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Der Kieler Matrosenaufstand von 1918 ist bis heute die größte Meuterei in der deutschen Geschichte. Aus einzelnen Matrosenerhebungen entwickelte sich binnen weniger Tage eine landesweite Revolte in Marine und Heer, die in der Novemberrevolution gipfelte. Die deutsche Militärgeschichtsschreibung hatte jahrzehntelang große Schwierigkeiten mit diesem Ereigniskomplex, wobei das Quellen- und Deutungsmonopol der von Akteuren in Offiziersuniform dominierten amtlichen Kriegshistoriografie stark ins Gewicht fiel. Christian Lübcke kann auf der Basis bislang kaum beachteter Dokumente zeigen, dass in der Weimarer Republik, im Dritten Reich und noch in der jungen Bundesrepublik Sichtweisen dominierten, die wenig mit Wissenschaft, aber umso mehr mit Selbstrechtfertigung, Revisionismus und Apologie zu tun hatten To date, the 1918 Kiel Mutiny is the largest mutiny in German history. Within the space of a few days, individual uprisings by sailors developed into a countrywide revolt in the navy and army, which culminated in the November Revolution. For decades, German military historiography had great difficulties with this nexus of events, strongly influenced by the fact that official war historiography, which was dominated by actors in uniform, enjoyed a monopoly on sources and interpretation. On the basis of hitherto disregarded documents, Christian Lübcke can show that during the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich and the young Federal Republic views predominated, which had little to do with scholarship and much more with self-justification, revisionism and apologia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the mutiny that occurred in the American volunteer ranks near the Mexican War battlefeld of Buena Vista on August 15, 1847. Topics covered include the discipline that inspired this mutiny, and the key event that caused it, which was North Carolina colonel Robert Treat Paine's construction of a wooden horse that was used as a form of punishment meant to humiliate the citizen-soldiers.

