Search

Despite a recent surge in the literature on the far right, there has been a theoretical gap in studying the relationship between the dynamics of change in the far right and the changing digital landscape. Drawing on a set of interrelated concepts developed in far-right studies, social movement studies, and media and communication studies, this theoretical paper adopts a framework based on the concepts of digital network repertoires and the mediation opportunity structure to discuss the ways in which various actors on the far right – reactionary conservatives, online antagonistic communities and right-wing extremists and terrorists – exploit the affordances of mainstream and alt-tech platforms for their own purposes. Through this discussion, this article seeks to shed light on the interplay between e-extremism and the online far right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this qualitative study, we focus on Las Kellys, a Spanish movement of room attendants who have mobilised against labour precarisation and social devaluation, to address two challenges: (1) to characterise the role of social media in the construction and politicisation of collective identity as a stepping stone to mobilisation, and (2) to describe the lines of interplay between online politicisation of collective identity and other mobilisation factors such as grievances, social embeddedness and efficacy. Findings suggest that (1) room attendants build a politicised collective identity on Facebook, which functions as both an online community of coping and a locus of politicisation and micro-mobilisation, and (2) online politicisation of collective identity happens in online/offline interplay with the process of consensus mobilisation around the room attendants' issues (grievances), the social capital accumulated within intragroup and intergroup networks (social embeddedness) and the expectation of changing conditions and/or policies through protest (efficacy). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to ongoing discussions about the practice of prefigurative politics by urban social movements, and the relationship between prefiguration and other political practices. We argue that urban social movements can deploy prefigurative power in combination with other political strategies with which it is often contrasted and opposed. To demonstrate, we explore Cape Town's Reclaim the City movement that occupied several inner‐city buildings to create affordable housing for low‐wage Black communities—prefiguring the kind of affordable housing that they were demanding. They developed this strategy iteratively after having tried to play by the rules through litigation and mobilize through protest. When those approaches failed to shift decision makers, they tried to prefigure their goal for housing through occupation. Prefiguration offered distinctive strategic advantages: it helped demonstrate that affordable housing was possible and provided direct relief for people facing housing stress. These advantages not only engaged new participants but contributed to new affordable housing commitments from the City of Cape Town and the courts. We show how movement participants understood their prefigurative occupation as part of a constellation of people power strategies and suggest that this points towards the potential for prefiguration to be deployed pragmatically as well as ideologically by urban social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of being "on-site" in the context of South Korean democracy movements. It discusses how being present in public spaces and witnessing marginalized places became a quality used to evaluate political strategies and literary works. The article includes examples of on-site struggles in the era of infrastructural capitalism, such as aesthetic movements, experimental music, and cinematic techniques. It also emphasizes the importance of paying attention to absences and silences in historical narratives and explores the destabilization of national identities through global cultural exchanges. The text further discusses topics related to cultural movements, capitalism, and ecological issues, including the rise of infrastructural capitalism in China, challenges faced by communities after disasters, and the importance of place making in rebuilding. It also analyzes a film that addresses ecological visibility and offers alternative perspectives on life and death. Overall, the text highlights the significance of on-sitedness and local experiences in understanding and addressing these complex issues. [Extracted from the article]

Revisiting the concept of the social movement society, we see the development of new media and datafication creating unanticipated challenges and constraints, in effect, new and different opportunities. The wired world reduces the costs of spreading information and mobilizing action, but also creates additional risks. I review the premises and blindspots of the 'social movement society' hypothesis, initially offered by David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow,' and then consider how new technologies affect strategies and possibilities for activists, as well as stakes and targets of activists. The conclusion raises issues of inequality and representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars of activism have begun to unfold the dynamics of the 'contentious politics of data', less explored are the forms of appropriation of algorithms to pursue political objectives by social movements. This article fills this gap by offering a novel theoretical framework, a conceptual vocabulary, and a typology to foreground and articulate algorithmic activism as a subset of algorithmic politics. It starts discussing why an excessive focus on the power of platforms risks disregarding the exploration of agency and provides the definitions of algorithmic agency and politics. Subsequently, it centres on algorithmic activism and demonstrates that algorithms have become the latest addition to the contention repertoire of social movements. Drawing on a heterogeneous set of examples and case studies (including our own research and a database of 250 articles), we propose and examine a typology of three dynamics of algorithmic activism, i.e. algorithmic amplification, evasion, and hijacking. We show that the struggle for visibility (either to achieve it or deny it) lies at the centre of all these types of activism. In the conclusions, we reflect on the key takeaways of our work, clarifying that algorithmic activism (1) exceeds the notion of 'hashtag activism' (2) constitutes an agnostic concept (3) is part of an incessant political struggle between algorithmic strategies and tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars across various disciplines have discussed the role of ICTs and social media in contentious politics and social movements. Other studies have also highlighted