues that "what," "how," and "why" questions are central to the study of contention and that ethnographic methods are particularly well-suited to answering them. It also demonstrates how ethnographic methods push scholars to both expand the objects of inquiry and rethink what the relevant units of analysis might be. By uncovering hidden processes, exploring social meanings, and giving voice to unheard stories, ethnography and "ethnography-plus" approaches contribute to the study of contention and to comparative politics, writ large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protest paradigm, which describes the unequitable reciprocity of the media-social movement relationship, creates a double-bind for social movements. Mainstream news media in the United States emphasize emotion, drama, and irrationality while excluding the grievances, agendas, and substance behind a protest, contributing to negative narratives that can hinder public support for a movement. This analysis of Facebook news posts of protests by mainstream U.S. news organizations contributes to our understanding of how social media's engagement affordances work in cohort with journalists' use of emotional appeals to legitimize some protests and delegitimize others. Results show posts encourage the mobilization of some protests more than others, and media frames and emotional linguistic devices might contribute to a spectrum of delegitimizing framing effects. Legitimizing features significantly decrease emotional reactions from audiences, leading to more neutral but potentially less engaging audience reception and response. Findings advance our understanding protest paradigm framing outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Most pharmacists in the United States are women, and the profession is becoming more racially diverse. The recent increase in political and social movements in the United States has heightened our awareness of the importance of better understanding the experiences of underrepresented individuals and groups. Little is known about discrimination and harassment in the profession of pharmacy in the United States.Objectives: The purpose of this study was to provide evidence that discrimination and harassment exist in the pharmacy profession and explore differences in discrimination and harassment using the intersectionality of race and sex.Methods: The 2019 National Pharmacist Workforce Survey (NPWS) utilized an electronic survey that was distributed using a 3-contact Dillman approach by email to a randomized sample of 96,110 licensed pharmacists from all 50 U.S. states using the National Association of Boards of Pharmacy Foundation e-profile system. The 2019 NPWS included a new battery of questions to assess the prevalence of discrimination and harassment in pharmacy.Results: The most common bases of discrimination experienced were based on age (31.2%), sex (29%), and race or ethnicity (16.6%). The most common type of harassment experienced was "hearing demeaning comments related to race or ethnicity" at 15.6%. The intersectionality analysis revealed different experiences among sex or race combinations. Black and Asian male pharmacists had the highest rate of "hearing demeaning comments about race or ethnicity." Nonwhite pharmacists were more likely to experience harassment from customers or patients compared with their white colleagues. Black female pharmacists had the highest rate of being "very unsatisfied" with the results of reporting discrimination and harassment to their employer.Conclusion: Discrimination, including harassment and sexual harassment, is illegal, immoral, and unjust. As the profession of pharmacy continues to become more diverse, there must be a conscious, systemic, and sustained effort to create and maintain workplaces that are safe, equitable, and free of discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While solidarity lies at the heart of collective action, it is not easily achieved. Social movements are characterized not only by difference within activist ranks but also by power asymmetries that reflect broader domination and distrust. The concept of intersectional solidarity is central to contemporary social justice movements' efforts to negotiate these divisions, but how can it be achieved? To answer this question, we offer some guidelines for enacting intersectional solidarity, drawing on a theoretically grounded examination of three contemporary social movements in the United States and abroad (Occupy, Gezi Park, and the Women's March). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing visibility of Afro-Latinxs in the United States has catalyzed interest among researchers about this group's unique experiences of racialization. However, much less attention has been given to the relationship between Afro-Latinx identity formation and perceptions and/or participation in social movements. Drawing on web-based survey data with 115 Afro-Latinxs, we examine how Afro-Latinxs view the Black Lives Matter Movement with a focus on the extent to which they perceive that this explicitly anti-racist movement is relevant to their own lives. We theoretically ground our analysis in research related to collective identity and group consciousness to explore how Afro-Latinxs' unique understanding of their ethno-racial identity and group position impacts their participation in the movement. We find that overwhelmingly Afro-Latinx respondents believe they should participate in Black Lives Matter, but how they articulate their support sheds light on the diverse ways they position themselves vis-à-vis other Black-identified groups in the racial hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The climate change countermovement (CCCM) in the United States has exerted an important influence on delaying efforts to address climate change. Analyses of this countermovement have primarily focused on the role of conservative think tanks. Expanding this research, this article initiates an examination of the structure of key political coalitions that worked to oppose climate action. In conjunction with their allied trade associations, these coalitions have served as a central coordination mechanism in efforts opposed to mandatory limits on carbon emissions. These coalitions pool resources from a large number of corporations and execute sophisticated political and cultural campaigns designed to oppose efforts to address climate change. Through an analysis of twelve prominent CCCM coalitions from 1989 to 2015, I show that over 2,000 organizations were members of these coalitions and that a core of 179 organizations belonged to multiple coalitions. Organizations from the coal and electrical utility sectors were the most numerous and influential organizations in these coalitions. The article concludes with suggestions for further research to expand understanding of complex social movements and countermovements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the depiction of the utopian promise of the Technocracy movement in cartoon films in the pre-World War II period in the U.S. Topics discussed include the belief of the movements Technocracy Inc. and Continental Committee on Technocracy that the technocratic reorganization of society is logical and imperative, tendency to portray ongoing cultural debate in cartoons, and the exaggeration of scientific and technological ingenuity in the film "Betty Boop's Crazy Inventions."