Recent scholarship has claimed that peacekeepers are more likely to mutiny or attempt military coups against their governments after returning home. These trends stand in contrast to the case of Ghana, which witnessed a perhaps unprecedented transition out of the "coup trap" to stable democratic rule, including multiple transfers of power to the political opposition while providing substantial and ongoing peacekeeping manpower. This is especially interesting given Ghana's infamous mutiny in the Congo and the coup against Kwame Nkrumah, had their roots in peacekeeping. Potentially seen as a deviant case through the lens of recent scholarship, as evaluation of Ghana's experience illustrate that different leaders under various regime types deliberately utilized peacekeeping deployments as a coup avoidance strategy. This experience has also acted as a tool to gain military resources from foreign donors, while the government has deliberately made efforts to avoid mission hardships and perceptions of victimization seen in other contingents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If life aboard ship in the Royal Navy in the eighteenth century was characterised by sonic affirmations of the extensive and sometimes punitive powers granted to captains by the Articles of War, what status did that typically verbal of virtues, civility, possess? Historians have begun the task of using sound, noise and the other senses to reevaluate the meaning of civility in the eighteenth century through studies of conversation, urban life, domesticity and colonization. Comparatively less studied has been the sonic profile of civility at sea. This context, I argue, highlights a dialogical confrontation between different forms of civility. Often mistaken for uncivil, or impolite speech, pirate oaths, disaffected murmurings, and even mutinous rhetoric could voice a different order of civil conduct and be recognized as such by elite interlocutors. I argue here that by attending to the textual traces of stereotypically impolite speech in shipboard life, historians can listen to an enormously variable acoustic field of civility that suggests considerable conceptual elasticity. The frequently caustic and often uneasy dialogue between what might be termed plebeian 'counter-civilities' and more 'polite' forms of elite civility in the eighteenth century provides a largely uncharted sonic context of civility at sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the establishment and role of a particular military unit in the Cape Colony during the last years of rule by the Dutch East India Company (DEIC). The name "pandour" relates to Serbian, Croation and Hungarian languages, derived from the Latin name "banderius" for bearer of a banner. In 1741 a pandour corps was established in the Austrian empire to serve the interests of the Empress Maria Theresa. In the War of Succession against Prussia these pandours became notorious as brutally effective fighters in the Netherlands and present day Belgium. Wars in Europe threatened DEIC rule of the Cape Colony in 1793, with future French or British occupation of this strategic outpost a real possibility. As an emergency measure visiting commissioners Nederburgh and Frijkenius decided to strengthen the Cape garrison with a regiment to be named the Pandour Corps. The rank and file, as well as the subalterns, were to be able-bodied Khoekhoen and persons of mixed racial origin, accustomed to the use of muskets, generally called "snaphaanen". Recruits were drawn from the various districts, including the Moravian mission at Baviaans Kloof. The officers of the Pandour Corps were selected from experienced leaders in the Cape Garrison and local citizen forces, such as Jan Fürstenberg, Joël Herold and the brothers Jacobus and Johannes Linde. Eventually Jan Cloete, owner of the farm Nooitgedacht, close to the village of Stellenbosch, son of the wealthy Hendrik Cloete of Groot Constantia, was appointed as Commandant of the Pandour Corps. When a British fleet with an invasion force on board arrived in Simons Bay on 11 June 1795 the pandours were stationed at the defensive lines of the strategic post Muysenburg (today Muizenberg) with other infantry and cavalry under direct command of Lieutenant Colonel Carel MW de Lille. The Cape government was hesitant to confront the British and allowed them to establish a strategic bridgehead at the Company's post at Simons Bay. The pandours were subsequently involved in various confrontations with elements of the British force. Eventually a combined British naval and overland onslaught against the Colonial forces took place at Muysenburg on 7 August. The pandours were strategically withdrawn to Steenberg, but the next day, on 8 August, they confronted the vanguard of the British forces at Sandvlei with the assistance of the burgher cavalry. The enemy was compelled to retreat, leaving their baggage and provisions behind. Although five or six pandours lost their lives, it was clear that members of this corps excelled in unconventional or guerilla warfare. In the early morning of 1 September a combined group of pandours and burgher cavalry launched a surprise attack on two advanced posts of the British in the vicinity of Muysenburg. Five British soldiers lost their lives and 14 were wounded, including two officers. There were no casualties on the part of the attacking force that achieved a moral victory. That same afternoon an unexpected mutiny of pandours took place at Steenberg. They marched with their fire-arms to the Castle in Cape Town to present their complaints personally to Commissioner Abraham Josias Sluysken, the highest official authority. They were unhappy about ill-treatment and lack of compensation. Sluysken appeased them by making certain concessions and rewarding them with two farthings each. The next day they marched back to Steenberg post, but were not prominent in subsequent developments. A capitulation treaty was concluded with the British invading forces on 14 September. Thus ended the Dutch East India Company's rule of the Cape Colony. It also put an end to the existence of the Pandour Corps as a functional element in the military organisation of the Cape Colony. The Pandour Corps, with certain reservations, was generally held in high esteem by contemporaries such as Philippus Marnitz, Hubert Campagne, Christian Neethling and Abraham Sluysken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on private letters which turned public by their publication in British newspapers and contextualised the 1857-1858 mutiny in India. In doing so, they provided first-hand information of the dramatic events being experienced, and shaped the news presented as well as the readers' opinions, thus foregrounding how letters can be considered a situated activity, in that they are written for a specific recipient and purpose. By adopting a corpus linguistic approach integrated with a qualitative interpretation, the study analyses the use of repeated keywords and their clusters' discursive environment in a small specialised corpus of letters written by men and women during the mutiny. The emerging data suggest the language used attempts to generate emotive and critical reactions in the readership while creating a sense of borderless community across the empire by connecting personal concerns to a wider sense of public engagement while legitimising and or delegitimizing the 1857-58 mutiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the individual crimes of the soldiers of Indian princely armies following the 1857 Mutiny through 1913. Humanization of the Sepoy Army's penal apparatus; Penal leniency and the low level of crimes; Dismissals of Indian Army personnel stationed within India.

Examines how the East and West German governments and the antimilitarists and radical pacifists in postunification Germany selected incidents of mutiny, rebellion, and desertion from Germany's military past. German naval mutinies of World War I; Focus of the first phase of East German historiography; Discussion on the East German state and its Volksmarine.

Examines the nature of authority, obedience and rank among soldiers in Tudor society in Tudor England. Analysis of the acts of mutiny and desertion in early modern armies; Description of the Tudor soldier during the 16th century; Example of Tudor martial law; Establishment of the principle of leading by example.

Focuses on how the mutiny in Canadian naval history was recorded in the log book of the destroyer HMCS Iroquois. Structural problems, personnel shortages and other problems that slowed the progress of the Iroquois towards full operational status; Profile of William Boyd Love Holms, commander of the Royal Canadian Navy; Incident that rankled the ship's company.