the duality of data particularly in the context of contentious politics: data is simultaneously an object of political struggle and a weapon in repertoires of political struggle. Taking the protesters' collective and networked program of sousveillance during the 2019 Hong Kong Anti-ELAB Movement as an example, this article examines protesters' and pro-establishment's engagement with data, the datafication of police as proxies of the state, and attitudes towards various forms of 'veillance'. The doxing at the heart of this case study provides an example in which data as constituents of movement repertoire and data as a contentious issue in its own right are conflated. This article bridges the surveillance and social movement literature by examining data practice and doxing during the protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data has increased currency in contemporary activism and has become an integral part of the action repertoire of today's social movements. But data and data infrastructure are not only tools to support a movement's struggle: they are constitutive parts of the environment in which movements operate, and objects of contention in their own right. These developments challenge scholars of social movements and collective action. How are movements changing under the pressure of datafication? What 'new' mechanisms, actors and tactics meet the growing demand for citizen participation in an increasingly datafied society? Is social movement scholarship 'fit' to capture and interpret this evolution? This theoretical article puts social movement studies in dialogue with critical data studies with the aim of encouraging a much-needed cross-pollination. It advances the notion of 'datafied movements' to address the novel structural condition of contentious politics in the age of datafication and to explore the socio-technical, systemic effects of data and data infrastructure on movement dynamics. It reflects on how five key social movement dynamics, and the related elements in the conceptual toolbox of social movement studies – group formation, opportunity structures, action repertoires, meaning work, and collective identity – are altered by datafication and the advance of intelligent systems in society. In so doing, this article charts the building blocks of a future-proof research program in social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This guest contribution to the Contentious Data special issue asks: What are the fundamental processes underlying the possibility of data activism? It argues that, if like everything else, social movements are being datafied, this operates on at least four levels: a change in the general conditions under which all social movements operate; data becoming either the specific or general object of activism; and finally, data becoming crucial to practices of movement resistance. Underlying this is a further pattern, that data as a narrative are increasingly an important aspect of contestation in contemporary politics. I interpret this general phenomenon through the lens of the social theory of Alberto Melucci and the leader of the Zapatistas movement, Subcomandante Marcos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, Hong Kong activists mobilized against the proposed Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) and relied on a mobile chat-app's polling feature to make collective decisions. To understand the chat-app's role in the movement's 'backstage' dynamics — i.e., building coalitions, making decisions, and coordinating action away from public view — I analyzed a series of Telegram polls during the Anti-ELAB movement's airport sit-in/takeover. To generate insights into social movement studies, I combined aspects of a vibrant stream of research known as Communication as Constitutive of Organizing (CCO) with a nuanced use of the affordances concept. To identify the backstage dynamics of the movement, I applied criteria from the organizationality concept to assess the extent to which the movement communicatively exhibited organizational characteristics. Therefore, I addressed how chat-app polling facilitated collective decision-making and cultivated the movement's social address and collective identity. Recognizing chat-app polling as pivotal in transforming voiced concerns to legitimized authority, I identified three authorship affordances that fostered authority practices: anonymity, hyper-temporality, and affectivity. This study makes three contributions: (1) it extends the understanding of backstage organizational dynamics of social movements by adding two additional criteria of collective decision-making and collective actorhood to the extant criteria of collective identity, (2) it refines the affordances concept to explore how chat-apps influence data-related practices in contentious politics, and (3) it provides a novel method of analysis to isolate and investigate the processual dynamics of authority practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing number of social movements have taken the form of connective action achieved through datafication structures in the absence of central coordinating social movement organizations. Social movement demobilization in digitally-mediated connective action remains a relatively understudied area. Drawing together social movement studies and communication studies, we introduce the theoretical framework of 'implicated networks of demobilization' (INsD) to explore the dynamics and implications of datafication for social movement demobilization. Based on examples from the Anti-Extradition Bill movement in Hong Kong and the 2020 George Floyd protests in the United States, we theorize that the connective action embedded in the datafication structure confronts three demobilizational dynamics: implicated data, materiality, and epistemic dynamics. These dynamics imply that connective action mobilization in datafied societies faces constraints pertaining to state-level network oppression, potential threats imposed by the material datafication structure, and the spread of digital knowledge of self-protection. The INsD framework contributes to understanding the interactive data-mediated dynamics between the state and activists in connective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent social movement scholarship has highlighted the instrumental and material roles played by digital technologies in supporting collective action and new cultures of organizing. This research seldom considers the symbolic role of digital technologies and data. However, the extraction and exploitation of data, described as data colonialism, facilitate novel opportunities for capitalist expansion in the everyday. Extensive data appropriation and commodification have led to a growing interest in data activism which challenges dominant data politics. Focusing on the intersection of data activism and local organising