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This study examines the discourse functions of BE expected to and BE supposed to in the genre of judicial opinion, providing insights into discipline-specific practices of epistemological positioning. Drawing on the 130 million words Corpus of US Supreme Court Opinions, it looks at how the two mindsay constructions were deployed in judicial writing over a period of more than 200 years, and identifies divergent frequency patterns associated with their use. As the findings reveal, in the opinions, on the one hand, BE expected to tends to co-occur with reasonably (can/could (not) reasonably be expected to) and is used to create a semblance of objectivity. BE supposed to, on the other hand, favors the present tense and third-person reference (which/it is supposed to) and serves as a distancing device. The paper also compares the frequency patterns involving BE expected to and BE supposed to found in the opinions with those attested in the Corpus of Historical American English, and it demonstrates that judicial writing exhibits trends which clearly differ from trends noted in non-judicial registers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the evolution of grammaticalized evidentiality in the Moldavian dialect of Hungarian. It documents how the suffix -a/e, originally the marker of narrative past, became a rare, elevated marker of past tense highlighting significant past events; how it assumed a mirative overtone; and how the features ʻwitnessedʼ and ʻimmediate pastʼ, often present in mirative utterances, became inherent parts of its meaning. This grammaticalization path has resulted in an evidential system with typologically unique features. It is a two-term system based on the opposition of direct evidentiality and no evidentiality – violating the alleged universal that if a language has grammaticalized direct evidentiality, it has also grammaticalized indirect evidentiality. Mirative meaning is expressed by the same -a/e suffix that also encodes direct evidentiality – whereas it is claimed to be the extension of inferred evidentiality elsewhere. The unique properties of Moldavian Hungarian evidentiality are derived from the historical evolution of the -a/e suffix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spanish exhibits a morphological system of evidentiality by means of its morphological future and conditional tense. The latest studies point out that the western part of the Iberian Peninsula is the epicentre of this phenomenon, which has increased exponentially in the last century to the detriment of temporal and modal values. In this article, I aim to demonstrate the narrow correlation between the birth of evidentiality and ergative patterns that, not only justify the geographical origin for Spanish, but they also explain the evolution of evidentiality elsewhere in the Romance spectrum and in other linguistic families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the impact of evidentiality on source monitoring and the impact of source monitoring on false belief understanding (FBU), while controlling for short‐term memory, age, gender, and receptive vocabulary. One hundred (50 girls) monolingual 3‐ and 4‐year‐olds from Turkey and the UK participated in the study in 2019. In Turkish, children's use of direct evidentiality predicted their source monitoring skills, which, in turn, predicted their FBU. In English, FBU was not related to source monitoring. Combined results from both languages revealed that Turkish‐speaking children had better FBU than English‐speaking children, and only for Turkish‐speaking children, better source monitoring skills predicted better FBU. This suggests an indirect impact of evidentiality on FBU by means of source monitoring in Turkish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Verbs such as seem and appear combine features of evidential meaning with epistemic modality. This study takes a corpus-based, contrastive view of such verbs in Norwegian and English. It investigates the frequencies, patterns and meanings of seem, appear and their Norwegian correspondences virke, synes and se ut in English fiction and academic prose. Both similarities and differences are found across languages and registers. Appear and synes are clearly more frequent in academic prose and can therefore be characterised as more formal. Of all the verbs investigated, seem has the greatest syntactic flexibility. The Norwegian verbs show more syntactic variation across lexemes than the English verbs do. The English verbs are arguably more grammaticalised in their evidential meanings: they occur more regularly with catenative function, and are also complemented directly by NPs and nominal clauses rather than by PPs and adverbial clauses, which is often the pattern of the Norwegian verbs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular discourse contends that social media interactions are somehow less valid than face-to-face exchanges. Complaining about the impact of online activities can construct identity-linked cultural and moral norms. One such identity is that of 'kinship carer' - family members who step in to parent a relative's child when the birth parent is unable. From a corpus of video recordings of 10 support group discussions, we identified two ways that participants constructed family identities in topicalising Facebook use: by a) negotiating social media norms for this sensitive family context, and b) supporting their epistemic status with reference to 'mediated' properties of Facebook posts. We discuss how 'mediated evidentiality' works as a participant's resource in constructing 'what's real', thus validating speakers' identity. • Kinship carers construct norms for Facebook use in their family arrangement. • Complaints about the use of social media can construct specific identities. • 'Mediated evidentiality' offers speakers epistemic resources for arguing 'what is real'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article is a corpus-based descriptive/comparative study of lexical bundles (LBs) in