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Catholics and dissident French royalists from the beginning of the nineteenth century around the journalists F. de La Mennais and P.-S. Laurentie wanted to reconstitute a new Catholic monarchy against the compromise made by Louis XVIII. It was necessary to renew the links with the ancien régime against the revolutionary legacy, and to compensate for the monarchy’s more distant flaws, caused according to them by the distancing of the Church’s power. After the July Revolution in 1830, these royalists reconfigured a modern monarchy behind ‘Henry V’ to make a Third Restoration possible. But there were many disagreements among the Legitimists: between the Parisian ‘Henriquists’ and the absolutist émigrés who favoured Charles X, war raged after 1830, not to mention the opposition they waged against the Orleanists. These neo-legitimists then decided to open up more to modernity and demanded freedoms of association, religion and the press, inspired by the followers of La Mennais. They also sought unity with Catholics and wanted to participate in elections. But this political line was opposed to that of Genoude and the absolutists. Later, Montalembert separated Catholics and royalists and shattered any hope of unity and the creation of a large party under the July Monarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Print media has had a profound impact on shaping conservative ideology, political practice, and racial boundary making. While scholarship on US conservatism contributes important elements of its economic, political, and social philosophy by highlighting the role of racialization within the black/white binary, little attention has been historically paid to other forms of racialization within US conservatism. Through a discourse analysis of National Review from 1955 to 1975, I offer a corrective by examining how racial tropes are used to reinforce the conservative political project of anti-communism. These racialized tropes highlight how National Review characterized East Asian nations as uncivilized and savage, and thus poised for communist exploitation. I explain how yellow peril discourse was linked to communist infiltration amongst US conservative writers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes presidential policy during the times of Ramón Castillo through a reconsideration of his political capacities and party resources. It is carried out mainly through a reevaluation of the attempts made by the last conservative Argentinean president to reconstruct the political-party fabric concerning some provincial cases like Jujuy, Corrientes and Tucumán. Through a varied repertoire of sources like the press, private correspondence and official documents, the article concludes that, if the political abilities and the resources of the president were not sufficient to guarantee his survival in power, a partial explanation of his fall should be found in the same policy that promoted the Executive Power, his unilateral actions, and their unexpected consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of Ebony magazine as a key staging ground for competing political and ideological debates over Martin Luther King Jr's legacy, and the struggle for a national holiday in his name. In doing so, it provides an important case study into the contestations between what Houston Baker has described as “black critical memory” and “black conservative nostalgia.” In response to attempts by Ronald Reagan and other politicians to reimagine King as an advocate for color-blind conservatism, Ebony’s senior editor, Lerone Bennett Jr., sought to situate King's legacy within a radical “living history” of black America. However, the magazine's broader coverage of the King holiday movement betrayed underlying tensions within its discussion of King's legacy, and fed into the magazine's role as an inadvertent frame for color-blind ideologies during the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of the journal from the mid 1970s through 2018, including its support for U.S. conservative legal arguments and its development by Harvard Law School students. An overview of the relationship between liberal and conservative legal scholarship in U.S. academia and higher education, is provided.