of collective action, this article examines two cases of how Big Tech disrupts everyday life and becomes a grievance used for mobilisation. With these cases, we illustrate how protest campaigns react to Google's aim to colonise both digital and physical spheres of life. The first case concerns the creation of a Google Campus in Berlin, while the second focuses on the Sidewalk Toronto urban development project led by the Google subsidiary, SideWalk Labs. Both projects were met with resistance comprising elements of data activism, mobilised as the Fuck Off Google and #blocksidewalk campaigns. Beyond rallying local discontent around impending gentrification and increased housing prices, the campaigns raised awareness about digital giants' unethical data practices and underscored alternative human-centric technologies and data politics. Employing frame analysis, we elaborate on the intersecting dynamics of traditional, community-based grassroots mobilisation and data activism against Googlization and explore the potentialities and limitations toward contextualising collective action for (rather than in) the digital age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opportunities are often conceptualized as 'openings' in a social movement's external environment which can reduce the cost of collective action, while threat is a force which increases the cost of inaction. These concepts were originally formulated to describe the political contexts of traditional offline movements, therefore how are they perceived and framed by activists in the digital environment of data? This study utilizes qualitative thematic coding to examine the collective action frames in four years of archival texts from 2009 to 2012 of two highly adept data activist mobilizations: The Digital Rights movement and the Anonymous hacktivist collective. Analyses show that frames of opportunity appear with far less frequency than threat. For both cases, volatile opportunity frames regarding their online actions are very rare, especially in the Anonymous texts. It concludes by suggesting that highly leveraging the affordances of digital technology and data may lead to political opportunities losing some of their perceived salience as a mobilizing force, while cultural factors around data activism may simultaneously result in an increased perception of threats. This study shows the importance of understanding how data mediate contemporary collective action and calls for further development and synthesis of the structural and cultural aspects of both opportunity and threat in social movement theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article consists of an analysis of the opening lectures delivered by two female educators at the First International Feminist Congress held in Buenos Aires in 1910. The first speech, of liberal character, was given by Argentine Ernestina López, and the second, with anarcho-socialist elements, by Chilean María Espíndola de Muñoz. With a gender-focused approach to the research of the history of education, a critical analysis of said speeches has been conducted from a Laclausian perspective, identifying topics in which the relevance of women's education on their emancipation prevails. Within this epochal mood, the emerging social movement sheds light internationally on criticism of the patriarchal model from a perspective of rights in which meanings of education in women's construction as social, political, and cultural beings are configured. Neither position is exclusionary of other expressions circulating the debates at the event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group identification has been proven to be one of the best predictors of social protest, as it seems to influence the relationship between mobilization and radicalism, an issue that has scarcely been researched to date. The purpose of this study, within the framework of the new dynamics of proactive mobilization, is to analyse the mediating role of group identification in the intention of radicalism, comparing social movements with a power orientation (political) and with a cultural orientation (ecofeminisms). Causal models were used to evaluate the mediating role of group identification in the relationship between social participation and radicalism in 920 participants from the general population. We found the existence of two action models in the relationship between participation and radicalism. In the case of political participation, the direct effects between the two variables are higher. However, in the case of ecofeminisms, the indirect effects are higher via self-categorization with the group. Group identification appears as a mediating variable in radicalization processes, especially in movements with a cultural orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2016 elections, several feminist groups emerged in the U.S. in response to the election of President Trump. This manuscript focuses on a feminist assembly located in marginal and conservative Appalachia. Grounded in reflexivity, we employ affective solidarity to better understand feminist organizing in a post‐Trump rural Appalachian town. Based on a collaborative ethnography, including the National Organization of Women's local chapter members, conducted between 2016 and 2022, we analyze how political engagement has been initiated by an affective response—vulnerability, misery, rage, passion, and hope. By organizing open houses, marches, and voter guides, this group's outreach strives to inform and engage community members in dialogs around women's rights to improve gender equality in West Virginia, a state historically characterized by a conservative, heteronormative, patriarchal, and anti‐abortion mentality. We show how the dissonance between Trump's glorification of these ideologies and our affective responses served as a mechanism for feminist solidarity. This paper uses Butlerian principles to explore how vulnerability and resistance shape a feminist social movement held together by affective solidarity. We argue that responses to threats prompted by the Trump Presidency have been critical to the resurgence of our feminist agency and political engagement where conservative and masculine ideologies impose control over vulnerable populations. This paper advances the knowledge of vulnerability and agency and contributes to the literature on assemblies for political resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and political anti‐government movements have been major headlines across the globe in recent years, with a noticeable participation of women. In the MENA region, such movements spanned Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, and Lebanon among others. Through an ethnographic inquiry into the Algerian pro‐democracy movement Hirak (2019–2021), we delve into women's experiences of the Hirak to show how women remain marginalized politically, economically, and