two university genres: textbooks (TBs) and research articles (RAs) on applied linguistics. It aims to identify the LBs used in the two genres, compare them on the basis of their functional type and frequency and explore how they are related to genre. To this end, fourword LBs were identified in two corpora drawn from applied linguistics TBs and RAs. The comparative analysis revealed that there are interesting differences between the two genres in terms of discourse functions: the occurrence of LBs in the TBs was lower than in the RAs; attitudinal/modality LBs occurred more frequently in the TBs than in the RAs; epistemic LBs occurred more frequently in the RAs than in the TBs; discourse organizers occurred more frequently in the RAs than in the TBs; and time, place and text reference LBs occurred almost twice as frequently in the RAs. The findings build on research into the variations of genres in terms of the use and functions of LBs in discipline-specific corpora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many Indigenous languages of the Americas, demonstratives are said to encode whether the referent is visible. Some scholars, however, argue that all visibility meanings in demonstratives are epiphenomenal on spatial, epistemic modal, or nonvision evidential content. Drawing on elicitation, experimental data, and corpus data collected in fieldwork, I argue that two demonstratives of Ticuna (isolate; Brazil, Colombia, Peru) do display visibility meanings. These meanings are encoded and concern the sense of vision--not space, epistemic modality, or nonvisual forms of evidentiality. These findings support a view of demonstrative meaning as grounded in the perceptual capacities of the human body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines evidential hashtags on Twitter. The analyzed hashtags contain constructions of the verb decir (‘to say’) that are preceded by the hash symbol (e.g., #dicen, #sedice, #esodicen, #dicenporahí), which have not been analyzed from the perspective of evidentiality. An exploratory and qualitative study was performed using a sample of 94 tweets that were published over six months. The analysis addresses structural and semantic-pragmatic parameters. According to the results of the analysis, evidential hashtags can transmit reportative, quotative and folklore evidentiality. Furthermore, the evidential meaning of the hashtags is accompanied by pragmatic functions such as attenuation, ironic dissociation and argumentative strengthening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a general rule, whenever a hearer is justified in forming the belief that p on the basis of a speaker's testimony, she will also be justified in assuming that the speaker has formed her belief appropriately in light of a relevantly large and representative sample of the evidence that bears on p. In simpler terms, a justification for taking someone's testimony entails a justification for trusting her assessment of the evidence. This introduces the possibility of what I will call "evidential preemption." Evidential preemption occurs when a speaker, in addition to offering testimony that p, also warns the hearer of the likelihood that she will subsequently be confronted with apparently contrary evidence: this is done, however, not so as to encourage the hearer to temper her confidence in p in anticipation of that evidence, but rather to suggest that the (apparently) contrary evidence is in fact misleading evidence or evidence that has already been taken into account. Either way, the speaker is signalling to the hearer that the subsequent disclosure of this evidence will not require her to significantly revise her belief that p. Such preemption can effectively inoculate an audience against future contrary evidence, and thereby creates an opening for a form of exploitative manipulation that I will call "epistemic grooming." Nonetheless, I argue, not all uses of evidential preemption are nefarious; it can also serve as an important tool for guiding epistemically limited agents though complex evidential scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines evidential hashtags on Twitter. The analyzed hashtags contain constructions of the verb decir ('to say') that are preceded by the hash symbol (e.g., #dicen, #sedice, #esodicen, #dicenporahí), which have not been analyzed from the perspective of evidentiality. An exploratory and qualitative study was performed using a sample of 94 tweets that were published over six months. The analysis addresses structural and semantic-pragmatic parameters. According to the results of the analysis, evidential hashtags can transmit reportative, quotative and folklore evidentiality. Furthermore, the evidential meaning of the hashtags is accompanied by pragmatic functions such as attenuation, ironic dissociation and argumentative strengthening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Folklore refers to information that we have learnt as a part of the history of our own people and that has passed on from generation to generation for hundreds, or even thousands of years. This paper shows that as an information source folklore has features in common with other information sources, most notably hearsay, but it nevertheless constitutes an information source of its own, characterized as [−personal] [−direct] and [+internalized]. In addition, the paper proposes a formal-functional typology based on the element used for folklore coding. It is also shown that the semantic similarity of the coded element with the proposed definition of folklore corresponds to its frequency. Finally, the paper discusses the central theoretical implications this study has for our understanding of evidentiality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines a method for studying the sequential distributions of epistemic markers with the purpose of gaining insight into their interactional functions. The method is exemplified with a case study of two epistemic markers of Yurakaré (isolate, Bolivia), =la "commitment" and =se "presupposition". The investigation