As an ultraconservative activist and occasional political candidate in Texas, J. Evetts Haley registered few electoral victories. However, his farright crusades revealed nationwide right-wing discontent within the Democratic Party and delineated the anti-statist contours of ultraconservatism from the 1930s through the 1960s. Haley's combination of white supremacy, conspiracy theories, anti-statist populism and rugged individualism reflected the extremities of agrarianism, Cold War anticommunism and Old Right conservatism. Put simply, Haley constituted an explanatory link bridging anti-New Deal ultraconservatism and the mid-century conservative movement; in addition, he represented a point of convergence between Sunbelt reactionaries and mainstream conservatism. In 1936 Haley chaired the Jeffersonian Democrats of Texas, a state chapter of a national organization that sought to defeat Roosevelt by supporting Republican Alf Landon, despite the predominance of the Texas Democratic Party. The Jeffersonian's failure forecast the electoral inefficacy-but grassroots appeal-of mid-century far-right conservatism. During the 1950s Haley fomented fringe movements through his gubernatorial candidacy and the ultraconservative group Texans For America (TFA), but his hardline platforms restricted the success of both. Haley's time with TFA elicited his most fruitful activism, but his attacks against Lyndon Johnson in 1964 cemented Haley as a national far-right icon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1976, Augusto Pinochet told Henry Kissinger that Chile was undergoing "a further stage of the same conflict which erupted into the Spanish Civil War." Pinochet was not alone in this view; throughout the 1970s, Chilean rightists used the Spanish Civil War as a point of reference. This article explores how and why Chilean golpistas drew on the Spanish example in developing their ideas about political struggle. It argues that the Civil War--or at least one interpretation of it, in which the military had purged Spain of communism in a kind of Christian reconquest--was a key component of the paradigm that some anti-Salvador Allende revanchists used to understand their world. In so doing, the article sheds light on a strain of Chilean conservatism that looked not to the United States for inspiration but to Spain, demonstrating the value of integrating Europe into analyses of Cold War Latin America's transnational dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article draws a parallel in the reception of Nietzsche in Spain and Colombia in the late nineteenth century and in the first three decades of the twentieth century. For the Spanish case, the philosopher María Zambrano is studied and for the Colombian case Carlos Arturo Torres. It is argued that Nietzsche was fundamental in both countries as a tool of the critique of conservatism and as a promise of the future. In the end, some similarities are drawn in both reception processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One may isolate recurring conceptual nodules in the work of some political historians so as to configure a model for conservative thinking. The notion of 'genealogy ' exposes the relational nature of political conservatism, and emphasizes both its agonistic character and institutional anchorage. One may then hypothesize a 'conservative moment' which would correspond to an institutional refashioning. Such an hypothesis dilutes the protagonism of individual subjects and questions the constituent power of a conservative corpus of ideas, except for the one discernible in constitutional affairs. Instead of importing those ideas into a coup d'etat, a genealogical approach reverses the argument and suggests that the dictatorship illuminates the past, bestowing a unifying articulation and meaning to authors who, in spite of their affinities, exhibit significant differences. This genealogical approach also sidelines notions like 'corpus of ideas' or 'models of thought' that pertain to the philosophy of mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the notion of the urban cowboy in late 20th century U.S. culture. Topics include the relation of cowboys to the popularity of play, a comparison of form U.S. President Jimmy Carter to former U.S. President Ronald Reagan, and the relation of masculinity to conservatism in U.S. culture during the 1980s. The relation of heterosexulity, homophobia, and Native American culture to cowboy culture and rodeos is addressed.

The New Klan is mostly remembered as a hyper-reactionary movement, distinct for its opposition to Judaism, Catholicism, Bolshevism, and multiple "dangerous ideologies" of the conservative Twenties. But the Klan had its progressive side as well, attracting labor unions, socialists, and leftist radicals who hated the expansion of corporations and unregulated capitalist greed just as much as they hated the immigrant workers whom mining companies exploited in the rush toward profits. This complexity is most obvious in Kansas, which despite its present reputation as a conservative bastion had been a leader in the prewar progressive movement. The abrupt transition of Kansas during that period calls into doubt the dichotomy of Left and Right that frames most political dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses published sources on the history of Russian conservatism at the beginning of the twentieth century and discusses the significance of these publications for western historiography from authors like A. V. Repnikov and B. S. Kotov.

The article examines efforts being made by conservative religious activists and right-wing groups to limit sexual and reproductive rights in Mexico and Central America. Particular focus is given to the logistics and tactics of these religious and conservative groups. Additional topics discussed include the organization "Fighting for Life, Faith, and Family," propaganda films that have been produced and Catholicism and how it has been on the decline since the 1970 and the total ban on abortion in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Honduras.