Although women of color experience high rates of harassment and assault, the #MeToo movement has largely left them on the margins in terms of (1) the online conversation, (2) the traditional social movement activity occurring offline, and (3) the consequential legal activity. This Article analyzes how race shapes experiences of harassment and how seemingly positive legal strides continue to fail women of color thirty years beyond Kimberlé Crenshaw's initial framing of intersectionality theory. I discuss the weaknesses of the reform efforts and argue for more tailored strategies that take into account the ineffectiveness of our current Title Vii framework and, more specifically, the continuing failure of the law to properly deal with intersectionality. This analysis and the resulting proposal demonstrate how advocates can leverage #MeToo as an opportunity to reshape law, organizations, and culture in a way that better protects all women, and particularly women of color. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements pushing for social change are often met with reactionary counter‐movements that defend the status quo. The present research examined this interplay by focusing on the role of racial majority group members claiming collective psychological ownership. We examined collective ownership that stems from being native to the land and from being founders of the nation. Study 1 found that in Malaysia, the Malay majority group endorsed more native ownership than Chinese and Indian minorities, which in turn predicted greater threat in response to protests demanding electoral reforms and subsequently greater support for a reactionary pro‐government movement. Situated in the United States, Study 2 found that the more that White Americans endorsed founder ownership beliefs, the more they reported negative attitudes towards the Black Lives Matter protests, which in turn predicted more support for White nationalistic counter‐protests. This effect was stronger among White people compared to people of colour. Study 3 examined both founder and native ownership in Australia. Founder (but not native) ownership beliefs predicted more negative attitudes towards Invasion Day protests, which subsequently predicted more support for counter‐protests defending Australia Day celebrations. Implications of culture‐specific beliefs about collective ownership for social movement research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exceptionally high rates of incarceration in the United States have caused a need for a major social justice movement. This paper explains the various collateral damages endured by the incarcerated population. Several research studies related to the unintended consequences of incarceration on outcomes related to couple and family relationships, racial disparities, employment, poverty and public health are examined. The importance of individual, couple, and family therapy and its effectiveness toward improving the lives of those negatively impacted by incarceration is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining how Puerto Rican nationalist icon Lolita Lebrón is celebrated through artistic performances of public memory, this essay investigates how social movement rhetorical histories are used to propel contemporary sovereignty struggles in Puerto Rico. In it, I argue that situating the afterlives of Lebrón's anticolonial dissent requires that scholars and activists pay specific attention to the unique interlocking systems of oppression and privilege distinctive to the Caribbean territory, influenced by centuries of colonialism. Describing "la trinchera cultural" – or "the cultural trenches" – as the battleground for the urgency of sovereignty for Puerto Ricans, I describe how Las Lolitas, the group responsible for Lebrón's centennial celebration, engaged in performances of public memory that took place in spaces that would showcase a Puerto Rican nationalist rhetorical repertoire. This repertoire emphasizes networks of solidarity, feminist concerns, and revolutionary spirit across time, highlighting resistance to past colonial transgressions to aid in present/future struggles over Puerto Rican self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The family is often described as the foundation of Latino immigrant communities. Scholars interested in the political activism of Latino immigrants in the United States have consequently sought to examine the relationship between the family and recruitment to social movement participation. Overall, this research focuses on how the family can promote Latinos' political activism. However, less is known about the conditions under which the family may hinder activism. Family dynamics may be particularly demobilizing for certain segments of the Latino population with liminal or undocumented status. This article reviews two groups of the recent literature on Latino political mobilization: (a) social networks; and (b) collective action frames. By drawing on insights from social movement theory, the article concludes by arguing for more research that theorizes on the family as a group identity, powerfully enabling, and constraining Latino movement participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about Black feminist and queer (BFQ) worldmaking following the murder of African American George Floyd and other cases of anti-Black state violence in the U.S. Topics include several worldwide protests and riots held to support the Black Lives Matter movement after Floyd's death, a discussion of the term racial reckoning in the U.S., and the manifestation of BQF worldmaking by Black activists in online social media networks after the death of Black woman Breonna Taylor.