reveals that the two markers show different distributions across initial and responsive utterances. Moreover, each marker functions differently when used in initial utterances and responses. It is argued that these distributions show that the interactional functions of the two markers go beyond the marking of commitment and presupposition, and that they contrast in terms of two scales, one capturing the poles of "highly initiating" and "highly responsive", the other concerning high vs. low degrees of "thematic agency". While the commitment marker =la is associated with the responsivity pole and with a low degree of thematic agency, the presupposition marker =se shows a tendency toward the initiating pole and toward a high degree of thematic agency. These findings then support the view that epistemic markers are employed to co-construct epistemic perspectives in interaction rather than to make explicit some internal epistemic state held by the speaker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A domain pertinent to knowing in interaction is evidentiality, but documenting evidential markers can be challenging. Among methodologies, direct elicitation and questionnaires offer the advantages of efficiency and cross-linguistically comparable data. They can, however, miss markers that are below the level of speaker consciousness, as well as significant discourse and social factors. Experimental tasks can provide cross-linguistically comparable data complete with discourse context, and in some cases evidence of the role of differential knowledge states of participants. A single task might miss genre-specific markers, however. Documentation of extensive unscripted speech in a variety of genres, much of it interactive, can provide a foundation for identifying the full sets of markers to be investigated and for uncovering functions beyond specifying the source of information. Insights from speakers can then take us further, potentially shedding light on subtle circumstances underlying choices among alternatives, particularly those reflecting social factors. But we need to know how to listen. Effective collaboration depends crucially on recognition of the variability of speaker consciousness of the markers. If this is kept in mind, speakers can serve as important co-analysts, scouting through their lifetime experiences to provide hypotheses about the contexts in which alternative constructions would be appropriate, meanings they can add, and social and cultural factors influencing their use. Resulting hypotheses can then be tested against the documented material and refined until they account well for the data. These points are illustrated with material from Central Pomo, indigenous to California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the use of eight research tools used in the documentation of evidential and modal use in Lamjung Yolmo, a Tibeto-Burman language of Nepal. For each tool, the methodology is described, and some examples of the usefulness and limitations are discussed. The methods include use of existing and novel tools and materials. Image tasks included the existing resources Family Problem Picture Task and Jackal and Crow, as well as optical illusions. Object tasks included the hidden objects game and magic tricks. Listening and talking tasks included the game twenty questions, reporting previous speech, and a grammaticality judgement task based on multiple reports. Making research methods more transparent, and the open sharing of data and materials, allows us to move forward with better understanding of the contexts of evidential use, and more nuanced cross-linguistic typological analysis of evidential systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an introduction for the collection of methodologically oriented papers comprising this Special Issue. We define the concept of epistemicity as used in descriptive linguistics and discuss notions related to it – some well-established, some more recent – such as evidentiality, egophoricity, epistemic authority and engagement. We give a preliminary overview of the different types of epistemic marking attested in the languages of the world and discuss the recent developments in the field of epistemic research focussing on methodologies for investigating epistemic marking. In the second part of the paper, we focus on the more practical side of epistemic fieldwork; the types of data that can be used in documenting linguistic expressions of epistemicity and best practices for data collection. We discuss the experimental methods that are used in the description of epistemic systems, both those developed for this particular purpose and those adapted from other types of linguistic research. We provide a critical evaluation of those materials and stimuli and discuss their advantages and disadvantages. Finally, we introduce the contributions to the Special Issue, discussing the languages studied by the authors of the contributions and the fieldwork methods they used in their research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of an areal study of the elements known as (sentence-)final particles (FPs) in the languages of Asia. FPs constitute a crucial part of many languages of the region and are reported in language-particular descriptions under various labels. However, they have not been the subject of large-scale areal studies. In this paper, I discuss the morphosyntactic and functional properties typically exhibited by the FPs of Asian languages and the parameters of their variation. On the basis of a sample of 53 languages and 6 sample functional types of FPs, I explore the areal distribution of FPs of the Asian type. I demonstrate that different FP-isoglosses exhibit different geographical coverage, but the overlap of some of them allows us to speak of a structural phenomenon highly typical of a macroarea which includes East, Southeast, and Northeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study talks about lexical markers of evidentiality used by the speech community of Bahasa Kualuh. The data was utterances