The recent ascendency of Trumpism calls for a historical review of nativist movements and the social appeal they gained. This article will focus on talk-radio and how it shaped and influenced the American psyche and became a cornerstone for conservatism. The article illustrates common themes between contemporary talk-radio hosts and previous antiprogressive figures. Understanding the success of Rush Limbaugh, which started in the late 1980s, created a whole social movement that ought to be analyzed in order to understand the current mood of Trumpism. The author draws from historical events and personal anecdotes to analyze the nativist sentiments that keep reemerging in the public discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The manuscript of Striggio's Mass Ecco sí beato giorno for 40 and 60 voices is a fascinating bibliographical object, the dating of which has always been problematic. From the 18th century with Sébastien de Brossard, to the present day with Laurent Guillo and, more recently, Davitt Moroney, several hypotheses have been proposed for the date of this unicum, copied in France during the 17th century. This article presents new evidence based on the identification of three watermarks, whose concomitant presence allows dating the manuscript to the decade of 1610. The accurate dating of this manuscript is important not only for the reception of Striggio's music in 17thcentury France, but also because it may represent the first occurrence of the term 'basse continue'-or rather 'basse continuée'-in a French source. Furthermore, the manuscript bears strong evidence that it was the copyist who devised the 'basse continuée' part, and that he achieved this solely based on the vocal parts, and not from any pre-existent Italian basso seguente. Indeed, the analysis of the two organ parts reveals the challenging and laborious process the French copyist undertook to reach his goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the creation of the Everglades National Park in Florida in 1947 in relation to the attitudes of conservatives and environmentalism in America's Sunbelt States in the aftermath of World War II. Postwar economic development in America's southern states (South) is examined, along with the emergence of conservatism in the U.S. and the impacts of economic growth and political changes on Florida's environment. Tourism in Florida is also assessed.

Moving from opposition to participation, the Adolescent Family Life Act (1981) and the development of abstinence education marks the conservative movement's pivot to a rhetorical strategy of tolerance that enabled it to coopt the public culture of sex discourse. Working from Herbert Marcuse's theory of “surplus repression,” I argue that the New Right seized the liberationist argument for open public discourse about sexuality to sublimate libidinal desires into a national project of familial (re)productivity. The AFLA is significant in the rhetorical history of sex education because it demarcates the transition to a productive form of biopolitics that sought to manage sexuality by instrumentalizing rather than censuring bodily desire. Conservative sex talk illustrates howEros—transgressive, creative, and erotic desires—is channeled into the discursive production of hyper-functional subjects invested in their own subjugation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Roger Scruton's philosophical enterprise is an effort to “save the appearances” of value in the human world that elude scientific explanation. The meaning of the human things appears only to a first-person perspective, which is incommensurable with the objective perspective of cause and effect. To make sense of our experience requires a “cognitive dualism” that can account for the human or “lifeworld” as well as physical reality. Ranging rather indiscriminately over Scruton's diverse writings, I expound the unifying conception of personhood that makes them a coherent whole and also serves as the touchstone for Scruton's conservative critique of liberal theory and practice. Some questions are raised about that two-dimensional critique, about its separation into “metaphysical” and “empirical” components, and about whether the latter does or doesn't “operationalize” the former. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The English philosopher Roger Scruton calls himself a functional anthropologist. That means he defends the lifeworld—the relational, moral world in which we all must live—against the educated derision of the monstrous entity often called the self-conscious intellectual or elitist cosmopolitan. My focus here is to examine Scruton's defense of the nation—as the civilized mean between xenophobia and oikophobia—and religion as indispensable forms of social belonging. I conclude by offering the beginnings of an American and Catholic correction to his British form of liberal conservatism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How should we learn to think about scientific advancement and technological mastery to limit our potential for causing additional irreparable damage to ourselves and nature? Roger Scruton's account of science is a necessary reminder of the dangers and limits of technological dependence, the scientific method, and scientistic thought. His analysis is inseparable from his project for the restoration of conservatism. Because he acknowledges that most individuals are partisans of science, he encourages us to consider precisely those aspects of the human experience that are compromised by science and technology to mitigate the damaging effects we have on the environment and our way of life. