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This paper examines how threatening economic conditions and preexisting community resources facilitated the spread of Occupy Wall Street protest groups to more than 600 counties in the continental United States in 2011. Using a generalized linear mixed model, we find that economic threats and accessible resources are complementary facilitators of movement mobilization. But contrary to the expectations based on earlier media and scholarly accounts, the "disruptive threats" caused by the Great Recession failed to predict the formation of Occupy groups. Instead, groups were more likely to mobilize in counties that had the "positional threats" of relatively higher income inequality and relatively lower median incomes in comparison to state norms. However, the effect of positional economic threats was nuanced as counties with lower than average unemployment more likely had groups mobilized. In addition, resources continue to demonstrate empirical importance in explanations of social movement mobilization, as Occupy groups were more likely to form in counties with greater access to social-organizational and human resources. Combined, these findings suggest that scholars can strengthen their analyses by considering threats and resources as complementary facilitators of local protest mobilization and by focusing greater attention on how differing types of threats may influence the mobilization of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soziale Bewegungen fordern Herrschaftsstrukturen heraus und werden gleichzeitig von diesen geprägt und eingehegt. Im Rahmen dieses Aufsatzes machen wir einen konzeptionellen Vorschlag zur empirischen Erforschung dieses dialektischen Verhältnisses indem wir „Institution" als Scharnierkonzept zwischen Herrschaft und Widerstand vorstellen. Wir zeigen an zwei Fallstudien, dass sich auf diese Weise auch die ansonsten schwer greifbare Ausformung transnationaler neoliberaler Herrschaft in ihrer Wirkungsweise verstehen lässt. An den Extrembeispielen eines stark institutionalisierten transnationalen Advocacy-Netzwerks bei der Weltbank und der anti-institutionellen Kommunenbewegung in den USA zeigen wir, dass Bewegungen - ob sie Institutionen nahestehen oder sich von diesen zurückziehen - von neoliberaler Herrschaft durch einen institutionellen Umarmungsgestus eingehegt werden. Social movements challenge structures of rule. At the same time, they are shaped by them and embedded within them. In this article, we empirically explore this dialectical relationship through a focus on "institutions" as a hinge concept between domination and resistance. Drawing on two case studies, we show that this conceptualization enables us to understand otherwise elusive modes of transnational neoliberal rule. Drawing on the extreme cases of a transnational advocacy network that is firmly integrated into the World Bank, and the anti-institutional Communal Movement in the USA, we show that social movements - including those close to institutions as well as those that keep their distance to them - are being drawn into neoliberal modes of rule via encompassing institutional embraces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Optometric HIstorical Society (OHS) was one of many similar public history organizations created during the third wave of the preservation movement in the United States. This article traces the genealogy of the OHS mission through American heritage resource law and delineates the social and political context that lead to its passage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the development of alt-bargaining and its effect on the labor market in the U.S. It explores the evolution of labor organizing since the 1970s and the role of corporate, comprehensive, and social movement advances as bargaining strategies. The relationships between alt-bargaining and labor law are discussed, citing the failure of the law to check employer hostilities.