dealing with lexical makers of evidentially that exist in the face to face communication and employed from ten native speakers who were 35-45 years old. It is found; the indicator of lexical markers of evidentiality evokes in two formulas: the first one is the quotative marker of evidentiality, supports the evidence-based under the speaker judgment, then he reports the result to the hearer, the second one is sensory evidential markers, which related to the evidential information based on human senses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tupían languages typically mark evidentiality through freestanding particles located in a predicate- or clause-peripheral position. In Tuparí, however, non-witnessed evidentiality is realized by a bound verbal suffix (- pnẽ / psira). This article draws upon original fieldwork to offer a detailed description and analysis of - pnẽ / psira. I argue that using - pnẽ / psira presupposes commitment to the proposition p on the part of the speaker. This analysis explains the incompatibility between - pnẽ / psira and those clause-typing particles that signal doubt or uncertainty, and it accounts for the projection of the witnessed/nonwitnessed contrast out of embedded clauses. This article also puts forth an explanation for the historical origin of - pnẽ / psira. A separate suffix, resultative - psẽ / pnẽ / psira , is partially homophonous with the evidential but differs from it on several diagnostics. I propose that resultative constructions in the perfect aspect ('the snake is in the state of having died') were reinterpreted as non-firsthand statements in the past tense ('the snake died [ non-witnessed ]'). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the framework of the Dialogical Approach to Argumentation and Polyphony, this paper analyzes evidential and allusive points of view. While both reveal the dialogical character of all enunciation, their presence determines different ways of inscribing the utterance in the discursive chain, which in turn affects the construction of meaning and (inter)subjectivity. In fact, while the evidential points of view involve the identification of a previous discourse frame that is shown as the cause of the enunciation and that explains the subjective positioning of response manifested in the utterance, the allusive ones evoke, through different types of procedures, "other" discourses that must be recognized in the interdiscourse as part of the "discursive memory" and, in so doing, not only indicate a certain subjective positioning but also weave ties of intersubjective complicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of an ongoing investigation into the meaning, origin and use of the augment in Early Greek prose and poetry and discusses the use and absence of the augment in the forms of the simplex ἔειπον/εἶπον in early epic Greek (Homer, Hesiod and the Homeric Hymns). I first explain why this verb was chosen and then proceed to determining the corpus. I start by listing the criteria to determine which forms are metrically guaranteed; when a form is not secured by the metre, I use the "Barrett–Taida" method, which analyses metrically insecure forms by comparing them to the metrically secure forms of the same paradigm and to the attestations and positions in the verse. The corpus that is thus established is then analysed by using previous scholarship on syntactic constraints (Drewitt–Beck's clitic rule and Kiparsky's "conjunction reduction" rule) and on the semantics (Koch–Basset's distinction of narrative versus speech and Platt–Bakker–Mumm's theory of recent past versus Hoffmann's remote and timeless past); special attention is also paid to the exceptions. At the end, I investigate if the augment use in epic Greek can be explained as a visual evidential marker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large part of the bibliography on evidential markers in Spanish points to mitigation of commitment (or responsibility) for what has been said as one of their defining features. However, the notion of mitigation and that of speaker commitment have both been used in different senses in different studies. In this paper, the meanings assigned to these terms are reviewed and, following Cornillie/Delbecque, the notions of speaker commitment and speaker involvement are distinguished. These operate in opposite directions in some evidential uses: (i) from reportative evidences to conjectural inferentials, there is a scale of lesser to greater speaker involvement; (ii) among the inferentials, a scale of greater to lesser speaker commitment ranging from circumstantials to conjecturals can be observed. This proposal is then applied to the evidentials por lo visto and se ve (que). The corpus shows that compared to por lo visto, se ve (que) indicates more mitigation of speaker commitment but greater speaker involvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the pragmatic-rhetoric functions of visual perception verbs used as evidentials in scientific articles. These verbs not only indicate different types of evidentiality (visual and inferential), but can also adopt forms that suggest the (non)shared status of evidence. Our aim is to discover if there exists any constant relationship between the type of evidentiality, accessibility and the functions these evidential constructions have in the discourse. This study was carried out in a corpus of Biology articles published between 1799 and 1920. We believe that, in this corpus, many evidential choices are conditioned more by the author's intentions than by the conventions of the genre. It should be reminded that in the period under study the conventions of scientific writing were yet to be established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2,500 years ago Pāṇini identified the Sanskrit perfect form as expressing a non-witnessed, and therefore, evidential meaning. Across languages, the perfect is still attested as one of the central verb forms acquiring meanings of information source. This paper investigates the development of the perfect meaning into