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During the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964–85), the Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro ('8 October' Revolutionary Movement, MR-8) attempted to mobilise peasants for its revolutionary project. This article analyses communication between MR-8 militants and peasants in Brotas de Macaúbas, Bahia. Based on interviews and document analysis, it documents the central role of José Campos Barreto (Zequinha) as a leader in this political process. The son of a local family, Zequinha enjoyed the respect of peasants and relied on his knowledge of their lives to better communicate with them. While the MR-8 made some inroads with peasants, its work in the region was prematurely ended when agents of the state descended on Brotas to arrest Carlos Lamarca, one of the dictatorship's most wanted militants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Index: Revista de Arte Contemporaneo is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nowadays, memory eruption movements have gained strength because, in addition to a documental and historical function, such records become educational, social, and political instruments of resistance. This article has as its object of analysis the testimonies of workers who were victims of the Brazilian and Portuguese authoritarian regimes, two dictatorships that emerged and developed in different political contexts, but that can give rise to possible approximations between the discourses and narratives of those who lived them. The interviews were carried out by scientific research on the memory of workers' resistance to authoritarian regimes, which is part of the project Direitos Humanos: dos fundamentos teóricos às tendências contemporâneas no nível local (cidades). In addition, were also consulted documental archives of the Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril (CD25A), Museu do Aljube - Resistência e Liberdade and Confederação Geral dos Trabalhadores Portugueses - Intersindical Nacional (CGTP-IN), in Portugal, and Associação de Anistiados e Anistiandos do ABC (AMA-A ABC), in Brazil. The discourses produced by these narratives articulate statements that show that victims attribute different meanings to what they suffered; however, political violence, on the other hand, calls into question meanings already established in these people's imaginations. Finally, this paper also reveals pedagogical places of memory related to workers' resistance to authoritarian regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to understand a dictator's response to large‐scale anti‐regime protests regarding their safety. While dictators tend to order the repression of such protests, in some cases, they voluntarily cede power without such repression. Earlier studies based on the assumption that leaders always act to maintain power cannot explain this variation. This article presents a novel claim that dictators choose the way in which they lose power. It argues that since dictators who lose power by coups suffer a worse fate than those who lose power following protests, they prefer to relinquish power by the latter if they anticipate that repressing dissent will result in a coup. Thus, dictators prefer a safer way of losing power over maintaining their office at all costs. Data on the post‐tenure fate of dictators from 1946 to 2010 and the case of South Korean anti‐regime protests in 1987 support this theory. Related Articles: Hellmeier, Sebastian. 2016. "The Dictator's Digital Toolkit: Explaining Variation in Internet Filtering in Authoritarian Regimes." Politics & Policy 44(6): 1158–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12189 Hiroi, Taeko, and Sawa Omori. 2013. "Causes and Triggers of Coups d'état: An Event History Analysis." Politics & Policy 41(1): 39–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12001 Hunter, Lance Y., Josh Rutland, and Zachary King. 2020. "Leaving the Barracks: Military Coups in Developing Democracies." Politics & Policy 48(6): 1062–103. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12383 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo analiza la película La mirada invisible (2010), dirigida por Diego Lerman, basada en la novela Ciencias Morales de Martín Kohan. La película se centra en la labor de vigilancia de una preceptora del Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires durante la dictadura de El Proceso. Consideramos que el microcosmos representado en la película funciona como una metonimia de la sociedad disciplinaria en que se había convertido la Argentina durante la dictadura;, exponiendo cómo la estructura represiva permea a todas las instituciones sociales, particularmente la escuela. La protagonista de la película, sin embargo, en su esmero por ejercer su labor de vigilancia y control, descubre también el espacio libidinal de la pulsión. Finalmente, exploraremos también la construcción del espacio representado en la película, con sus características de monumentalidad y verticalidad.

En el contexto de la última dictadura argentina (1976-1983), el objetivo de nuestro artículo es analizar cómo el acto creador dramatúrgico varía según se impone en él la realidad del exilio o del insilio de los teatristas. A través de nuestro corpus, estudiamos a tres dramaturgas exiliadas en España (Bortnik, Gambaro y Raznovich) y las propuestas de dos artistas que permanecieron en Argentina y plasmaron el exilio en sus obras (Gris de ausencia de Cossa y Lejana tierra prometida de Halac). Esto permite, a su vez, reflexionar sobre el teatro en un sentido ontológico y corroborar la vitalidad de los contactos entre Argentina, España e Italia durante este tiempo.