This essay explores the place of electoral politics within Marxist political theory through the lens of a critique of August Nimtz's two-volume study of Lenin's electoral politics. The problem of how the Marxist left should relate to electoral politics has come to the fore in recent years in, for instance, Egypt, Greece, Spain, the UK and the USA. The debates occasioned by these movements would do well to be informed by a clearer understanding of the history of the revolutionary left's approach to electoral politics. For this reason, Nimtz's study of Lenin's practical and theoretical engagement with this subject is a welcome and timely intervention. However, Nimtz's interpretation of the relationship between strategy and tactics in Lenin's thought and the position of elections therein can be challenged, and this paper does so through a discussion of Lenin's notebooks on Clausewitz. Understood through the lens of these notebooks, Lenin can be shown to have held a much more rigorous and flexible approach to electoral strategy than Nimtz supposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article fully recognises the reality and detrimental impact of anti-Muslim sentiment and consequently that 'Islamophobia' describes an important social reality, especially in contexts where Muslims are a minority. However it is critical of 'Islamophobia' as a valid concept in the social science. In the sociology of Islam, it actually distorts research by concentrating on Muslims as invariably victims of social forces. This article is a modest proposal to reconsider differences between science and advocacy concepts, thereby recognising their different and distinctive roles in social movements and academic institutions. It is important that those undertaking any scholarly study of detrimental social behaviour motivated by hatred possess valid theoretical and empirical tools to counter false information or distorted views of minorities. To this extent, Islamophobia is a valuable advocacy concept in the public sphere and scholars should aim to keep it there. However, the article explores the history and deployment of Islamophobia as an advocacy concept and exposes its limitations as scientific description of social reality. There are two contrasted conclusions to this critique. The pessimistic view is that all human societies are constructed around social groups that have exclusionary boundaries. Although boundaries are always changing, the inclusion/exclusion dynamic never wholly disappears. Policy efforts enhance cosmopolitan virtues. The optimistic conclusion is that advocacy concepts and scientific practices, while not entirely compatible, are not systematically opposed. Advocacy may have greater effect when it is grounded in reliable facts and tested assumptions. Defending science and critical debate are important in a political climate of 'fake news' feeding off negative stereotypes, hate speech and incivility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we develop an institutional movement logics approach to analyze the structure and dynamics of the US social movement field from 1960 to 1995. Using protest event data taken from the Dynamics of Collective Action dataset, we elicit the most salient combinations of issues, tactics, and targets reported to co-occur at protest events in four periods: 1960–1965, 1966–1972, 1973–1987, and 1988–1995. The analysis reveals the existence of six movement logics of varying breadth, flexibility, and stability. We also detect two important shifts in the overall structure of the field, one toward a broad and flexible form of state-centric politics and one toward several differentiated and narrowly defined forms of nonpolitical contention. We find support for two key premises of the institutional movement logics framework, limited diversity, and relative stability within and between logics while showing that a longer time frame offers a window on field dynamics not visible with shorter study time frames. We close by providing suggestions for further research seeking to build on the institutional movement logics approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do protest organizations borrow issues or claims that are outside their traditional domains? Sociologists have examined the consequences of borrowing claims across movement boundaries, but not the antecedents of doing so. We argue that movement boundaries are strong when there is consensus about the core claims of a social movement, which we measure by cohesion and focus. Cohesion and focus enhance the legitimacy of a movement and impede member organizations from adopting claims associated with other movements. Analyzing movement organizational activity at U.S.-based protest events from 1960 to 1995, we find that a social movement organization is less likely to adopt claims from other movements when the social movement in which it is embedded exhibits high cohesion and focus. However, when movement organizations do borrow claims, they are more likely to do so by borrowing from movements that themselves exhibit high cohesion and focus. We describe the application of our findings to organization theory, social movements, and field theoretic approaches to understanding social action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article integrates theory on contentious movements and racism to develop what we call the "stigma neutralization model," which explains how activists challenge stigmatizing identities in order to build a positive collective identity. Using original ethnographic research, we examine the response of a local Tea Party group to charges of racism. If a social movement is seen as racist, their political efficacy may be damaged. By analyzing backstage identity work, we illustrate that the strategies involved in distancing both activists and the movement from charges of racism reflect broader cultural understandings of the U.S. as being a post-racial or "colorblind" society. Our stigma neutralization model illustrates how activists deny, deflect, and distract from charges that activists are racist, thus maintaining and reproducing racist ideology, while reconstituting both individual and movement identities as unspoiled and racially tolerant. We discuss the implications of our findings for antiminority majority social movements more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the time of this writing, the richest 1 percent owns nearly 40 percent of private wealth in the United States. The bottom 50 percent owns just 1 percent of that same pie. Meanwhile, the median black family owns just ten cents for every dollar of wealth owned by white families. Women make up three-quarters of the low-wage workforce and 36 percent of low-wage workers are women of color. Thanks to movements like Occupy, Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, and the hard work of movement educators around the country, consciousness around economic, racial, and