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Rabindranāth Thākur (Tagore) practised nearly every literary form, but his primary mode is lyric poetry. He defines his artistic persona in its terms: all his other work takes its bearings from it. He wrote no epics, virtually no long poems of any kind. Of some 4,500 poetical items, nearly 2,200 are songs, and many more song-like though not set to music. The poems cover an extraordinary formal range. Traditional Bengali verse-forms like the payār couplet appear along with blank verse and the sonnet, derived from the West though assimilated in Bengali by Rabindranath's day. There is a huge range of lyric stanza-forms. His later poetry employs a distinctive type of irregular couplets as well as vers libre . This variety contrasts markedly with the uniform style and structure of Rabindranath's own English versions, couched in a formalized, somewhat archaic poetic prose. They hold no clue to the formal energy and versatility of the originals. The English selection also creates the misleading image of a largely religious or spiritual poet. Undoubtedly, a sustained vein of philosophic spirituality runs through his poetry. He wrote many hymns for the Brahmo Samaj, the reformed Hindu community to which his family belonged. His poetry shows profound assimilation of the Vedas and Upanishads. But it mostly upholds no doctrinal religion and is often incompatible with any. He consistently finds a spirit immanent in nature and human life. The interaction of the natural with the supra-natural is presented in many veins, from the theistic to a kind of refined animism. A great many poems address human matters pure and simple, human love above all. His own art is a regular theme. There is some political poetry, from local satire to fierce attacks on the global order. Many poems concern the inner life and external situation of women, complementing his fiction and essays on the subject. There is an unsuspected amount of humour, whimsy, and nonsense. Rabindranath's poetry comprises a whole universe of themes and concerns. This chapter is a very brief overview of a vast, hugely varied, mostly untranslated, and intellectually complex body of poetry. That poetry does not evolve in a straight graph.

There has been a clear tendency in Arab-American studies to focus too much on the political content of Nye’s pre- and post- 9/11 writings, ignoring many important as- pects of her career in the process. Describing Nye’s writing as simply counter-narrative or subversive is deficient if one has to take into consideration Nye’s involvement in pub- lic educational programs along with the larger body of her writings about nature, care ethics and peace. This study seeks to restore a place for Nye against the background of contemporary American poetry, chiefly among other peace activists like Wendell Berry and Denise Levertov. A closer inspection of Nye’s poetry written over a period of forty years, therefore, reveals that the political content nested in her poems is only a smaller component of a larger ethical project that she has been carrying out for decades. Her ethical engagement is primarily about sharing a way of existence and a life ideal : paci- fist, assiduous and responsible., Les études arabo-américaines, qui sont en plein essor depuis vingt ans, ont tendance à sur-focaliser sur le contenu politique dans l’écriture de Naomi Shihab Nye. Cela a entraîné la marginalisation d’autres thèmes principaux qui distinguent la longue carrière de Nye de celle d’autres écrivains issus de minorités ethniques. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc de trouver une place pour Nye parmi ses contemporains américains avec lesquels elle partage les mêmes revendications, comme Wendell Berry et Denise Levertov. Située au croisement de l’affectif, de l’éthique et de l’approche éco-critique, cette thèse se propose d’examiner les œuvres poétiques de Nye parues entre 1978 et 2017 afin de montrer que la poète s’est engagée depuis plus de quarante ans à écrire pour la paix, la sollicitude et la responsabilité éthique.

Idea Vilariño tuvo posiciones políticas radicales y una militancia activa cercana a movimientos revolucionarios, pero escribió pocos poemas políticos y lo hizo desde una marcada subjetividad. Este trabajo busca explorar el anclaje biográfico de esa zona de su poesía y su relación con el contexto histórico y las circunstancias en que fueron escritos esos poemas. Atiende también a la tensión entre su nihilismo existencial y su impulso a la acción revolucionaria y su reflejo en la poesía comprometida que creó. Idea Vilariño avait des positions politiques radicales et un militantisme actif proche des mouvements révolutionnaires, mais elle écrivait peu de poèmes politiques et le faisait à partir d'une subjectivité marquée. Cet article cherche à explorer l'ancrage biographique de ce domaine de sa poésie et sa relation avec le contexte historique et les circonstances dans lesquelles ces poèmes ont été écrits. Il aborde également la tension entre son nihilisme existentiel et son désir d'action révolutionnaire et le reflet de cette tension dans sa poésie engagée. Idea Vilariño had radical political ideas and was a left activist in her life, but wrote relatively few political poems, and did it in an extremely personal and intimate way. This essay explores the biographical roots of her political poetry, related to the historical context and the circumstances in which her poems were written. It also addresses the tension between her existential nihilism and her drive for revolutionary action in her political poems.