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Roger Scruton and Pierre Manent provide us much to admire, as authors and as men, and much to ponder. They can be seen as collaborators in the defense of the nation-state against the empty universalism of “human rights,” and, more generally, in exposing the boundless arrogance and blindness of modern rationalism insofar as it denies its inheritance from premodern sources. This defense of the nation-state and critique of secular rationalism are of vital interest to moral and political conservatives, and Scruton, for his part, has explicitly taken on the cause and the label of conservatism. But conservatives face an imposing and, I propose here, critically instructive obstacle in appropriating the teachings of these two contemporary giants. For, as soon as we begin to examine the foundations of their respective projects, Scruton's and Manent's approaches appear to be, not only quite different (and therefore, one might hope, complementary) but in an important sense directly opposed to one another. This opposition appears most directly in their respective estimates of the realm of politics: one would exaggerate little in saying that, for Manent, politics is everything, whereas Scruton wishes to constrict the reach of politics to the minimum. Thus, Scruton embraces the title “conservative” but understands it apolitically, whereas Manent declines to identify himself as conservative but fully embraces a political task essential to conservatism. Conservatives must confront this disconcerting opposition and see what can be learned from it. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Applying a dynamic latent-variable model to data on 148 policies collected over eight decades (1936-2014), we produce the first yearly measure of the policy liberalism of U.S. states. Our dynamic measure of state policy liberalism marks an important advance over existing measures, almost all of which are purely cross-sectional and thus cannot be used to study policy change. We find that, in the aggregate, the policy liberalism of U.S. states steadily increased between the 1930s and 1970s and then largely plateaued. The policy liberalism of most states has remained stable in relative terms, though several states have shifted considerably over time. We also find surprisingly little evidence of multidimensionality in state policy outputs. Our new estimates of state policy liberalism have broad application to the study of political development, representation, accountability, and other important issues in political science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first Bible to be printed in England was produced in 1535 by the royal printer, and with Henry VIII's initial support. It has attracted little scholarly attention. This first extensive examination traces its creation and early reception as witness to the uncertain course of the English Reformation. Its origins reveal a dependency on continental models, which were then modified to create a book carefully placed between conservatism and reform. Priests, scholars, children and crooks left their marks on the Bible, and advanced digital technology exposes unique evidence for the merging of Latin and English in late Henrician liturgy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses whether the John M. Olin Fellowship program at Harvard Law School has been successful as of 2016, and it mentions the goal of altering the ideological balance of American law schools by increasing the dissemination and understanding of conservative ideas. Ideological bias in U.S. legal academia is examined, as well as information about the John M. Olin Foundation and statistics regarding the placement of John M. Olin Fellows between 1997 and 2011.

Reactionary culture helped shape Thermidors retreat from the ideologies, social policies, and political practices of the Terror, This article explains how it did so by examining the most popular newspaper of the French Revolution's Year III (1794-95), L'orateur du peuple, and editor Stanislas Fréron's appropriation of revolutionary inventiveness to discredit revolutionary activism. Between Robespierre's defeat in July 1794 and the adoption of a new constitution in late summer 1795, Fréron used radical language to condemn first the Terror and then radical republicanism, progressing from attacks on specific legislators to an assault on social welfare, political militancy, and universal suffrage. Elaborating a right-wing ideology that was neither Catholic nor royalist, L'orateur du peuple illuminates the conservative uses of revolutionary political culture. Fréron and the reactionary polemicists among whom he worked forged a virulent reactionary populism in the Year III whose legacy endures today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the dynamics of bicentennial planning and celebration in the Mountain West. Amid the charged political climate of the 1960s and 1970s, the Bicentennial facilitated the emergence of a western version of conservative multiculturalism, which adopts the language of diversity and inclusion without changing structures of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholarship in carceral studies both credits and blames Richard Nixon for starting the war on drugs, this paper’s focus on youth politics and the marijuana controversy during his first term shows a more complicated story. At first, Richard Nixon’s politics of youth continued the law and order approach that had shaped his campaign in 1968. Nixon railed against the drug culture’s role in the youth revolt as he cheered his aides to “hit it hard,” opting to, “Enforce the law, you've got to scare them.” However, marijuana laws required some leniency after Kent State, when the Ohio State National Guard shot at protesters and killed four students. After Kent State, some polls showed Nixon’s approval rating as low as thirty-one percent on campuses. This problem became even more acute when the voting age fell to eighteen in 1971, allowing over fourteen million youth to vote for the first time. Through his own PR offensive, Nixon also offered an alternative political culture – “square power”– defined as “the fall in a community’s tolerance of moral looseness.” Thus, though Nixon’s marijuana policies may have fallen short of his conservative law and order agenda, he still used the “gateway theory” to link various groups ranging from women, Sunbelt suburbanites, religious voters and ethnic, blue