In this article, I explore the spatial politics of the Royal Indian Navy mutiny of 1946 and call for a more maritime sense of 'the political'. The RIN only existed from 1934 to 1950; it became the Indian Navy after independence. Its mutiny in 1946, which was caused by a number of grievances from anticolonial nationalism to more mundane challenges about the standard of food, continues to be the dominant event in this history. Leela Gandhi (2014) used the RIN mutiny to challenge the binary distinction between elite and subaltern in much Indian historiography by depicting it as an 'anti‐colonial counterpublic', or space in which discourses other than the dominant nationalist framings of independence were mobilized. She also regards the mutiny as a potential example of inconsequential ethics in which, instead of worrying about its causes, the mutiny can be read as an experimental space in which democratic politics occurred, rather than one in which people were striving for a 'successful' outcome. I argue that, while there is much to be admired in Gandhi's reading of these events, she discounts the maritime nature of the RIN mutiny. In other words, she fails to acknowledge that travelling to different international locations allowed the sailors to learn about democracy and other ideas, which in turn influenced their beliefs about what the future of India, and the RIN, should look like. As a result, I argue for the need to explore in greater depth the important connections that exist between anti‐colonialism, democratic politics and the naval/maritime experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1984 mutiny in the Angolan camps of the African National Congress (ANC) has been the stuff of legends. For a long time two contradictory interpretations were prominent. One interpretation painted it as, completely, the work of apartheid agents and agent provocateurs. The other painted it as an instance where patriotic democrats took a stance for justice and they were crushed by an undemocratic ANC. The information that recently came out of the memoirs and biographies of former soldiers paints a more nuanced picture that reveals the situation to be more complex than the ANC's official view and those of its distractors. While there can be no way of absolutely ruling out enemy interference, all narratives point to the presence of genuine challenges that could have been handled better. The absence of senior leadership from the camps also ensured a weak response to these. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cult of domesticity positions women into a state of subservience while reinforcing gendered roles. The ideology was propagated in post-Unification Italy by Catholic doctrine as well as Fascist propaganda and practices that consigned women to the roles of wives and mothers. The physical site of the cult of domesticity was the home where traditional values were honored and upheld. In Fausta Cialente's novel Natalia-originally published in 1930 and censored by the Fascist regime, then reissued in 1982-the home becomes a site of rebellion and resistance, which challenges ideology that limits female autonomy. In Natalia, a verdant house in the country is the scene of illicit sexual activity between the female protagonist and a young woman, and an ancestral home becomes the threatening locus of the protagonist's marriage, as well as the setting of her failed attempt at motherhood. Throughout the text, the explicit connection between physical space-the home-and female autonomy, acts as a critique of female oppression and pervasive societal expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By exploring forms of maritime resistance spanning the age of sail and steam, this article interrogates certain preponderant assumptions within the historiography of subaltern agency. Within this historiography, "modernity" has generally come to be signalled by trade union organisation and a concomitant regard for legality, while violent resistance is implicitly or explicitly taken to signify the Other of modernity: traditional, primitive, incomplete. Arguing that this tradition/modernity divide has mapped onto the sail/steam divide in the historiography of maritime resistance, this article complicates the association of violent mutiny with the age of sail and litigiousness with the age of steam. It does this by bringing both epochs into single focus, thereby finding important continuities in forms of everyday resistance on board ship across the sail-steam divide. Using existing scholarship to look at resistance in the age of sail and archival material like ships' logbooks, newspapers and "Lascari"-English dictionaries for the age of the steam, it argues that rather than trade unions fundamentally reshaping the forms of everyday resistance into legal channels, it was in fact these longer traditions of quotidian contestation that fed into the formation of unions at the end of World War I, and continued through the 1920s and 1930s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Both strikes and mutinies can be regarded as protest movements, which may be of three types: promotion of interests, secession, and seizure of power. Data on 20 strikes and 20 mutinies were examined to determine whether such organizational conflicts can be analyzed in terms of a single theoretical framework. The typical forms, the determinants, and the outcomes of such conflicts are shown to be relatively independent of the institutional setting (whether industrial or military), although the operation of these microlevel mechanisms appears to be conditioned by mesolevel, institutional variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]