gender inequality is growing. And yet while more are aware these problems exist, few see the links between them or agree on how we can solve them. Pocket Political Education from United for a Fair Economy supports interactive dialogue that helps working people connect the dots between economic, racial, and gender inequality to inform their strategic action for change. The tool is highly adaptable so that organizers and educators working in diverse contexts can create spaces for consciousness-raising that move people and groups to action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the causes of activist burnout - a condition in which the accumulative stress associated with activism becomes so debilitating that once-committed activists are forced to scale back on or disengage from their activism - in 17 United States animal rights activists. Following a phenomenological qualitative approach, analysis of interview data revealed three primary categories of burnout causes: 1) intrinsic motivational and psychological factors, 2) organizational and movement culture, and 3) within-movement in-fighting and marginalization. Implications for understandings of activist burnout and the AR movement are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a critical meta-ethnographic analysis, this paper explores the status of women's studies programs from an organizational perspective in U.S. higher education. Specifically, I draw on previous literature on women's studies program to synthesize and examine how women's studies function U.S. colleges and universities. Ultimately, analysis concluded that women's studies programs - while significant to the rise of academic programs derived from social justice movements - perpetuate neoliberalism and academic capitalism in the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does religion promote or deter political activism? Most arguments and evidence on this question do not account for variation by social position. We argue that for the 2006 spring immigrant rights marches understanding the influence of religion on participation requires a careful assessment of the relationship between various dimensions of religion and the risks, barriers, and motivations that are rooted in citizenship status of potential participants. Dimensions that enhance efficacy are important for overcoming the participation obstacles that noncitizens faced. In contrast, dimensions that contributed to solidarity, opportunities, and framing fostered citizens' mobilization. Our findings from the Pew Hispanic Center and the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life national survey of Latinos are consistent with the view that Charismatic identity and a salient personal religious faith were sources of empowerment that inspired noncitizen participation. Conversely, the emphasis on "law and order" of the biblical literalist as well as the pietistic orientation of a faith marked by personal prayer hindered marching among Latino noncitizens. Catholic and mainline Protestant traditions and a close association between faith and politics influenced citizen protest but not noncitizen involvement. Integration into congregations activated for immigrant rights and involvement in congregation-based volunteerism encouraged participation for both citizens and noncitizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kentucky LGBTQ Heritage Context Study illustrates the promise and challenges of early investigations into LGBTQ history in a state in which queer life has rural and urban dimensions. In 2015-16, researchers from the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research at the University of Louisville partnered with an LGBTQ-equality organization to examine the history of LGBTQ people in Kentucky. Outcomes included the nation's first statewide LGBTQ context narrative, amendments to two National Register of Historic Places nominations, and new attention to underrecognized dimensions of LGBTQ experience. The project demonstrates the importance of existing relationships with LGBTQ communities and the difficulty of collecting archival material within the time constraints of a grant-funded project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the UK, there has been an increase in anti-abortion activism outside abortion clinics. The activism deployed includes explicitly religious activities such as 'prayerful witnessing' and 'pavement counselling', which aim to discourage women from entering clinics. This article stems from a wider ethnographic study of public activism over abortion to determine what claims about motherhood are being made within these debates. Two arguments are presented. First, how women's role as mothers is central and essentialised in anti-abortion discourses, with the body of the mother often disappearing as activists seek to erode the distinction between a foetus and a baby by constructing pregnancy as a foetal environment. Motherhood is constructed as 'natural' and sacred, therefore abortion must be damaging because it destroys women's 'natural' position. Second, the article argues that although the activists' arguments are always religiously framed, their activism takes place in a largely secular context, meaning that they have to find ways of appealing to secular audiences. This leads to a complex interrelationship between secular and religious discourses, where theological viewpoints sit alongside 'scientific' claims to buttress activists' views. This article explores how the presence and absence of mothers within activists' narratives is due to the tensions between religiously based understandings of motherhood, and the need to appeal to a secular audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement scholars have identified activist burnout - when the accumulation of stressors associated with activism become so overwhelming they compromise activists' persistence in their activism - as a threat to movement viability. This phenomenological study on the causes of burnout among racial justice activists in the United States was designed to bolster understandings of burnout and inform strategies for sustaining racial justice movements. Thirty racial justice activists who had experienced burnout were interviewed. They described four primary burnout causes: emotional-dispositional causes, structural causes, backlash causes, and in-movement causes. Implications for activist and movement sustainability are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the author's theoretical understanding of abolition, reparations, and histories of injustices in America and other places as of 2019, and it mentions challenges in Black communities in the U.S., as well as information about abolitionists, political power, and transformative justice. According to the article, abolition calls in individuals to destabilize, deconstruct, and repair historical harms. Social movements, slavery, and racism in the U.S. are addressed.