Recientemente, Nicaragua ha sido noticia por las protestas contra Daniel Ortega. Elegido legítimamente en 2006, su presidencia se ha encaminado hacia una dictadura. Inicialmente los ciudadanos consintieron, disfrutando de sus programas sociales. Cuando estos programas terminaron, también lo hizo la aquiescencia. El caso de Nicaragua muestra cómo un presidente electo puede convertirse en un dictador. También muestra los límites tanto del autoritarismo como de la aquiescencia. Es posible que los ciudadanos, silenciosos, solo hayan llegado a un trato desesperado, que terminará cuando terminen los programas sociales.

Este texto plantea un estudio comparativo desde la tesis de “la banalidad del mal” de Hannah Arendt, a partir de dos personajes inscritos uno desde la literatura y el otro desde la filosofía moral. Por un lado, el personaje del poeta y piloto de la Fuerza Aérea en la dictadura militar de Augusto Pinochet, Carlos Wieder, que aparece en la novela Estrella distante (1996), del escritor chileno Roberto Bolaño, y, por el otro, el oficial nazi Adolf Eichmann y el conflicto político que generó su juicio penal en Jerusalén en 1961, luego de su captura en un suburbio de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, Argentina, en 1960. De esta manera, propongo un diálogo entre ambos personajes: uno literario, basado en aconte- cimientos históricos y ficticios, y la crítica desarrollada por la filósofa alemana Hannah Arendt, con indicios de filosofía política y moral, al acusado por críme- nes al pueblo judío, contra la humanidad y crímenes de guerra durante el régi- men nazi en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Las reflexiones de Arendt, elaboradas ante la invitación a realizar un “relato de hechos” sobre el caso para la revista estadounidense The New Yorker durante el periodo del juicio, se publicaron en: Eichmann in Jerusalem. A Report on the Banality of Evil, en 1963.

Esta ponencia constituye un avance de investigación sobre los medios de comunicación de San Luis y las dictaduras militares de 1930 a 1966. Hemos analizado la configuración de las identidades políticas y sus disputas en el discurso mediático local. Respecto a la última dictadura cívico-militar (1976-1983) hemos relevado los medios existentes y recuperado los relatos de ciudadanos/as de San Luis y Villa Mercedes. Advertimos que el golpe de Estado cambió la vida cotidiana de aquellas personas que se encontraban en áreas claves de la vida social y política. En cambio, quienes estaban en actividades alejadas de la vida pública, percibían a San Luis como un lugar tranquilo, a diferencia de las grandes ciudades. Sin embargo, los testimonios coincidieron en que la última dictadura cívico-militar fue el momento más oscuro de nuestra historia. Según Mirta Varela (2002), este período tiene dos etapas, una abarca hasta 1980 y la otra desde 1980 hasta 1983. En esta, el gobierno militar enfrentó dificultades que debilitaron su mandato, tales como los cambios de figuras presidenciales, crisis económica y creciente protesta ciudadana. En este contexto, el 2 de abril las Fuerzas Armadas ocuparon las islas Malvinas, iniciando una guerra cuya derrota provocó una profunda crisis en el régimen militar. La movilización social obligó a establecer un cronograma electoral. En este trabajo abordamos la segunda etapa, indagando las memorias de los/as ciudadanos/as de San Luis y Villa Mercedes, a través de sus relatos de vivencias y percepciones sobre la Guerra de Malvinas y la vuelta a la democracia. En ese sentido, propone un ejercicio intencional de la memoria orientado por el deseo de la comprensión de lo ocurrido, siguiendo a Pilar Calveiro (2006). Para la autora: “La memoria, parte de la experiencia, de lo vivido, de la marca inscripta de manera directa sobre el cuerpo individual o colectivo. Sin embargo, en lugar de quedar fijada en la marca, la cualidad de la memoria reside en que es capaz de trascenderla, de asignarle uno o varios sentidos para hacer así de una experiencia única e intransferible algo transmisible, comunicable, que se puede compartir y pasar” (Calveiro, 2006, p. 377- 378). Para conocer estos sentidos producidos recurrimos a la técnica de entrevistas semiestructuradas correspondiente a la metodología cualitativa. Es relevante a los fines de construir memoria desde la comunicación, conocer la relación entre la experiencia de la ciudadanía, los medios y el poder.