Diplomsko delo obravnava družbeno angažiranost v poeziji – na splošno in specifično. Najprej v kratkem zgodovinskem pregledu krešočih mnenj predstavim stališče, da je političnost v poeziji možno obravnavati kot validen aspekt poezije. Zatem obravnavam teorijo Jacquesa Rancièra, Iztoka Osojnika, Miklavža Komelja, Dušana Pirjevca ter Richarda Jacksona in ugotavljam, kaj sestavlja kakovostno politično poezijo. V praktičnem delu apliciram ugotovitve na poezijo Braneta Mozetiča. Z analizo vseh njegovih dosedanjih pesniških zbirk izluščim družbenost v vsaki in ugotovim, da Brane Mozetič izraža karakter časa, preiskuje družbo in je aktiven na področju gejevske kulture. This thesis deals with civic engagement in poetry - in general and specifically. First, through a brief historical review of opposing opinions, I present the position that politics can be considered as a valid aspect of poetry. Then, I explore the theory of Jacques Rancière, Iztok Osojnik, Miklavž Komelj, Dušan Pirjevec and Richard Jackson, and establish what constitutes quality political poetry. In the practical part, I apply the findings to the poetry of Brane Mozetič. Through the analysis of all his poetry collections so far, I extract the social aspect in each of them and find that Brane Mozetič expresses the character of his time, investigates society and is active in the field of gay culture.

Punktem wyjściowym artykułu jest podobieństwo sytuacji społeczno-politycznej, w której znalazły się Polska i Węgry w pierwszej połowie XIX wieku, a która stała się motywem przewodnim literatury tamtego okresu. Porównanie utworów lirycznych Juliusza Słowackiego oraz Sándora Petőfiego, a więc poetów uznawanych za wieszczów obu narodów, pozwala wykazać, na ile zbieżności historyczne przełożyły się na analogie w obrazowaniu zarówno postaw żyjących w tamtym okresie Polaków i Węgrów, jak i czujących odpowiedzialność za losy swojego kraju poetów. The starting point of this paper is the similarity of the socio-political situation of Poland and Hungary in the first half of the 19. century. This situation has turned out to be the leitmotif of the literature from that time. The comparison of the lyrical works of Juliusz Słowacki and Sándor Petőfi (who are thought to be the greatest poets of both nations) allows to prove in what matter the historical convergence is reflected by the analogies in portraying the attitudes of the Polish and the Hungarian living that time as well as the self-potraying of the poets who felt responsible for the fate of their countries.

En 1820, avec le rétablissement de la Constitution de Cadix, la politique envahit tous les espaces, et notamment la poésie. Bon nombre des vers composés à cette période ont disparu. Mais ceux que l’on peut retrouver sont toutefois fort précieux pour juger de l’évolution de l’opinion publique qu’ils entendaient former et qu’en fait ils reflétaient. Les poèmes consacrés à Riego, qui en quatre ans passa du pinacle à l’échafaud, sont particulièrement significatifs de ce point de vue. Ils permettent de voir, notamment, comment l’entourage du général mit en place un très efficace système de communication qui lui valut très vite l’immense popularité qu’il connut tandis que, avant même le rétablissement de Ferdinand VII comme souverain absolu, en 1823, les serviles l’accusèrent de tous les crimes et exigèrent pour lui non seulement la peine capitale mais que son corps fut dépecé. En 1820, con el restablecimiento de la Constitución de Cádiz, la política invade todos los espacios, y especialmente la poesía. Numerosos versos compuestos en aquella época han desaparecido. Pero los que podemos rastrear son sin embargo muy útiles para apreciar la evolución de la opinión pública que pretendían formar y de la que eran el reflejo. Los poemas consagrados a Riego, que en cuatro años pasó del pináculo al cadalso, son especialmente significativos desde este punto de vista. Permiten apreciar, entre otras cosas, cómo el entorno del general puso en marcha un sistema de comunicación sumamente eficaz que le permitió alcanzar rapidísimamente una inmensa popularidad, mientras que, en 1823, antes siquiera del restablecimiento de Fernando VII como soberano absoluto, los serviles le acusaron de todos los crímenes y exigieron para el él no solo la pena capital, sino que su cuerpo fuera descuartizado. In 1820, with the Cadix Constitution being re-established, politics invaded all fields, including poetry. Many verses written then have since disappeared. But those that can be recovered have great value for understanding the evolution of a public opinion they intended to craft, and they in fact reflected. Poems dedicated to Riego, who in the course of four years fell from grace to the scaffold, are particularly meaningful from that point of view. They permit to see how the general’s followers elaborated a highly efficient public relations system which quickly owned him the huge popularity he experimented whereas, even before the reestablishment of Ferdinand VII as an absolute monarch, in 1823, serviles charged him with all imaginable crimes, and called not only for him to be executed, but for his body to be skinned.