This article examines the transnational work that since the 1990s has increasingly opposed abortion in terms of protecting women. It therefore explores how pro-woman rhetoric is used to foster right-wing politics by way of, and beyond, the fight over abortion. Narratives depicting white women as dupes of a sordid, satanic system of abortion provision ignore the fact that most women report feeling relief—not grief, regret, or trauma—after terminating an unwanted pregnancy. To get a sense of the political and cultural influence that right-wing movements gain when they play the woman card, we must trace antiabortion collaborations transnationally. Reading representations of "woman" cross-culturally and intersectionally, this article analyzes the political collusions and cultural work achieved by depicting white women as victims of abortion. To do so I focus on three countries where national identity is especially bound up with whiteness and where abortion is particularly contested: Ireland, Russia, and the United States. This cross-cultural look at antiabortion collaboration reveals a transnational traffic in tactics, personnel, and funds that fuel right-wing politics and ideology and that therefore contribute to the global rise of the Right that characterizes the contemporary moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump's 2016 electoral victory was a shock for feminist scholars, yet it was no surprise to his legion of supporters in alt-right digital spaces. In this essay, we analyze one of the online forums that helped propel Trump to electoral victory. Drawing on social movement concepts and an analysis of 1,762 posts, we show how leaders of the forum the "Red Pill" were able to move a community of adherents from understanding men's rights as a personal philosophy to political action. This transition was no small endeavor. The Red Pill forum was explicitly apolitical until the summer before the 2016 election. During the election, forum leaders linked the forum's neoliberal, misogynistic collective identity of alpha masculinity to Trump's public persona and framed his political ascendance as an opportunity to effectively push back against feminism and get a "real" man into the White House. We argue that while previous research shows the importance of alt-right virtual spaces in creating and maintaining racist collective identities, we know very little about how men conceptualize gender in ways that inform their personal and political action—and this is to our detriment. We conclude the essay by arguing that feminists need to understand how men cultivate extreme personal and political identities in online forums so that we can better understand how new technologies are used to move individuals from the armchair to the streets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I trace my development as a scholar by linking my research to life experiences, focusing on my feminist activism. To accomplish this, I divide the essay into two parts. First, I offer a series of life stories focused on my feminism, and then connect those stories to how they fostered my understanding of the U.S. women's movement. This section draws on my keynote address at the 2018 #Persistence conference, held at St. Lawrence University. Second,, I continue this linkage of personal experience and sociological understanding by developing the metaphor of feminism as a family instead of a wave. This metaphor developed, in part, from a career of observing the complexity, and at times messiness, of U.S. feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experimentation in communal land is an American tradition. From the colonial era onward, citizens have been inspired to build communities predicated on religious or economic ideas of property that would today be considered radical. Many historical American social movements, especially those tied to racial justice, explicitly imagined a communal relationship to land. Thus, while often held out internationally as the leading normative proponent of individual property rights, the United States has historically been seen as a destination for enacting experiments in cooperative landholding. While customary land practices are still pervasive globally, the trope of the tragedy of the commons has nevertheless lent an air of inevitability to the privatization of land. Yet, at the turn of the twentieth century the most popular American economist was Henry George. George inspired attempts at home and abroad to recommunalize land based on an aggressive critique of private land markets. Georgist communities used common law trusts to organize land collectively on which communities could then grow. While experiments in this vein and other traditions of what are now called "intentional communities" have shown some durability, they have not yet been able to provide an easily accessible precedent for large segments of the American population to "opt-out" of land markets-equally true internationally in the struggle over alternative forms of development. This Article examines these visions of cooperative landholding through a historical and comparative analysis to develop new insights for this now-frustrated and submerged American tradition. Primary among these is the growing disconnect of intentional land communities from social movement politics and their flawed embrace of idealized imaginations of how traditional communal land tenure systems operated. Such traditional systems were both routinely nondemocratic, and required the production of coercive norms which precluded easy exit by participants. In contrast, the domestic and international experience of other common interest land communities demonstrates that modern legal forms are unlikely to generate these types of coercive bonds on their own, and that