La madrugada del 3 de noviembre de 1974, el cuerpo de Lumi Videla fue hallado muerto en los jardines de la Embajada de Italia. En torno a él, la prensa construyó distintas razones y teorías del porqué de su asesinato. Todas ellas, hoy sabemos, eran falsas. Sin embargo, y en un clima de censura informativa, cabe preguntarnos ¿cómo esto fue posible? ¿por qué encontramos distintas versiones de una misma noticia? El presente artículo se propone dar cuenta del cómo, en dictadura, la información no se construyó siempre a partir de un trabajo estático, sino que a momentos se dio a los medios una ‘libertad imaginada’. Esto, con el fin de repensar, a partir de este montaje periodístico, el cómo funcionó la censura a los medios de comunicación en los primeros años del régimen chileno.

El tema de los perpetradores recibió hasta hace poco escasa atención por parte de los investigadores. En los últimos años, no obstante, ha adquirido relevancia tanto a nivel internacional como regional. Chile es una excepción dentro del nuevo contexto, pues son pocos los trabajos abocados a la temática. El caso de los torturadores en particular ha estado casi ausente en lo estudios sobre la dictadura. El presente texto busca adentrase en este terreno inexplorado con la intención de confeccionar una propuesta inicial de perfiles de los torturadores. Se proponen cinco grandes grupos de torturadores: los creyentes, los mercenarios, los burócratas, los sufrientes y los indiferentes. En el contexto de la descripción de cada uno de ellos se reconocen además otros once perfiles específicos: fanáticos, conversos, profitadores, oportunistas, obedientes, rutinarios, profesionales, conformistas, colaboradores, cínicos e imprudentes.

Este artículo tiene como principal objetivo analizar los modos de las expresas políticas de Uruguay de narrar el pasado e intervenir en el espacio público en el contexto de un nuevo momento feminista. El texto parte de la inquietud por comprender la interpelación que el movimiento feminista actual lleva a cabo en un colectivo de expresas políticas organizadas en torno a la denuncia de violencia sexual y la construcción de un memorial para presas políticas. Se detiene especialmente en los lugares de enunciación y en el acercamiento a un lenguaje feminista. En términos conceptuales, busca lograr un aporte articulando dos campos de estudio: la memoria y los estudios de género; en términos histórico-políticos: tender un puente, siempre inestable, entre el movimiento de los derechos humanos y el feminista. Las fuentes que se analizan son los testimonios orales de expresas políticas desplegados en los últimos dos años en Uruguay.

In this article we will study the kilometer long inscription in the desert “ni pena ni miedo” by Chilean poet Raúl Zurita in the Atacama Desert in 1993 based on visual, symbolic and material relationships. First, the notion of landscape in his poetic work will be established as a projection of the politics of the post-dictatorship. Second, this inscription in the desert is presented from its contextual and material relations, both as a counterpoint to the Memorial of the Disappeared Detainee and the Political Executed (1993) and in relation to the hegemonic Chilean political discourse in the 1990s. Finally, the erosion and subsequent restoration of the inscription will be weighed.