evidential meanings from two vantage points: firstly, cross-linguistically, and, secondly, in the North-Tungusic language Even. The perfect meaning typically evolves into the evidential meaning of inference, a development which has been documented in two of the three main dialects of Even by Malchukov (2000). Inference is accompanied by a mirative interpretation in first-person contexts; the current study shows that this interpretation extends to second person. As is cross-linguistically common, in Even inference has evolved to a non-witnessed meaning. By losing its perfect "nature", this use has crossed over to the domain of discourse to signal a narrative genre by functioning as a narrative tense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidentiality is a grammar category reporting which sources the factual information is obtained from. Evidentiality in Turkic appears as indirectivity referring to indirect information. The talker comes into play after the event, not during the event. Information is obtained from the opportunities which are presented by the environment arisen after the event. Evidentiality in Bocnurd dialect is marked by the structures of -(I)ddI(r), -dI, -ūdi suffixes attached to verbs and IdI ~ -(y)IdI ~ -(y)dI, imiş ~ -(y)imiş suffixes attached to nouns. Among them, the structures of -(I)ddI(r) and IdI ~ -(y)IdI ~ -(y)dI are characteristic for evidentiality expression. - ūdi suffix is used for stating evidentiality in the past tense. The type and number of evidentiality markers in the system has been formed as a result of historical developments and language relationships. Accordingly, the evidentiality table of Bocnurd dialect has been differentiated to some extent according to other members of Oghuz group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central question about the encoding of evidential notions in human languages is whether they result from pragmatics or can be read off morpho-syntax. This paper addresses some challenges posed by a particular verbal paradigm with evidential semantics in Romanian, the so-called presumptive mood. The gist of the proposed analysis is that a syntactic derivation makes better predictions for this class than a purely pragmatic explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Languages without grammatical evidentiality, such as Italian, often express the category of ‘information source’ using linguistic means that involve interactions between evidentiality and epistemic modality. This paper aims to investigate such interactions in the linguistic strategies adopted by various players in a criminal trial situation. In the context of a trial, both the expression of the source of information and the variation in the degree of the speakers’ commitment to what they are saying are key factors. This study is based on an analysis of one inferential and one reportive strategy in Italian, as they occur in the legal testimonies given in two different Italian trials. We will also discuss the rhetorical effects related to the underlying ambiguities between a purely evidential and an evidential/epistemic reading of the investigated strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to describe and analyze the features dizque, dice que and dice in spoken stories from Andean Spanish of Northwest Argentina. We will briefly describe how dizque was formed in Peninsular Spanish and we will introduce the theory of evidentiality from Bermúdez (1996). After that, we will present the two possible ways dizque turns in American Spanish varieties, according to the linguistic situation of each region. Then, we will describe and analyze dizque, dice que and dice in Andean Spanish of Northwest Argentina. The test will be done considering our investigation in Tilcara, Jujuy, the data found in La encuesta del 21 (1925) and the work done by Vidal de Battini (1964). Finally, we will present some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Typological discussions of mirativity often consider the relationship between mirativity and evidentiality (DeLancey 1997, 2001; Aikhenvald 2004). However, in interaction speakers mobilize pragmatic extensions of miratives in ways that defy specific categorization. This study analyzes the function and distribution of the Navajo enclitic lá in a Navajo Conversational Corpus (Mithun ed 2015 NSF-DEL project 0853598). The enclitic most frequently functions as an interrogative in information questions (Young & Morgan 1987), but it also encodes mirative senses including surprise, counter-expectation, discovery, and reported speech. Though the two seem synchronically unrelated, an examination of the pragmatic functions, as well as consideration of comparative Athabaskan evidence, links the polysemous enclitics as metadiscourse markers signaling contrastive focus on the unexpectedness of a proposition. These data support the interactional relevance of the semantic domain of expectation, subsuming contrastive focus and surprise (Behrens 2012). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies have been carried out on the so-called "dizque" unit in Latin-American Spanish, describing its evidential meaning. This article describes the use of "dizque" as an evidential strategy in Spanish spoken in Medellin, Colombia. Taking the PRESEEA-Medellín corpus as a reference, the meanings of this unit and its use with respect to the social variables defined in the corpus were analyzed. In this way, the polyfunctionality of dizque was established, and six functions in Medellin Spanish are proposed: epistemic modality, imprecise external source, direct discourse, indirect discourse, marking of nominal elements and the indication of mode of cognitive access to the information presented. Respect to social variables, it is proposed that women, upper class and higher education informants tend to use it less, which relates to the fact that this evidential strategy is thought to be more suited to the informal registry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how interlocutors express evidentiality (Chafe 1986), epistemic