thinner forms of commitment are more likely to produce dynamics of replication. Conservation and indigenous land trusts hold similar lessons for how the legal design of communal land is central to their success. At the same time, the transition over the twentieth century from communal land being held in a trust to being held through the corporate form has only hastened the degeneration of land cooperatives, as many communitarians have prioritized localist direct democracy over the legal self-discipline that enables longitudinal commitments and durability. This Article posits that constructive legal self-discipline can be achieved through a renewed use of trusts or hierarchically-organized corporate collectives. Networking such institutions can more effectively confront startup barriers and regulatory dissonance, but most importantly allows communitarian land holding develop into genuine alternative models which can be accessed by citizens from all strata of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Women's March is arguably the most important counter-narrative to Trump's post-truth regime, but does it also present a leadership alternative to his populist and authoritarian style? And is this alternative necessarily better than currently dominant social formations? In this paper, we argue that the Women's March is partially configured by similar forces of affective circulation as those governing pro-Trump narratives, but that it is different and better in one important respect. The narratives of the Women's March are driven by both collaboration and contestation, meaning its circulation is both centripetal and centrifugal. We substantiate this claim through a close reading of the narration of the Women's March – from its inception until its first anniversary. Here, we focus particularly on the development from a moment of resistance to a political movement, arguing that this process offers a prototype for conceptualizing a new form of "rebel" or social movement leadership. Hence, the Women's March not only offers a different and better alternative to the leadership of Trump but also an opportunity for promoting and refining leadership theory in the post-heroic vein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the relationship between sexual orientations and the protest actions of adults in the United States. Drawing from General Social Survey data from 1996 to 2004, we found that lesbians, gays, and bisexuals were more than twice as likely to protest as heterosexuals. To account for this sexuality gap, we used Patrick Egan's (2008) political distinctiveness theories to identify possible underlying causes of these protesting differences. After running several regressions, we found that sexuality and protesting relationships were moderated by issues of educational attainment, marital statuses, metropolitan residencies, political partisanships, governmental grievances, and gender role expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements confronting overlapping inequalities face the unique challenge of elucidating the heretofore invisible experiences of those whose identities lie at the intersection of existing movements. Social media platforms provide a direct outlet for intersectional social movements to make political claims visually by illuminating these complexities creatively with discursive resources such as symbols, text, and narratives. Using content analysis of images posted to the organization's Facebook, we examine how lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) immigration activists - as embodied by the Queer Undocumented Immigrant Project (QUIP) - attempt to communicate intersectionality online. Images posted by QUIP demonstrate how the existing ideas and values of separate established immigrant and LGBTQ movements can be reformulated and repackaged. However, the available discursive resources may compartmentalize identities, which then requires movements to generate new symbols, text, and narratives. By leveraging extant discursive resources and innovating new expressions, activists aim to communicate intersectional experiences and unite multiple struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and how do social movements form to mobilize action across national boundaries? In the context of the 2015 movement to support Syrian refugees, we develop an integrative model of transnational social movement formation shaped by pre‐existing world‐views (social dominance orientation and right‐wing authoritarianism) and social media exposure to iconic events, resulting in an emergent group consciousness ("we are", "we believe", "we feel"). Group consciousness is, in turn, the proximal predictor of solidarity with refugees. Participants were from six countries: Hungary (N = 267), Romania (N = 163), Germany (N = 190), the United Kingdom (N = 159), the United States (N = 244) and Australia (N = 344). Multi‐group structural equation models confirmed that group consciousness, shaped by individual differences and exposure to events through social media, was the proximal predictor of solidarity. The subjective meaning of group consciousness varied across samples, reflecting national differences. Results support the importance of considering individual and national differences, and group processes in understanding emergent social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the Brown Asian American Movement advocating for South Asian, Southeast Asian and Filipino American Communities. Topics discussed include movement sought freedom from racial oppression through the power of a consolidated yellow people; Asian Americans' advance as a political voice in the U.S. due to community dynamics, and inter-ethnic conflicts; and recommendations for inclusivity and coalition building.