A partir del análisis del blog y libro Diario de una princesa montonera de Mariana Eva Pérez este artículo plantea que los relatos de memoria se articulan como una respuesta a coyunturas políticas del presente. Pérez es hija de desaparecidos de la dictadura militar argentina y militante de organizaciones de derechos humanos dedicados a la reivindicación de las víctimas del terrorismo estatal. Las temáticas, el tono y las alusiones metaliterarias que Pérez elabora en el blog se sostienen en el diálogo que la autora mantiene con el momento histórico que atraviesan las políticas de memoria promulgadas por los gobiernos de Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner hasta el mandato de Mauricio Macri. Sus elecciones literarias revelan cómo los discursos de memoria de los familiares de las víctimas de la dictadura se estructuran a partir de la perspectiva del presente. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses the relation between the Escuela Oficial de Cinematografía (EOC), censorship and the Spanish filmmaking industry during the Franco dictatorship. Founded in 1947, the EOC was an oasis in which students saw, were taught and made films that could never be shown on Spanish screens at the time. Nevertheless, in the last years of the dictatorship, the students of the school were subject to harassment that ended up curtailing their careers. Based on archival research (files about the censorship and scripts, as well as interviews), this article offers a historical analysis of censorship and the EOC that has not been previously explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Yo el Supremo .I the Supreme] (1974), the monumental novel by Augusto Roa Bastos (1917-2005), can be understood as a dramatization of the medial relationships between power, history, technology, hegemony and subalternity. This article proposes that the novel poses an antinomy in which two impulses intersect: on the one hand, a medial proliferation in which techniques ranging from voice and handwriting to anachronistic or fantastic devices such as the tape recorder or the "souvenir-pen" come into view; on the other hand, there's the Supreme Dictator as arkhé, whose "dictation" (understood both as speech act and as exercise of dictatorial power itself) is produced simultaneously by means of and against that multiplicity. Within the framework of this antinomy, it is shown that the Dictator holds a conception of media technologies and of the foundation of the state that can be characterized as cybernetic. The question of cybernetics is placed in the context of the interest in this discipline in the 1960s and 70s, for then showing how the Dictator conceives the world in cybernetic and techno-deterministic terms. Roa Bastos wrote a work that is not only about the history of Paraguay, Spanish-American republicanism, and the archetype of the Latin American dictator--it also affords an intuition of what characterizes the modes of global domination that emerge from post-war technological advances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the way in which the Argentine playwright Roberto Cossa works on memory in conflict, i.e. the struggle between preserving and forgetting, based on the characters, space and time of his work Ya nadie recuerda a Frédéric Chopin. Taking as reference the concepts defined by Tzvetan Todorov in The Abuses of Memory, the scenes, characters, dialogues and set design of Roberto Cossa's 1982 play are broken down to try to understand the author's vision in its historical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the discussions and regulations surrounding military suffrage in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela and their relationship with the armed forces’ periods of dictatorship and political intervention in these countries. Based on the categories of active suffrage and passive suffrage, understood as the act of electing and being elected, respectively, the political and constitutional situation of military voting in each State is determined through a documentary review. Despite the marked differences between these countries in this respect, there is a trend of democratic consolidation through the restriction of military suffrage, especially passive suffrage, after the experiences of military governments. However, the risk of military, political intervention in the democracies of the region persists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the link between memory and oblivion in the Brazilian political process, focusing on the behavior of some institutions and specific actors, whether state, political, military, business, religious or intellectual, internal and external, to whiten past traumas, without carrying out deep transformations, which causes its resurgence, transfigured, as a continuity that transcends different historical periods and imposes obstacles to the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes experiences of female captivity that occurred within the framework of the civic-military dictatorships of the Latin American Southern Cone at the end of the 20th century, focusing on illegal kidnapping in clandestine centers and political imprisonment in prisons and detención camps in Argentina, Uruguay and Chile. For this purpose, we have analyzed specialized bibliography, testimonies published by former militants, interviews conducted by the authors and documentary sources produced by the revolutionary organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The installation of military dictatorships in Latin America, starting in the second half of the 20th century, meant dismantling the pre-existing relationship between the State and the institutions dedicated to culture. In the case of audiovisual heritage, it is of particular interest to address the fragility of archives in the face of cultural policies deployed by authoritarian regimes, making the concept of heritage deterioration more complex. To address this issue, we propose as a case study the Cineteca of the University of Chile, intervened by the dictatorship in 1973 and closed by it in 1976, meaning a dispersal of archives and the irreversible loss of an archival practice. Based on this case, the mechanisms that lead to dismantling the local cultural fabric will be reviewed, first from the paradox of a State that creates conditions to close a public archive, and then the concepts of culture and audiovisual heritage will be stressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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El estudio trata sobre la Corona española y el catolicismo, analizando el peso de la religión dentro del monarquismo y de la propia monarquía en los sectores católicos, tanto a nivel discursivo como práctico o simbólico. Se destaca especialmente el peso del nacionalismo atendiendo a la conjunción nación-catolicismo desarrollado durante estos años, de ahí la relevancia de la cronología escogida. De la misma forma se aplicará una metodología comparada tanto a nivel temporal (Restauración) como espacial (en un contexto europeo).