Focusing on the formative years of the Cold War, this chapter examines the evolution of the main genres of Soviet writing (mostly political poetry and international journalism) and the main topics that the writing addressed. These include the Soviet ‘struggle for peace’, the Western conspiracy against the USSR and the struggle of progressive Westerners and communists against the supporters of war with the Soviet Union. Grounded in the reworking of propaganda from the Second World War, the political poetry of Konstantin Simonov, Nikolai Tikhonov and Alexei Surkov and the political journalism of Ilya Ehrenburg and Leonid Leonov dominated Soviet literature in the late Stalinist period and went on to have a lasting impact in the following decades.

Contents: Postcard, with Unionist song. Signed: J. P. G., Belfast.

The Spanish poetry of the 1960s focuses on a fundamental issue: the maintenance of political and social commitment and the search for new poetics forms through a new promotion of authors, who were born after the Civil War. Nevertheless, there is a common topic for all of them: the Vietnam War. Poets of differents ages, ideologies and aesthetics, who write in the various peninsular languages, were implicated in the denunciation of the atrocities commited during that imperialist war. The Vietnam War shocked all Western societies and especially the Spanish country, as the Spanish population conceived the protest as another form of struggle against the dictatorship of General Franco, supported by the United States of America. This paper collects a significant number of poems dealing with this topic. A mediados de la década de 1960, en pleno debate dentro de la lírica española entre el mantenimiento del compromiso político y social de la poesía y la búsqueda de nuevas poéticas por parte de una nueva promoción de autores nacidos después de la guerra civil, un tema concita la unanimidad de todo el ámbito poético: la guerra de Vietnam. Poetas de todas las edades, ideologías, estéticas y lenguas peninsulares se implicaron en la denuncia de las atrocidades de aquella guerra imperialista que conmocionó a todas las sociedades occidentales y muy especialmente la española, que concibió la protesta como una forma más de lucha contra la dictadura del general Franco, firmemente apoyada por los Estados Unidos de América. En el presente artículo se reúne un abundante corpus de poemas que abordaron esa temática.

International audience; In 1820, with the Cadix Constitution being re-established, politics invaded all fields, including poetry. Many verses written then have since disappeared. But those that can be recovered have great value for understanding the evolution of a public opinion they intended to craft, and they in fact reflected. Poems dedicated to Riego, who in the course of four years fell from grace to the scaffold, are particularly meaningful from that point of view. They permit to see how the general’s followers elaborated a highly efficient public relations system which quickly owned him the huge popularity he experimented whereas, even before the reestablishment of Ferdinand VII as an absolute monarch, in 1823, serviles charged him with all imaginable crimes, and called not only for him to be executed, but for his body to be skinned.; En 1820, con el restablecimiento de la Constitución de Cádiz, la política invade todos los espacios, y especialmente la poesía. Numerosos versos compuestos en aquella época han desaparecido. Pero los que podemos rastrear son sin embargo muy útiles para apreciar la evolución de la opinión pública que pretendían formar y de la que eran el reflejo. Los poemas consagrados a Riego, que en cuatro años pasó del pináculo al cadalso, son especialmente significativos desde este punto de vista. Permiten apreciar, entre otras cosas, cómo el entorno del general puso en marcha un sistema de comunicación sumamente eficaz que le permitió alcanzar rapidísimamente una inmensa popularidad, mientras que, en 1823, antes siquiera del restablecimiento de Fernando VII como soberano absoluto, los serviles le acusaron de todos los crímenes y exigieron para el él no solo la pena capital, sino que su cuerpo fuera descuartizado.; En 1820, avec le rétablissement de la Constitution de Cadix, la politique envahit tous les espaces, et notamment la poésie. Bon nombre des vers composés à cette période ont disparu. Mais ceux que l’on peut retrouver sont toutefois fort précieux pour juger de l’évolution de l’opinion publique qu’ils entendaient former et qu’en fait ils reflétaient. Les poèmes consacrés à Riego, qui en quatre ans passa du pinacle à l’échafaud, sont particulièrement significatifs de ce point de vue. Ils permettent de voir, notamment, comment l’entourage du général mit en place un très efficace système de communication qui lui valut très vite l’immense popularité qu’il connut tandis que, avant même le rétablissement de Ferdinand VII comme souverain absolu, en 1823, les serviles l’accusèrent de tous les crimes et exigèrent pour lui non seulement la peine capitale mais que son corps fut dépecé.

