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In this paper, I argue that power promised to England's teachers by the 2010 'Importance of Teaching' white paper has rather played out as a reformulation of methods of policymaking to more indirect modes of government control. I trace the growth of government control in English schools, promised front-line power in 2010 and a rise in non-statutory guidance after this point. Taking an actor–network theory approach to ethnographic data I then describe how a school takes up one such non-statutory educational initiative – 'Maths Mastery'. Focusing on early stages of the school's adoption of the initiative, I trace associations of actors which problematize existing practices for the teaching of maths and how the initiative is imbued with authority in relation to these. I argue that the ways in which certain actors – statutory education policy and government funding – associate with the 'optional' initiative reveals a 'back door' control of teacher agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Polikoff suggests that we cannot do education reform at scale unless we make these structural changes, then, I think we need to take very seriously the possibility that we cannot do education reform at scale, full stop. When I disagree with Polikoff's suggestion that greater state control is a viable alternative to our earlier attempts, it is mainly because I don't think this suggestion is different enough I . i I Beyond Standards i is a necessary read both for the straight shooting it does, and also for the light it shines in the direction of what a new genre of education policy scholarship ought to address. Morgan Polikoff's new release is a requiem for the consensus approach to education reform that has dominated U.S. politics and school governance for 30 years. As Polikoff says, "districts have made those adoption choices, teachers are implementing the adopted materials, and teachers display higher knowledge about the standards than teachers in other states" (BS, 49). [Extracted from the article]

In "post-racial" societies, colour-blind racism tends to persist, enabling whiteness to proliferate as part of the governmentally mandated educational fabric. Reviewing studies from 2008 to 2020 in the Norwegian context that utilise critical perspectives on whiteness, this article reveals a growing body of research showing whiteness working through (1) avoidance of race, (2) simultaneous privileging of invisibility and marking of Otherness, (3) institutionalised discourse, (4) embodiments of racialised Othering and (5) researcher positionality. Drawing on these findings, we examine how critical perspectives on whiteness might benefit "post-racial" teacher education and propose potential future educational and research directions relevant to "post-racial" societies. • In so-called "post-racial" and "nice" societies, colour-blind racism tends to persist. • A central driver of a raceless racism is teacher education. • In Norway, there is a growing body of critical research on whiteness, particularly in education. • Whiteness works in ways that allows certain bodies full or partial membership to Norwegianness. • Integrating critical perspectives on whiteness into teacher education potentially challenge colour-blind forms of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their common historical roots, two higher education systems in Latin America differ dramatically in their financing mechanisms. In Argentina, the national government completely subsidizes undergraduate programs in public institutions, while Chile relies mostly on tuition fees charged to individuals attending public institutions. Through quantitative and qualitative secondary sources, this paper shows that class interests (structural approach) and economic policies (ideational approach) played a major role in explaining comparative policy outcomes in these nondemocratic regimes. The article makes an explicit contribution to the understanding of comparative policy choices in nondemocratic regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Though initial construction began on a colonial boarding school for Indigenous students, known as an Indian boarding school, in Medicine Hat in 1890, the school never ended up opening due to underfunding by the federal government. Analysis: Informed by Indigenous studies scholarship on place and media, this article uncovers archival traces of this unbuilt environment to reveal how white settlers used newspapers as well as visual media to will the school into being, particularly with techniques of re-placement on stolen Indigenous land. Conclusion and implications: This article connects the history of the school that never opened with the present day, insisting on the ongoingness of settler colonial tactics in media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the relationship of different explicit school visions and the presence of a shared school vision among teachers with teachers' personal commitment to their work. Multilevel analyses of four types of schools show that teachers in schools with an explicit school vision more strongly share the school vision and this shared vision is positively related to their affective and normative commitment. The practical implications of this are discussed. • Schools with an explicit vision based on philosophical/pedagogical principles are compared with mainstream schools. • Teachers-share the school vision more at explicit-vision schools than at mainstream schools. • There is no correlation between the basis of the school vision and teachers' commitment. • Affective and normative commitment are greater at schools in which teachers share the school vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how state and federal partnerships with campuses can drive and support changes. Topics include the challenges, opportunities, and disappointments faced by secondary education in 2021, the need for stronger partnerships between federal and state governments and between states and their postsecondary campuses, and the need of the federal government to take a whole of government approach to student success and college completion.

There is an increased understanding of the importance of high-quality early years education for children from disadvantaged backgrounds, in relation to their future attainment and future life chances. A recent government initiative in England has sought to provide two-year-olds, from disadvantaged backgrounds, with free early education and childcare. The take up of this offer by parents has varied. This research project worked with one local charity and one Local Authority to investigate the uptake of the two-year-old offer in a specific location identified as having higher than average levels of child poverty. A small scale, qualitative study was undertaken with the parents, and an online questionnaire was used to gather the data through the local Health Visitor service. Parents provided their views concerning the offer and the reasons behind their choice not to participate. The study revealed some key findings concerning the reasons why parents chose not to participate with the offer. These were related to parental perceptions regarding the impact of the offer on themselves, as parents, as well as the impact on their child. The findings from this research project have implications for practitioners seeking to support the engagement of parents, particularly those living in disadvantaged contexts, with children in their early years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many respects the sub-state nation of Scotland seemingly has a stronger relationship with Muslim communities than its counterpart, Quebec. While both jurisdictions fund faith schools to varying degrees, Scotland does not fund Islamic schools and Quebec does. Thus, this paper considers an intriguing puzzle: one jurisdiction which has a more contentious relationship with Muslim communities accommodates the public funding of Islamic schools, than the jurisdiction which demonstrates a more inclusive embrace towards them. Why? It considers four factors: church-state settlements, Muslim mobilisation, civil society actors, and political parties. It argues that church-state settlements are the critical component in explaining the outcome, and political parties the most powerful intervening variable. Ultimately, it concludes that while the counter-intuitive element in the analysis is indicative of policy legacies, substantive inclusion within the realm of education eludes Muslims in both jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government‐sponsored student loans have emerged over the decades as a primary method of financing post‐secondary education across most North American jurisdictions. Despite this, the empirical literature examining the correlates of repayment difficulty and default in Canada has remained stagnant in recent years. This study taps into an underutilised data source—the 2013 National Graduates Survey—to examine the relationship between demographics, human capital, borrowing behaviour and other known predictors and repayment difficulty. Our logistic regression models demonstrate that disability status, geographic region and borrowing behaviour are correlated with loan default and repayment difficulty, while failing to verify the existence of other demographic effects routinely found in the existing literature. We discuss the implications of these findings, along with multiple avenues for further empirical work on this topic within Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses public purpose finance (PPF), particularly the role of the U.S. federal government as lenders. Also cited are the PPFs used by the government to provide loans to private borrowers in areas like education, small business, agriculture, and education, as well as the importance of PPF in macroeconomics and racial inequality resolution.

This paper assesses the impact that higher education funding has had in Medellin with resources from the participatory budget program during the 2007-2015 period. The short-term impact on employment, income, children, marital status and socio-economic mobilization is analyzed. For the above, the certified base of the Sisben 2015 and the base of enrolled in the program are used. The treatment eligibility rule is used, so a sharp discontinuous regression design is estimated. The results indicate that the non-eligible population in the margin is very similar to the eligible. The program reduces the probability of being employed and receiving income, as well as having children for women but increases the chances that low-income people can access the higher education and mobilization socioeconomic level. There is no evidence of any effect on marital status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]