stance and epistemic status (Heritage 2012) in their moment-by-moment interactional moves (Goffman 1981) in order to set the grounds for the argumentative dialogue they have during a hybrid television news interview. The data were extracted from an episode of the Brazilian television show De Frente Com Gabi 'Facing Gabi', which featured a discussion on religion and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) rights, focusing on adoption. In looking at the progression of the epistemic devices used by the participants, the analysis takes into account not only the sources or domains of knowledge presented by them but also issues related to access and rights to this knowledge. The analysis of the data shows that the interaction in question does not meet the expectations of a news interview discourse, in which interlocutors usually perform their roles as questioners and answerers according to a set of pre-established institutional norms. With this in mind, this study highlights the importance of viewing institutional discourse as a dynamic type of interaction that can be adapted by interactants in order for them to meet both institutional and interactional goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we make an inductive corpus-based analysis of the Spanish idiom por momentos. The aim of the analysis is (1) to study the most common meaning of por momentos in Spain and in Río de la Plata, and (2) to describe the contextual elements and the verbal collocates with the two most common meanings of the idiom. The ultimate aim of our study is to draw attention to the coexistence of two fundamental meanings of por momentos: one of them is a temporal and distributive meaning ('sometimes, in short periods of time') and the other is a modal meaning ('more and more, visibly, quickly'). The former is characteristic of Spanish in Río de la Plata while the latter is the most frequent in Spain. With the two meanings there is a clear tendency to use the idiom in the context of intensification; moreover, the second has evidential connotation. This connotation is emphasized by numerous contextual elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the current study, we examined how adult heritage and monolingual speakers of Turkish process evidentiality (the linguistic expression of information source) through finite verb inflections and time reference, expressed on non-finite participles. A sentence-verification task was used to measure participants' sensitivity to evidentiality and time-reference violations in Turkish. Our findings showed that the heritage speakers were less accurate and slower than the monolinguals in responding to both evidentiality and time-reference violations. Also, the heritage speakers made more errors and had longer RTs when responding to evidentiality violations as compared to time-reference violations. The monolinguals had longer RTs (and more accurate responses) to time reference than to evidentiality violations. This study shows that evidentiality is susceptible to incomplete acquisition in Turkish heritage speakers. It is suggested that the requirement for simultaneous processing at different linguistic levels makes the evidentiality markers vulnerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The grammatical category of evidentiality is traditionally conceived as marking the 'information source' for the claim described by the sentence (see e.g. Anderson 1986; Willett 1988; Aikhenvald 2004). This article defends the view that evidentiality need not be a semantic primitive but can rather be pragmatically derived from the spatiotemporal distance between the event described by the sentence and the 'learning event', that is the event of the speaker acquiring the relevant evidence for her claim. While the empirical focus is on the Bulgarian evidential -l, this work adds to similar proposals about evidential markers in typologically unrelated languages (see Nikolaeva 1999; Fleck 2007; Speas 2010; Kalsang et al. 2013; Lee 2013). The view of evidentiality as a spatiotemporal distance undermines the claim that evidential sentences in Bulgarian have modal force (pace Izvorski 1997; Smirnova 2013) and correctly predicts that speakers are typically committed to the core proposition described by evidential sentences. The article also discusses the not-at-issue discourse status and projection behavior of the evidential implication, suggesting that evidential meanings belong to the broader class of 'conventional implicatures', in the sense of Potts (2005). The formal proposal, couched in an update semantics, successfully captures not only the meaning of the evidential marker but also the discourse properties of evidential sentences in Bulgarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding of evidentials is incomplete without consideration of their behaviour in interrogative contexts. We discuss key formal, semantic, and pragmatic features of cross-linguistic variation concerning the use of evidential markers in interrogative clauses. Cross-linguistic data suggest that an exclusively speaker-centric view of evidentiality is not sufficient to explain the semantics of information source marking, as in many languages it is typical for evidentials in questions to represent addressee perspective. Comparison of evidentiality and the related phenomenon of egophoricity emphasises how knowledge-based linguistic systems reflect attention to the way knowledge is distributed among participants in the speech situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many languages, including Turkish, Bulgarian or Norwegian, present perfect morphology is ambiguous between an aspectual interpretation and the expression of indirect evidentiality, more in particular inference or hearsay ( Izvorski, 1997 ). In languages such as Washo (Hokan) or Hare (Athapaskan), morphemes that express indirect evidentiality can also be used to express mirativity ( DeLancey, 2001; Aikhenvald, 2004, 2012 ). In Turkish, the present perfect can express all three semantic interpretations: present perfect (PPA), indirect