socially despite their heavy and praised participation. Using a recognition theory lens, we unveil dialectics of unity and division in the struggle for recognition among women in Algeria, a post‐colonial context charged with conflicting ideological stances. We detect two structural dimensions of the struggle, a spatial/physical dimension and a historical/temporal dimension that help surface different gender positionalities and their dynamics as they vie for recognition. We stress the importance of not homogenizing women's political struggles, especially in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on feminist geographies of space, proposing a feminist critical spatial practice approach to study social movement organizing. Inspired by the work of Jane Rendell, a feminist theorist and architectural historian, we propose embodiment, materiality, affectivity, and alterity as co‐constitutive of feminist organizing. Specifically, we prioritize the intertwining of space and body in resisting extractivism to analyze visual artifacts produced by artists/activists who have joined the anti‐extractivist struggle against mining in Northern Greece, Chalkidiki area. In particular, we focus on how bodies transgress and reconstitute space by affecting its materiality during artistic performances. We argue that the protesting (moving and ensounded) body enacts affective solidarities and invites collective action against exploitative neoliberal regimes. Finally, the article brings together body‐land territory and territorial‐community feminism literature to enrich our understanding of spatial practices of resistance against neoliberal extractivist regimes while highlighting the role of emotions and affect as a means of mobilizing for action and maintaining momentum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the uptick in awareness of racial and other sociocultural diversity owing to recent social movements particularly in the United States but also in many countries in Europe, deep understanding of identity and bias is lacking and remedies for policy and practice inequities in the education sector remain. Steadily increasing racial and linguistic heterogeneity demands better understanding on the part of school leaders—and the larger school staff—to redress inequity and improve schooling for all students. This study utilized in-depth interviews to gather secondary school leaders' perspectives on, and level of engagement with, diversity in Fribourg, Switzerland. Findings revealed that school leaders are, overall, inadequately prepared to tackle difficult, identity-charged conversations or to confront their own positionality and subjectivity vis-à-vis newcomer students. Recommendations are made for aspiring and current school leaders to become active by practicing diversity-engaged leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements require participatory dissent. Facing tensions between ideological purity and mass popularity, movements that desire to be politically effective and act in the interest of their participants need dissent that leads to revision instead of conflict that devolves to dissolution. Using three examples from the 2017 and 2019 Women's Marches, this essay theorizes "disparticipation." Building from José Esteban Muñoz's Disidentifications, I define disparticipation as participatory, disidentifying dissent. While disparticipants may be seen as not participating, or even counter-protesting, I reframe their participation as a "diss" of a protest for a lack of nuanced politics. Disparticipants dissent from binary oppositions of popular/pure and reformist/radical and disidentify to promote coalition-building. Women's March disparticipants dissed white feminist racism, cissexism, and antisemitism. Disparticipation generates discourse that can expand the topoi of protest rhetoric by revealing and responding to broader structural injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Social movement theory argues that activist movements emerge when the political opportunity structure is favorable. This article contributes to the literature on social movements and minority activism by showing that individual‐level activism happens even without a favorable opportunity structure. Methods: The legal journal Rechtsprechung zum Wiedergutmachungsrecht (Case Law on Reparations Legislation), published from 1949 to 1981, reported on West German courts' decisions about reparations claims appeals. All issues were examined for decisions on reparations claims appeals that Romani Germans submitted regarding West Germany's 1953 federal reparations law, despite the unfavorable political opportunity structure. The number of these appeals is reported, and select cases are discussed. Results: Every time a Romani claimant appealed a denied reparations claim, they were, according to feminist definitions of everyday activism, committing an act of activism. Such appeals appear repeatedly in the Rechtsprechung zum Wiedergutmachungsrecht, demonstrating that if scholars look for activism at an individual level, not a group level, evidence shows that members of marginalized minority groups engage in activism regardless of the political opportunity structure. Conclusions: These findings show that, if individual‐level activism is included in scholarly analyses, it becomes apparent that minority activism occurs even when the political opportunity structure is unfavorable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professional athletes increasingly use their popularity to speak out about political topics off and on the field. However, only few studies explore how audiences react to political speech in elite sports. Existing research has tended to focus on very few high-profile cases, usually in the United States, such as Colin Kaepernick's anthem protest. Going beyond single cases, this paper investigates factors that systematically influence public support for elite athletes' political activism. We integrated a vignette experiment into a survey of the German population (N = 1002). Using multi-level regression models, we analyze how public support for athlete's political acts varies with political topics, the specific political action carried out as well as the local reference of the issue in question. Moreover, we also compare the level of public support for political actions between athletes and non-athlete celebrities. Findings indicate that support is subject to conditions: Athletes receive more support when their critique refers to political topics abroad (as opposed to domestic topics) and when non-disruptive actions are chosen, for example, expressions of opinion instead of boycotts. The specific message has the strongest influence on support: actions and statements that express a progressive political claim for stricter environmental protection receive more support compared to a rather conservative claim for border