We examine efforts of feminist institutional activists in the 1960s and 1970s as they worked to gain U.S. federal policy to combat workplace pregnancy discrimination. The success of these activists in winning policy change provides a case that allows us to develop a theoretical understanding of how feminist institutional activists can succeed in winning policy change. We find that when institutional activists strategically shifted governmental arenas and adapted their mobilization and discursive strategies to these arenas, they were able to dismantle policy‐specific barriers that impeded their goals. In taking these steps, feminist institutional activists were successful in opening up both contingent and structural opportunities, which ultimately allowed them to gain the policy change they sought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women, particularly educated White women, are at the forefront of the U.S. physician-assisted-suicide legalization movement, as advocates and leaders. They also represent half of decedents by physician-assisted suicide, though they are a minority among unassisted-suicide decedents. The dominant physician-assisted-suicide narrative is framed in terms of choice. This article focuses on the rhetoric and the reality of choice in physician-assisted suicide for White women in the United States, consistent with an intersectional perspective and with attention to context. It examines the idea of choice in physician-assisted suicide in light of women's lives, and also considering dominant narratives of physician-assisted suicide and of femininity. A mix of privilege (e.g., White women's good-enough experiences with medical systems, relative to ethnic-minority women) and disadvantage (e.g., White women's economic and care challenges, given their longevity but in poor health), combined with dominant physician-assisted-suicide rhetoric (e.g., physician-assisted-suicide as a death of dignity and graceful self-determination) and dominant-femininity ideals (e.g., femininity as graceful self-abnegation), likely contribute to White women's strong participation in physician-assisted suicide. The implications for professional psychology of intersectional and contextual perspectives on physician-assisted-suicide discourses and practices are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Militarism and militarization have inspired opposition for millennia. In the post–World War II era, dozens of social movements challenging the existence and operation of US and other foreign (extraterritorial) military bases have provided a prominent example of antimilitarization activism. Movements from Okinawa, Japan, and Jeju, South Korea, to Vieques, Puerto Rico, and Vicenza, Italy, have struggled to close existing bases, stop the construction of new bases, and reduce or eliminate the harms that bases frequently inflict on local communities. This article reviews the history and effects of antibase movements, including recent efforts to create a global "No Bases" movement. While these movements have achieved varying degrees of success and had complicated impacts at individual, local, national, and global scales, this article shows that antibase movements collectively have been important actors in international geopolitics, with significant global influence. Specifically, movements have disrupted everyday military operations and reshaped the global deployment of US bases abroad. Antibase movements thus provide an example of how antimilitarization movements can check, slow, and in some cases reverse militarization—although militarization can continue after base closures. The article concludes with seven tentative hypotheses explaining why some antibase movements are more successful than others in achieving their stated aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite opposition from social movements, the animal agriculture industry has largely succeeded in averting serious challenges to its basic business practices. This outcome reflects not only the industry's political and economic clout, but also divisions among the industry's opponents and the difficulties that their proposed solutions pose for consumers. Albert Hirschman argues that those dissatisfied with a product or organization have three options: exit, voice, and loyalty. We argue that "voice," the public expression of protest, has been fractured by disagreement over ultimate goals and the proper form of "exit": substitution or abstention. Both forms of exit are difficult for the consumer. The default response is therefore "loyalty": continued consumption. This loyalty is based not on ignorance or acceptance of the industry's shortcomings, but on socially organized denial of the evidence and its implications. Our methodology is a "qualitative metasynthesis" of previous scholarly analyses of the primary social movements involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although US Uncut and Occupy were two similar social movement organizations highlighting the rising levels of economic inequality in the United States after the Great Recession, Occupy received more media coverage than US Uncut. Through a qualitative comparison utilizing a variety of sources, this study found four possible reasons that can explain why Occupy received more media attention: (1) Occupy had more dramatic protest events; (2) Occupy was active during a time when people were more frustrated with the economy and Wall Street; (3) Occupy faced less competition from other protest events; and (4) Occupy held larger protest events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the chapter, the authors celebrate the life and work of Rod Bush as a friend, a comrade, and a revolutionary warrior. They locate Bush's theory and practice of the interpenetration of Black struggle and class struggle within today's transformative movement to end global capitalism and world white supremacy. Bush lived and moved within many complex and contentious spaces from the street, to the academy and the sociological profession. His life's work embodied a powerful unity of revolutionary theory and political practice--his teaching and mentoring, his scholarship and writing, his political education and movement work in his community and in social movement spaces in the United States and the world. For Rod Bush, revolutionary theory and practice was wherever he lived and worked. He understood the need to connect theory and strategy to peoples' lived experience and daily struggles in the classroom and in the street. Through compelling pedagogy, Katz-Fishman and Scott argue, Rod Bush mentored a new generation of transformative thinkers and movement actors. He did the essential work of nurturing the intellectual side of the twentyfirst century revolutionary movement. In celebrating Rod Bush's life, the authors re-commit themselves to the revolutionary praxis his life embodied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why has the religious right been more influential in the United States than in Canada? Traditional approaches to the study of social movements focus only on the life of the movement, from emergence to decline. Instead, I conduct a historical, comparative analysis on the premovement activities of evangelical Christian communities in these two countries from 1925-1975. Employing insights from historical institutionalism, I identify two critical junctures in the historical development of evangelical communities that suppressed the entrepreneurship and institution-building activities of Canadian evangelicals relative to those in the United States. I find that these divergences in institution building affected the size and strength of the institutional infrastructures--supportive organizations, networks, and resources--of the religious right movements in these countries. I argue that historical, comparative analysis in general, and historical institutionalism in particular, is useful to social movement scholarship's understanding of crossnational movement comparisons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the Interference Archive launched by four artist-activists in 2011 in Brooklyn, New York that offers new approaches to the work of recovering anarchist. Topics covered include the anarchist materials included in the archive dedicated to the relationship between cultural production and social movements, how visitors to the archive can become collaborators, and the emphasis of the open-access archive on the analysis of images and sound.