evidentiality (IE), and mirativity (MIR). The question therefore arises what common element links these three interpretations and the particular pairings observed (PPA-IE, IE-MIR, PPA-IE-MIR). Previous accounts such as Bybee and Dahl (1989) and Izvorski (1997) only account for a single link in the triad: PPA-IE. We propose that a proper account of the relations between PPA, IE, and MIR requires that mirativity be redefined in terms of ‘sudden discovery or realisation’ ( Adelaar, 1977, 2013; Mexas, 2016 ). This redefinition allows us to explain the link between PPA, IE, and MIR in terms of the temporal nature of the traditional aspectual classes: states, processes, accomplishments, and achievements ( Vendler, 1967; Mourelatos, 1981 ). Indirect evidentiality can then be viewed as the evidential counterpart of an accomplishment in the aspectual sense, while the category of mirativity should be viewed as the mirror image of achievements. We will propose a formal semantic analysis that can capture this insight and account for the specific pairings observed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on inter-personal aspects of the context in the analysis of evidential and related epistemic marking systems. While evidentiality is defined by its capacity to qualify the speaker's indexical point of view in terms of information source, it is argued that other aspects of the context are important to analyze evidentiality both conceptually and grammatically. These distinct, analytical components concern the illocutionary status of a given marker and its scope properties. The importance of the hearer's point of view in pragmatics and semantics is well attested and constitutes a convincing argument for an increased emphasis on the perspective of the hearer/addressee in analyses of epistemic marking, such as evidentiality. The paper discusses available accounts of evidentials that attend to the perspective of the addressee and also introduces lesser-known epistemic marking systems that share a functional space with evidentiality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine the notion of mutual knowledge, an evidential category that has remained largely unexplored in the relevant literature. Mutual knowledge principally refers to knowledge which is jointly constructed through linguistic interaction and shared perceptual experience. Sources of information for mutual knowledge include the contributions of conversational participants, together with their jointly held beliefs and assumptions. Interlocutors use individual knowledge evidentials to introduce information and use mutual knowledge evidentials to establish facts by consensus. Once established, this shared knowledge is marked as such in subsequent speech. Evidentials are thus shown to be part of a system for building up the epistemic base shared between speakers in dynamic, interactive discourse. In South Conchucos Quechua and in Sihuas Quechua the individual and mutual knowledge categories are formally distinguished via dedicated enclitics in paradigmatic contrast. We describe and illustrate the five-choice evidential system of South Conchucos and the six-choice system of Sihuas, then compare the two systems with each other and with the more well-known three-choice system of Cusco Quechua, a system in which mutual knowledge forms have not been attested. The comparison of the three evidential systems suggests a sequence of stages in the development of mutual knowledge as a grammatical category. The findings presented here are primarily based on spontaneous conversation, the setting in which mutual knowledge forms principally reside and in which epistemic authority is carefully negotiated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modal subordination is the phenomenon whereby a proposition in the scope of a modal expression is semantically subordinated to a proposition in the scope of another modal expression in a preceding sentence. This paper discusses to what extent reportative evidentials participate in modal subordination by describing and analyzing the modal subordination behavior of the German modal verb sollen in its reportative use. In doing so it contributes, indirectly, to the ongoing discussion in the literature on whether evidentials are a subcategory of epistemic modals, providing further evidence for the position that not all evidentials have an epistemic meaning component. It is shown that reportative sollen licenses modal subordination in first position, but can itself not be subordinated. This is explained by analyzing it as taking an informational rather than a realistic modal base (which is what epistemic modals combine with). While sollen cannot be subordinated, it nevertheless licenses inter-sentential anaphoric dependencies for anaphora in its scope when it occurs in second position, a property that is usually taken to be evidence for modal subordination. The paper puts forth the hypothesis that this is made possible by sollen being interpreted in coordination with the first modal, instead of subordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of evidential and epistemic marking as a rhetorical strategy has received little attention in the literature. Speakers often make judgments on the basis of perceptual, reported, or inferred evidence, thus the relationship between epistemicity and evidentiality is often close and difficult to demarcate. However, whereas epistemicity involves the speaker's or writer's evaluation, judgment and degree of commitment attached to the truth-value of a piece of information, evidentiality involves the speaker's or writer's assertion of the source and kind of evidence at their disposal (De Haan, 2001, 2005; Mushin, 2001; Nuyts, 2005). Both of these semantic notions have been thoroughly dealt with in regard to morphosyntactic, lexical and grammatical marking, but relatively little has been investigated in pragmatic and textual terms. The present study approaches the indexing of epistemicity and evidentiality from the point of view of register by analyzing a total of 30 oral