security. Findings add to the state of knowledge by showing which forms of political activism meet with broad acceptance and which are likely to polarize audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hope has long been seen as essential to motivate social movement activism. However, as seen in the transition movement and collapsology networks, a 'postapocalyptic' environmentalism that views catastrophe as ongoing or unavoidable is gaining ground, reflecting an increasing awareness that environmental catastrophes are already here or have become inevitable. If hope can no longer mean hope in averting catastrophe, what role does hope play and what form does it take? Can there be activism without hope? Based on interviews with participants in the transition movement and collapsology networks in Sweden, I propose a typology of forms of postapocalyptic activism. In the first ('campaigning'), hope is accompanied by confrontational action. In the second ('mourning'), loss of hope brings about a withdrawal from such action. A third form ('building') shows how new hope is generated through non-confrontational action, while a fourth form ('doing the right thing') is represented by confrontational action resting on other motivations than hope [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the impact of queer activism on the labor movement, particularly in relation to LGBTQ+ workers. It highlights the challenges faced by queer workers, such as low wages, harassment, and difficulty addressing grievances, and how they are turning to unions for support. The article emphasizes the importance of intersectionality and the specific challenges faced by queer workers of color and trans workers. It also addresses the impact of difficult working conditions on LGBTQ+ individuals, including their likelihood of turning to informal economies. The Covid-19 pandemic has further exacerbated economic disparities for LGBTQ+ workers. The article concludes by noting recent advancements in workplace anti-discrimination legislation in the United States and the support of labor organizations for these rights. However, there is concern that these rights could be undermined by employers' religious freedom, and anti-LGBTQ+ organizations have successfully passed laws that roll back queer rights. Queer self-organizing networks within labor have emerged, advocating for anti-harassment and anti-discrimination policies and greater recognition of queer issues within unions. Building alliances and coalitions between organized labor and LGBTQ+ justice movements is seen as crucial for achieving economic and sexual justice. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the relationship between organized labor and the climate movement in the United States. It highlights the breakthrough that occurred during the 2023 auto workers strike, where the United Auto Workers (UAW) endorsed the transition to climate-safe cars and trucks. The article explores the concept of "climate alienation," where workers contribute to climate destruction through their labor, and how this has influenced labor's reluctance to support climate protection measures. It also discusses the emergence of a labor-climate movement that aims to challenge the "jobs vs. climate" frame and promote a just transition to a more sustainable economy. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of labor's support for climate protection and the potential for unions to propose plans for climate-safe production that increase worker power and address inequalities. [Extracted from the article]

Confronting the coming five decades from our present conjuncture demands – to paraphrase Antonio Gramsci's famous mantra – both critical pessimism and a wilful politics of hope. In this article, we engage with the politics of climate breakdown and the responses to wider socio-ecological crises with a necessary critical pessimism. Specifically, we confront the capture of green transition imperatives by finance capital, as well as the troubling orientation of transition towards building new structures of accumulation around the vision of an electrified consumer society. We also see the coming decades being marked by the ever-increasing wealth of global asset-owning classes – who, by definition, enclose the atmospheric commons faster than any other community. Against this dystopian picture of increasingly concentrated wealth, corporate excess, and terrestrial crisis, we focus on the stubborn reproduction of socio-ecological life through various grounded projects across the world. We engage with communities who work against structural constraints to reproduce life from below through urban commoning, food sovereignty, Indigenous organising, and caretaking economies – all of which are scaling out their visions through alternative internationals. All of these projects, we argue, present a planetary and multiscalar political economy in practice, which connects grounded experience with resistance to the dynamics of capitalism at the state, corporate, and transnational levels. With lessons from these communities in mind, we call for a 'planetary political economy of the global majority', which prioritises the reproduction of socio-ecological life according to the visions of grounded anti-systemic projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since labour geography first started demonstrating workers' ability to shape geographies, geographers have problematised the agency of labour. This article responds to a recent intervention by Strauss (2020a; Progress in Human Geography 44 [1]:150-159), challenging the sub-discipline to reflect on who counts as a worker and what counts as work. By combining theories of roles and intersectionality, the article poses a related question: as whom do workers act? Theoretically, a critical realist approach to labour agency forms the basis for an intersectional reading of the active subject. To illustrate our argument, we juxtapose the accounts of three people who speak for groups of workers or are asked to justify the actions of collective actors like unions or social movements. By showing how these actors improvise their own role incumbency while actively negotiating social identities, the article problematises the epistemology of constrained labour agency while responding to Strauss' call for a rethinking of the ontologies of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political landscape of the radical right has long been a major discussion point in the political and social sciences. By considering the variety of radical right organizations (movement parties and non-parliamentary organizations) and the particular national and transnational political and discursive opportunity structures, the paper aims at a comparative analysis of the main discursive frames present in political programs and manifestoes of radical right social movement organizations and movement