En Argentina, entre 1976 y 1983, se produjo la más sangrienta dictadura militar de toda su historia. En un contexto signado por una creciente agudización de las protestas sociales y de procesos dictatoriales en el Cono Sur, las Fuerzas Armadas (FF. AA.) tomaron el poder e impusieron un plan de exterminio que dejó un saldo de 30000 personas desaparecidas, miles de presas y presos políticos, exiliados y exiliadas, niños y niñas apropiadas ilegalmente y privadas de su identidad. Sin embargo, la violencia represiva comenzó antes del 24 de marzo de 1976, y si bien existió un plan sistemático genocida decidido de modo centralizado “desde arriba” por las cúpulas militares, su implementación a escala local implicó ciertas especificidades en las distintas regiones del país. En este trabajo haremos una primera aproximación a las principales características de la represión en las provincias de San Luis y Mendoza (Subzona 33) apuntando a identificar dispositivos y circuitos represivos, así como la identidad política de las víctimas antes del golpe de Estado y durante el primer año de la dictadura.

El 6 de diciembre de 1982, en el marco del primer paro general acordado por las dos fracciones de la CGT, Alberto Piccinini junto a un reducido grupo de activistas torció desde la portería de Acindar la decisión de la UOM Villa Constitución de no acatar el paro. El objetivo del presente trabajo es la identificación del contexto, los antecedentes y las consecuencias de la adhesión al paro nacional de la CGT el 6 de diciembre de 1982 en la planta de Acindar, contra la decisión de la conducción de UOM Villa Constitución (intervenida por la dictadura militar).

La obra de Dulce Chacón, La voz dormida (2002), apareció en el panorama literario español visibilizando los testimonios de las mujeres presas durante la dictadura franquista. La ficción de la novela propone compensar el déficit de conocimientos históricos sobre ese período y exaltar el papel de la mujer en la lucha contra el régimen. Este estudio analiza algunos hechos históricos que aparecen en la obra de ficción y como la autora los utiliza como materia diegética para integrarlo en la memoria colectiva. El trabajo presenta aspectos de la lucha femenina contra los regímenes políticos y su papel en la recuperación de la memoria histórica.

This paper analyzes how in the Cold War, the prospective, linked to strategic planning, was an important key instrument in the design of the National Project of the Chilean dictatorship, as well as in the political and economic reorganization imposed by the regime. That methodology, advocated by civilian and military technocrats, served to provide a scientific framework to the re-founding project of the regime. In Latin America, prospective studies were linked to the principles of the National Security Doctrine, allowed to anticipate possible future scenarios, develop public policies and plan the urban development of the city of Santiago for 2000. In that sense, Herman Kahn, one of the leaders of the predictive method, was summoned by the Chilean military regime and guided Augusto Pinochet’s advisors on economic development to consolidate the bases of the “National Reconstruction.”

El artículo examina la noción de utopía relacionada con la de historia en Respiración artificial de Ricardo Piglia. En tanto la utopía es usualmente comprendida como un sin-lugar, Piglia, nos sugiere un emplazamiento de extrañeza y añoranza gracias a que él elabora un discurso sobre la naturaleza de la novela y de su lector futuro; ello mediante un juego narrativo y reflexivo en el que la trama inscribe a un personaje que escribe a un tiempo futuro, al igual que pretende reescribir la historia. Lo utópico pareciera estar proyectado a otro tiempo, aunque pronto constatamos que tal proyección implica un bloqueo. Así, en el artículo se discuten las dimensiones que supone la idea de historia, como trama y como escritura de futuro, con su propio lenguaje y sus propias determinaciones internas. Tal idea de historia encuentra su limitación con el horizonte de futuro donde se recepta la comunicación de la escritura.