and 30 written productions of two opinion reports (one dealing with a debatable issue and the other with a non-debatable issue) produced by 15 Catalan speakers. The main aim of the paper is to test the potential effects of register (i.e., oral vs. written discourse) and debatability (i.e., debatable vs. nondebatable issue) on the discourse marking of evidentiality and epistemicity. With respect to the effects of register, results confirm that the use of both epistemic and evidential markers is significantly higher in the oral than in the written reports, and specifically the use of low certainty epistemic markers and direct evidential markers. With respect to the effects of debatability, results show that there is a more profuse use of epistemics than evidentials in the debatable than in the nondebatable condition, and specifically the use of low certainty markers and common knowledge and reported evidential markers. In general, these results support the view that register and debatability are two important factors that condition the use of evidentiality and epistemicity in the construction of discourse epistemic stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extending Faller (2002) , we analyze clauses with evidential marking as presenting, but not asserting, a proposition p . Crucial to this analysis is the distinction between common ground and origo ground. The common ground regulates p 's to which interlocutors have made a commitment and is subject to the logic of contradiction: p and not - p cannot hold at the same time. The origo ground regulates p 's that depend on a perspective-holder's experience and is subject to the logic of faultless disagreement: p and not - p can hold concurrently, as long as they live in two distinct origo gounds. This has two consequences. First, languages differ in default illocutionary force: assertion versus presentation. Second, languages differ in how they code presentational force: lexically (English), morphologically (Nuu-chah-nulth), or syntactically (Plains Cree). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on data drawn from the Latin Library corpus, this paper discusses some previously under-researched meanings of the secundum NP construction and traces their evolution across a period of over 800 years. The discussion focuses on the meanings of reportative evidentiality and a new conceptual category called "attribution", whose function consists in ascribing a proposition to someone's mental content (opinion, thought or belief). Two sub-categories of attribution are identified: other-attribution and self-attribution. Whereas the former is modal epistemic in nature, the latter is not. The data analysed in this paper suggest that the attribution and reportative meanings are distinct senses, as evidenced by their different semantic/pragmatic functions, development paths and preferences for different sets of arguments. Particular attention is paid to the spread of Christianity as a relevant socio-cultural context for the emergence of reportative constructions. From a pragmatic/interactional point of view, the notion of interpersonal evidentiality plays a central role in the emergence of the reportative evidential sense. Abstracting away from the case of the Latin secundum NP ('according to' NP) construction, this paper argues that both reportative evidentiality and attribution presuppose extended intersubjectivity and are deictic categories, even if they convey different meanings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes morphosyntactic strategies that encode evidentiality and epistemic modality in eastern and western Toba (Formosa, Argentina), from the functional typological perspective (Chafe 1986; Bybee et al. 1994; Givón 2001; De Haan 2001, 2005; Aikhenvald 2004; etc.). In eastern Toba, a reportative derived from a grammaticalyzed 'say'-verb, and the use of two epistemic adverbs --?ego?~?eko? 'apparently' and yataqta 'certainly'--are described. In western Toba, demonstrative roots plus the prefix ho-, after the modified element (noun, verb, adverb, or clause), are analyzed as a strategy of encoding epistemic modality, specifically low subjective certainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper investigates how the Korean sentence-final particle -tani is used to mark mirativity. More interestingly, this paper discusses how Korean speakers or writers employ this mirative marker -tani (i) to often express their negative emotions and satisfy their face needs and (ii) to elicit the reader's engagement, using data from the Sejong Contemporary Spoken and Written Corpus. This paper also examines the development of -tani: The non-subjective complementations, in this case involving constructions with the quotative -tani, come to be reinterpreted as subjective constructions with sentence-final -tani, syntactically and pragmatically reanalyzed as a mirative marker. In addition, the findings from this study have broader theoretical and cross-linguistic implications for the existence of mirativity as distinct from evidentiality and the interaction of mirativity with the expression of emotional attitudes (see DeLancey 2001, 2012). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Cheyenne (Algonquian), evidentials and markers of illocutionary mood (e.g., imperative, interrogative) form a single morphological paradigm: the mode paradigm. Morphologically, these distinct grammatical categories form a natural class. Here I argue that they also form a natural semantic class, contributing similar kinds of meanings. In addition, there is a rich interaction between the semantic contributions of these two grammatical categories, not only in Cheyenne but cross-linguistically. The Cheyenne mode paradigm is discussed in depth, with a detailed description of the general use and interpretation of each of the illocutionary mood markers and evidentials. Specific semantic properties of the evidentials are also discussed, locating Cheyenne within an emerging semantic classification of evidentials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]