parties in Poland (Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość and Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny) and Germany (Alternative für Deutschland and Identitäre Bewegung Deutschland). Moreover, based on approaches developed by Cas Mudde and Jens Rydgren, this article analyses how the features presumed essential to the radical right (nativism, authoritarianism and populism) are reflected and interconnected in the official discourses of the selected radical right organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, several social movements in western democracies argue that traditional representative democracy has failed to adequately represent the will of the "people", and instead support direct democracy as the only political system to restore the will of the majority. We analyze under what conditions the policy – a vector of decisions on every issue – implemented by the winner of a bipartisan electoral competition coincides with the policy that citizens would choose by means of direct democracy. We find necessary and sufficient conditions for this equivalence to hold, implying that, as long as at least one of them is not fulfilled, a divergence of outcomes between direct and representative democracy arises. The first condition requires that the outcome of majority voting issue-by-issue is the Condorcet winner relative to the voters' preference profile over the set of policies. The second requires that either that outcome is the preferred policy for at least one of the candidates, or that candidates' preferred policies differ on every single issue. We reinterpret some findings in the literature in the light of our model and present them as potential reasons why the equivalence between direct and representative democracy may fail. • We find necessary and sufficient conditions for the coincidence of policies implemented under direct and representative democracy. • Loosely divided electorates and highly polarized politicians favor such a coincidence. • The bundling of issues by politicians does not jeopardize the coincidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers are increasingly recognizing that social movements are crucial for realizing deliberative democratic values. However, this raises two important questions: (1) what actions should count as deliberation and (2) whether we should demand more from activists than merely provoking or encouraging deliberation in a society. Building on current research on activists' actual engagement with deliberation, we argue that the standard of taking a "deliberative stance" (being respectful, sincere, and public-minded) is a good starting point for addressing both questions. By taking a deliberative stance, movements benefit from deliberation themselves and contribute to deliberative systems. However, we should also acknowledge that forms of deliberation change, and discovering new forms is a crucial part of what movements do for democracy. We propose to adopt a principle we call "reflective inclusion," which allows us to engage abductively with new actions that might expand and deepen our understanding of what deliberation may look like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hookup culture has transformed the sexual behavior of emerging adults. Feminism, a movement that has advocated for liberating women from sexual repression, may be associated with hookup endorsement attitudes. This study explores the associations among multiple dimensions of feminism, gender, and hookup culture endorsement. Participants included 318 emerging adults (46% women; Mage = 22.2 years; 51% White, 27% Asian, 5% Hispanic/Latinx, 9% Black, 1% Middle Eastern, 1% American Indian, 6% Multiracial) from five Anglophone countries (62% U.S., 23% United Kingdom, 9% Canada, 5% Australia, 1% New Zealand), who completed the Feminist Beliefs and Behavior Scale and Endorsement of Hookup Culture Index via an anonymous, online survey. Participants were categorized according to their feminist identity label (feminist, non-feminist) and feminist belief system (hold feminist beliefs, hold non-feminist beliefs). A series of ANCOVAs was conducted, revealing that women who identified as feminist and/or held feminist beliefs reported significantly higher endorsement of hookup culture compared to non-feminist women with non-feminist beliefs. Neither dimension of feminism predicted hookup culture endorsement in men. When comparing feminist-identifying women and men, the gender disparity in hookup culture endorsement was eliminated. Together, these findings highlight how social movements, such as feminism, may be associated with young women's attitudes towards hookups, and may ultimately shape their sexual experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the leadership of the local Catholic Church in a forceful social movement of resistance against long-dated marginalization, inequality, and multi-faceted forms of violence in the main city-port in Colombia's pacific littoral: Buenaventura's Civic Strike process. Based on interviews conducted with religious and lay participants, it explores how spiritual memory, social space, and collective affects act as the enabling condition for this leadership, a condition that the interviewees characterize as a relation of trust between people and Church. The paper argues that this affect of trust implies complex intersections between social protest, Church and State that require, in turn, a different conceptualization of the social space. One that challenges secularism as an epistemology of the social by overcoming its distinctive clear-cut divisions between Church and State, and between State and civil society. The notion of "churchstateness," proposed in recent literature, is hence tested as an alternative analytic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates a route to occupational activism whereby individuals with significant experience in a social movement enter organizational positions that have been established to address those same movement's concerns. Utilizing data on the career pathways of 800 individuals from the field of sustainability in higher education, we formulate and test hypotheses related to whether or not individuals with more experience in the environmental movement gain access to sustainability manager positions, and whether or not entry patterns change as the roles become more institutionalized. These questions matter because although movements pressure organizations to address issues such as equality, diversity, and sustainability, it is individuals inside organizations who are best positioned to institutionalize movement-aligned practices and policies. And if those individuals have movement backgrounds, they can be carriers of movement praxis and ideals. Through our analyses, we find that although individuals with more experience in the environmental movement have a higher likelihood of entering