In the critical year of 1917, the suffrage movement gained the momentum it needed to secure a federal amendment granting women the right to vote. During this turning point, the mainstream local and regional press covered opponents of woman suffrage. Examination of the press portrayals of this countermovement, by means of social movement theory, reveal that most coverage situated the anti-suffrage debate in the context of World War I. News reports provided limited framing of anti-suffragist arguments that centered on negative, emotional rhetoric, while suffrage supporters were framed as providing researched arguments that emphasized their opponents' contradictions. An emphasis on episodic rather than thematic framing diminished the complexity of the suffrage debate, creating a divide of public fear versus progressive advocacy that illustrates the challenges and shortfalls in news coverage of countermovements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The claim that '68 was global has become axiomatic. How so, for whom, with what impact? Scholars have productively pursued two scales of analysis: grassroots and geopolitical. While student movements have been the premier instance of the more socio-cultural scale, seldom has their mobilization been analyzed vis-à-vis the ostensibly more macro scale of suprastate entitie. Intermediaries between these sectors, leaders of major universities occupied an acutely uncomfortable, pivotal place. Through historical analysis based on archival research (on the biographies of university administrators, student movements, and media debates) the Global 1968 is here considered from the perspective of higher education administrators at elite universities of capitalist empire in the mid-twentieth century at metropoles/global cities - London and New York - and semi-periphery nodes - Bloomington (Indiana, USA) and Mexico City. For such elites, consternation over the turmoil of 1968 constituted a kind of global moral panic when universities presidents found themselves the objects of intense pressures on multiple fronts: from students, to relinquish much authority, and at the same time, from fellow elites and much of the public, to forcefully discipline students. In juxtaposing brief biographies of these university presidents, we highlight the experiences and visions of the global that these men brought to the table, in relation to the pressures that they faced from student movements on their campuses as well as from political powers and the general public. These multi-scaler pressures constituted 1968 as a global phenomenon and put administrators squarely on this conjunctural hot seat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Italy, over the last decades, both the Left and the Right have repeatedly employed American Indians as political icons. The Left and the Right, that is, both adopted and adapted certain real or often outright invented features of American Indian culture and history to promote their own ideas, values, and political campaigns. The essay explores how well-established stereotypes such as those of the ecological Indian, the Indian as victim, and the Indian as fearless warrior, have often surfaced in Italian political discourse. The "Indiani Metropolitani" student movement resorted to "Indian" imagery and concepts to rejuvenate the languages of the old socialist and communist left, whereas the Right has for the most part preferred to brandish the Indian as an image of a bygone past, threatened by modernization and, especially, by immigration. Indians are thus compared to contemporary Europeans, struggling to resist being invaded by "foreign" peoples. While both the Left and the Right reinvent American Indians for their own purposes, and could be said to practice a form of cultural imperialism, the essay argues that the Leftist appropriations of the image of the Indian were always marked by irony. Moreover, while the Right's Indians can be seen as instances of what Walter Benjamin (1969) described as Fascism's aestheticization of politics, groups like the Indiani Metropolitani tried to politicize the aesthetics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While early internet research often explored social media’s potential for increasing political participation, scholars are now problematising the manifestations of state and corporate control over political activism in these spaces. Yet despite an increased academic focus on the shape and implications of online power relations, there is a noticeable lack of critical theory that considers how strategies of male dominance on social media platforms influence feminist activism. This article conceptualises individual men as monitorial actors invested in surveilling feminist speech online, and brings together literature from within feminist, social movement, and critical internet studies to address this research gap. Situating contemporary feminist activist tactics in relation to second-wave priorities, this article extends current conceptualisations of the dangers of social media surveillance practices for political action. It draws on recent examples of online feminist organising to elucidate the ways in which social media platforms provide men with increased opportunities to surveil feminist activity. The article calls for further research into the ways in which male surveillance practices on social media platforms are shaping women’s