Contents: One postcard, with a verse commemorating the battle of the Boyne.Signed: C.B.'08.

RIASSUNTO: Il lavoro analizza il contesto storico, letterario e culturale di un testo trobadorico poco conosciuto, il planh di Matieu de Caerci composto per la morte di Giacomo I d’Aragona nel 1276 (BEdT 299.1). ABSTRACT: The essay analyses the historical, literary and cultural context of a little known troubadour text, the planh by Matieu de Caerci composed for the death of James I of Aragon in 1276 (BEdT 299.1).

In this article three poems, by Miguel Hernandez, Manuel Altolaguirre and Antonio Machado written in support of the Republican cause during the Spanish Civil War, are discussed and compared in ligh...

الالتزام قضية مهمة في مذهب الأدب الإسلامي، الأدب الذي يصوّر الخالق والكون والإنسان وفقا لتعاليم الإسلام وقيمه. فالأدب العربي في نيجيريا بصفة عامة وفي بلاد يوربا بصفة خاصة يجب أن يتصف بهذه الصفات، ولذلك درس هذا البحث أعمال شعراء بلاد يوربا، نيجيريا، من حيث الالتزام الإسلامي. توصل البحث إلى أن أكثر الشعراء اليورباويين التزموا بالإسلام تعاليمه وقيمه ومنهجه في أعمالهم الأدبية إلا أن بعضهم تجاوزوا حد الالتزام بالمبالغة والإفراط في المحبة وعدم الصدق في العاطفة وتجريح حق الغير وإيراد التشبيه بالمحرمات. إلا أن ذلك لم يبلغ مبلغا يخرجهم من حوزة الإسلام، ولا أدبهم من الأدب الإسلامي، بل جعلهم أدباء ملتزمين في بعض القصائد وغير ملتزمين في غيرها. فأعمال الأدباء اليورباويين شعرها ونثرها تحتاج إلى دراسة مفصلة على المنهج الإسلامي لتمام فهمها وتحقيق قيمتها وتقدير جهود المقتصدين من أصحابها وردّ جماح المنحرفين منهم عن غيّهم.Consistency is a vital aspect of the school of thought of Islamic literature, the brand of Literature which creatively presents the Creator, the Universe and Man in accordance with Islamic teachings and values. The aim of this research is to study the level of adherence of poets in Yorubaland to Islamic teachings and norms in their works. To achieve this, it selected four themes of Arabic poetry, eulogy, elegy, love and political poetry. It shows that most of Yoruba poets adhere strictly and consistent with the teaching of Islam in their works, while very few of them were not consistent. It was due to their involvement in exaggerations, false motivation, trampling on the right of others, and drawing analogies from forbidding things like alcohol. These aspects, however, does not stripe their works from being branded Islamic literature in any way, it only connotes that they only lack of consistency in their adherence to the teachings of Islam. The creative works of Yoruba literary figures need thorough research in order to be well understood, ascertain their worth, appreciate the consistent ones Islamically among them and guide the straying ones to the right path

This essay examines the contradictions of Robert Duncan’s 1960s political poetry by way of his reading of the legacy of modernism, notably as expounded in The H.D. Book. Drawing on the work of Daniel Tiffany, the essay first argues that here Duncan constructs a kitsch Ezra Pound to restore the true progressive political potential of Pound’s poetry. Using a largely Freudian methodology, Duncan finds in “kitsch” Pound a vector that opposes his authoritarian fascism. The essay then examines how Poundian poetics operates in Duncan’s poetry written in opposition to the Vietnam War and in support of the Berkeley free speech movement. This work is brought into dialogue with some of the conversations in France following May 1968 and with the slogan “Structures don’t take to the streets.” In both these sites, the question of the problematic relationship between individual political volition and activism, on the one hand, and a bourgeois conception of subjectivity, consciousness, and will, on the other, emerges as crucial.