sustainability manager positions overall, their advantage diminishes as the positions become institutionalized as formalized organizational roles. Our findings contribute to scholarship on occupational activism and in particular to outstanding questions regarding the role of occupations and occupational members in furthering social movement ideals and initiatives inside organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decolonial ecological imaginations entail a critical interrogation of mainstream environmentalism to unmask and unsettle it. These reflections expose how mainstream environmentalism legitimizes and perpetuates the colonization of the Earth and subaltern and Indigenous communities. Mainstream environmentalism is a colonial project to perpetuate the interests of settler colonialism and racial capitalism. This calls for a new search for decolonial and alternative ecological reimagination, informed by the epistemologies and eco‐politics of the Indigenous and subaltern communities and other grassroots social movements. Decolonial ecological imaginations involve the task of contesting and unsettling settler colonialism, extractive/exploitative capitalism, white supremacy, and all ideologies and practices of domination and exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geographical concepts of scale, space and place have informed and refined the theory of "framing" in the social movement literature. Going beyond the conventional approach of understanding social movements, this article aims to bring discussions on relational ontology into conversation with the geographical literature on scale and spatial strategies in social movements, proposing a theoretical framework that goes beyond established approaches in the literature on collective action framing. This article proposes for a holistic cross‐disciplinary dialog among political and development geographers and with activists and scholars from other cognate disciplines of social science to understand the complexities of framing in social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are some constitutions amended more frequently than others? The literature provides few clear answers, as some scholars focus on institutional factors, whereas others emphasize amendment culture. We bridge this divide with new theoretical and empirical insights. Using data from democratic constitutions worldwide and U.S. state constitutions, we examine how social capital reduces the transaction costs imposed by amendment rules. The results indicate that constitutional rigidity decreases amendment frequency, but group membership, civic activism, and political trust can offset the effect of amendment rules. Our findings have important implications for scholars in public law, constitutional and democratic theory, and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines a genealogy of interracial alliances forged in different parts of the world between organisations and social movements in order to show their potential and the challenges they face. Next, I focus on creating a typology of anti-racist alliances in order to illuminate the Mexican case, specifically during the years 2017 and 2018. I highlight the consequences for anti-racist struggles of the ambiguities around Mestizo identification: contexts of mestizaje (mixture) prevent Mestizo people from locating themselves in relation to practices of racism, and from identifying the role they play in the reproduction or elimination of racism. Finally, using two case studies, I explain the nuances of the strengths and the challenges involved in developing alliances, solidarities or, simply, coalitions for common causes, which very rarely imply having the fight against racism as a common cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea's transition to democracy in 1987 was driven by social movements. The grand democracy coalition included the opposition party and various civic associations, including student groups, labour unions, and religious organisations. Civil society continued to pressure the post-transitional governments to dismantle authoritarian structures and remove undemocratic practices. Political authoritarianism in South Korea in 1961–1987 was inseparable from the developmental state that delivered the country's impressive economic development. Government reform after the democratisation entailed the weakening, if not dismantling, of the developmental state, to make public governance and policymaking more transparent, responsive, and participatory. In this paper we examine government reform in South Korea, focusing on the first ten years following democratisation. The Roh Tae Woo government created the Administrative Reform Committee in 1988, and the Kim Young Sam government launched the Presidential Commission for Administrative Reform in 1993. Although both agencies engaged civilians in the reform process, it was the Ministry of Government Administration and the Ministry of Finance and Economy that dominated the designing and implementing of the reforms, which demonstrates that the introduction and implementation of collaborative governance in South Korea was state led. Comparative implications are drawn from the South Korean case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of Vietnam have studied different forms of labour resistance such as wildcat strikes, petitions, complaints, work stoppages, and boycotts, with which workers demand higher wages and pensions, overall better working conditions, and the implementation of workers' rights. This article pays attention to the small, yet not negligible group of dissident labour activists, who are subjected to much harsher state repression compared to labour resistance in and around the workplace. This article asks: What makes dissident labour activism a (real or perceived) threat to the state? A common and widely accepted explanation refers to the nature of the demands of dissidents, which includes independent trade unions, democratisation, and regime change. This article digs deeper and finds that dissident labour activists function as agents of an emerging epistemological third space, which permits the revitalisation of hidden knowledges about labour rights, the reclamation of the silenced idea of independent trade unions and the co-existence of critique of the status quo and imagination of an alternative future, which together threaten to endanger the Communist Party of Vietnam's political legitimacy and, by implication, capital utilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the process of co-producing an animated film about the migration journeys of Colombian women resident in Antofagasta, Chile. It first establishes the relationship between feminist epistemologies and arts-based methodologies, which hinges on embodiment. It then turns to a detailed discussion of using film co-production as a research method for accessing and