ability to organise for social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultivation of democratic culture is a potential antidote to radical disagreement, contradiction, and polarisation. Folk high schools (folkehøjskoles) emerged in Denmark following a nonviolent revolution from monarchy to democracy in 1849 and were founded as non-formal educational institutions for the cultivation of a pervasive democratic culture. The Scandinavian folk school tradition emerged in the US to meet diverse democratic needs for: adult education, community building, labour organising, and social movement leadership. The Highlander Folk School embodied the democratising leadership of the early Danish folk schools as it shaped the US labour, civil rights, and environmental movements. Folk schools as popular non-formal education hold promise for developing a culture of democratic preventative peacebuilding to foster individual and collective agency; advance a vital agonistic democracy; and counter the politics of fear, division, and polarisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses social issues and the U.S. criminal justice system in the era of mass incarceration. Also examined are the movements for both prison reform and abolition, the relationships between capitalism, race, and prisons, as well as the social movements that arose from the police murders of young African Americans like Oscar Grant, Trayvon Martin, and Eric Garner.

This piece of "movement writing" is written by the coheads of the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies and the cofounders of the Otpor! movement that ousted Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milošević; in 2000. The article discusses the most promising tactics in contemporary prodemocracy activism, drawing on the authors' considerable experience working with activists across the globe. Popović and Djinovic argue that the efficacy of traditional nonviolent strategies has waned with respect to contemporary prodemocracy struggle--which often seek to defend institutions rather than dismantle them--and advocate for more creative, humorous approach to contention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the dynamics of how organizations make appeals for legitimacy in unstable fields. Empirically, we investigate the debate surrounding U.S. Department of Agriculture organic food certification from 1990 to 2011, which took place as the field of organic food production was destabilized by the entrance of new market participants, as well as the effort by the federal government to regulate what constituted “organic” food. We argue that organizations alter appeals for legitimacy (legitimating accounts) when organization fields undergo change and existing or expected legitimating accounts are undermined by any number of forces, such as social movements, shifting markets, or new actors. Our results illustrate how actors strategically deploy rhetoric to appeal to different constituencies and audiences in an unstable field, and highlight how organizational actors in the organic certification debate sought to legitimate claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which author discusses political prisoners and environmental justice of U.S., which includes experience of political prisoners and politicized prisoners on environmental justice, prisoners of environmental justice movement, and effect of justice system on citizens.

The article offers information on the works of sociologist Manuel Castells. Topics discusses include his participation in social movements, use of Internet between 1996-1998, political history of the U.S., administration of U.S. President Donald Trump, data analysis of elections and digitization in Trump's administration.

Little is known about the extra-political consequences of contemporary U.S.-based nativist mobilization as well as the resilience unauthorized migrants display in the face of anti-immigrant mobilization along the U.S.-Mexico border. Bringing together social movements and immigration literatures, we examine these interrelated issues using original survey data from the first wave of the Migrant Border Crossing Study. In so doing, we examine: (1) factors influencing repatriated unauthorized migrants' awareness of nativist mobilization (i.e. Minutemen) along the Arizona-Sonora border, and (2) factors explaining why some migrants would or would not be potentially deterred from attempting future unauthorized crossings if encountering the Minutemen were a possibility. Results from a Heckman probit selection model indicate that higher levels of general, financial, and migration-specific human capital are associated with awareness of the Minutemen, while higher household income and status as an indigenous language speaker predict who would be less likely to be deterred from crossing. We also uncover an interesting paradox: migrants traveling with coyotes were less likely to have heard of Minutemen and more likely to be potentially deterred. Collectively, our results provide insight into the overlooked extra-political consequences of contemporary U.S. nativist mobilization, how resiliency in the face of such a deterrent is structured among repatriated unauthorized migrants, and how seemingly powerless migrant groups can mitigate potential threats initiated by relatively privileged groups of U.S. citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]