expressing embodied experiences of migration. This discussion highlights how moments of discomfort (Gokariksel, Hawkins, Neubert, and Smith, 2021) experienced by the researcher motivated the search for a more collaborative methodological approach that was better attuned to lived experience. This included striving towards more inclusive practices with respect to recruitment, anonymity, and confidentiality. Moments of discomfort also revealed how care and caring responsibilities are entangled with research, and how they gender possibilities of participation and production for community co-producers and artists, as well as for researchers. Finally, through discomfort, lessons were learned about the politics of representing experiences of migration, violence, and endurance, as well as joy. The paper concludes that, whilst by no means a panacea, collaborative arts-based research methods can offer an innovative toolset for exploring embodied experience and for navigating the relational and representational complexities attendant to research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the influence of civil society participation on income inequality, a topic that has received limited scholarly attention. Civil society participation refers to the activities of citizens who organize into various groups, known as civil society organizations, to pursue common interests and goals. These organizations span a wide range, including interest groups, labor unions, spiritual bodies engaging in civic or political activities, social movements, professional associations, charities, and other nongovernmental entities. Our research utilizes an extensive panel dataset, encompassing a global sample of countries from 1975 to 2019. We aim to comprehensively analyze the direct effects of civil society participation on income inequality. Our findings reveal that higher levels of civil society participation are effective in reducing inequality over the short, medium, and long term. These results have significant implications for policymakers. They suggest that encouraging and facilitating civil society participation could be a viable strategy for addressing income inequality. By understanding the dynamics of how civil society engagement influences economic disparities, policymakers can better design and implement measures that promote more equitable economic outcomes. This research contributes to the broader discourse on economic inequality and the potential role of civil society in mitigating it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a distinctive strategic model (Strategic Confrontational and Collaborative Interaction Model [SCCIM]) for nonprofit organizations acting within the business ecosystem. The SCCIM maps both confrontational and collaborative strategies and tactics, thus accommodating the extensive range of nonprofit interaction alternatives toward business. Whereas confrontational and collaborative methods are well researched in the nonprofit-political realm, a comprehensive overview of these nonprofit strategies in the economic sphere is currently lacking. This research builds on both the business management and social movement literature, extending existing approaches via case analysis with a nonprofit-centric perspective, leveraging stakeholder theory. The resulting encompassing model provides a theoretical framework that may generate alternative insights for further academic research in nonprofit–business interaction. In addition, the SCCIM may be leveraged as a tool for practitioners: first, to enhance nonprofits' strategies and tactics toward business, and second, to optimize the impact of the chosen interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes and analyzes the development of the three Scandinavian national associations for homo- and bisexuals from their founding in 1948 through 1971. This is the first time these associations are analysed as a transnational network rather than nationally divided entities. Using documentary evidence from the national archives of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden as well as other archives, this article establishes the development of the Scandinavian movement based on primary evidence, and is thus able to correct, nuance, and expand upon the ‘oral traditions’ that have been the standard in Scandinavian historiography in this field. The article argues that the transnational angle on the movement brings out new perspectives and offers a new periodization of homophile or gay and lesbian activist history. It concludes that the Scandinavian movements cannot be fitted into the typical American timeline of gay and lesbian activism, and thus opens the question of how European LGBT history differs from those in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a novel dataset of 590M messages by 21M users, we present the first large-scale examination of the behavior of likely Bernie supporters on Twitter during the 2020 U.S. Democratic primaries and presidential election. We use these data to dispel empirically the notion of a unified, stereotypical Bernie supporter (e.g., the "Bernie Bro"). Instead, our work uncovers significant variation in the identities and ideologies of Bernie supporters who were active on Twitter. Our work makes three contributions to the literature on social media and social movements. Methodologically, we present a novel mixed methods approach to surface identity and ideological variation within a movement via use of patterns in who retweets whom (i.e. who retweets which other users) and who retweets what (i.e. who retweets which specific tweets). Substantively, documentation of these variations challenges a trend in the social movement literature to assume actors within a particular movement are unified in their ideology, identity, and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of recognition has been pivotal in critical theory in recent years. This paper discusses how two goals of a critical theory of recognition – to explain and to morally evaluate social change – are interrelated. In doing so, this paper draws the limits of the concept of struggles for recognition. It is argued that if a social movement can be deemed illegitimate, this movement can no longer be understood as struggling for recognition. This implies that the two goals of a critical theory of recognition cannot be fulfilled simultaneously: a moral standard that distinguishes between legitimate and illegitimate social struggles cannot distinguish between different types of struggles for recognition, but only between struggles for recognition and other types of social struggles. Drawing the limits of the concept of struggles for recognition in this way helps to better distinguish between different types of social struggle and contributes to a more precise understanding of what struggles for recognition entail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]