collar whites to expand his constituency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Birmingham, Alabama, in 1987, a white conservative movement arose in opposition to build a new healthcare clinic in downtown through the use of eminent domain. Critics claimed the Kirklin Clinic reflected urban corruption and the privatization of the public sphere. Municipal officials and white economic elites argued that the clinic secured the city’s economic transition from industrialization to healthcare. The clinic, however, was the manifestation of a twenty-year campaign to privatize healthcare services in a public university as well as the result of market shifts in healthcare disbursement policies. Neoliberal governance guided this urban economic development project. The controversy over the clinic reveals the ideological and class tensions among metropolitan whites, as well as conservatives’ demands for their inclusion and the recognition of their rights by the municipal government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of three conservative newspapers in South Korea as storytellers that create and maintain the collective memory of Korean conservatives through textual analysis of news stories on one particular recent event, the 2008 Korean Candlelight Vigil. Several protests since the 1980s in which the democratic-progressives were a leading force have been used as a source of historical analogies that have helped conservative journalists to interpret contemporary events and issues, including the 2008 vigil. These past protests were framed as anti-American, pro-North Korean leftist actions in the news stories. Some aspects of these past events were omitted – for example, former democratic-progressive activists’ contribution to the democratisation process – while other aspects were emphasised, notably the violent nature of the earlier generation of activists. In addition, conservative journalists constructed a revisionist version of one particular past protest, the 2002 Korean Candlelight Vigil, and used it to serve present political purposes, conflating the rhetoric and language of the earlier protests into their reporting of the current protest. These discourse strategies helped to incorporate the current protest into a larger discourse of “the threat posed by the leftists”, which is embedded in the collective memory of Korean conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyzes the influence that different political actors in the province of Cordoba had in changing the electoral system starting from the application of Sáenz Peña Law in the province context. In Córdoba, liberal democracy ideas echoed throughout the social fabric: Radical Civic Union, local press, and a liberal faction of the ruling class that since 1890 juarismo crisis had stayed away from the power. This pressure for changes on the provincial government of Felix Garzón, responding to a clerical faction of conservatism Cordoba, resulted in the conventional meeting to reform the provincial Constitution. In this context, conventional discourses are analyzed, highlighting similarities and differences within the provincial conservatism and paying special attention to proposals concerning the ideas of democratization of the political-institutional system of the province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines Ronald Reagan's fırst inaugural address. In this speech, Reagan used a strategy of "ultimate defınition," consisting of three components. First, the inaugural articulated a broad ideological worldview that prescribed a very limited role for government as the solution to the economic crisis. Second, it appealed to a value system that co-opted the progressive values of contemporary liberalism. Finally, it contained a powerful narration of that worldview in the form of an individualist story of the American Dream. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the reputation of Edmund Burke and his transformation into the ‘founder of modern conservatism’. It argues that this process occurred primarily between 1885 and 1914 in Britain. In doing so, this article challenges the existing orthodoxy which attributes this development to the work of Peter Stanlis, Russell Kirk, and other conservative American scholars. Moreover, this article historicizes one aspect of the construction of C/conservatism as both an intellectual (small-c) and political (capital-C) tradition. Indeed, though the late Victorian and Edwardian period saw the construction of political traditions of an entirely novel kind, the search for ‘New Conservatism’ has been neglected by comparison with New Liberalism. Thus, this study explores three main themes: the impact of British debates about Irish Home Rule on Burke's reputation and status; the academic systematization of Burke's work into a ‘political philosophy of conservatism’; and, finally, the appropriation of Burke by Conservative Unionists during the late Edwardian constitutional crisis. The result is to show that by 1914 Burke had been firmly established as a ‘conservative’ political thinker whose work was directly associated with British Conservatism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses Congregationalist minister John Wise of Chebacco parish in Ipswich, Massachusetts, notable for his participation in the tax revolt of 1687 when he and other town leaders refused to appoint a new property tax collector as ordered by the Dominion of New England. It considers his two works on Congregationalist church polity, the 1713 "The Churches’ Quarrel" and the 1717 "A Vindication." It explores the historiography of Wise, considering whether he was an early "American democrat" or "colonial conservative," ideas forwarded by biographer George Cook and historian Perry Miller respectively.

An essay is presented about conservatism in the modern age and it's conflicts with traditions. The author discusses about books, "The Antimodern Condition: An Argument against Progress" by Peter King, "The Meaning of Conservatism" by Roger Scruton, and Zbigniew Stawrowski's "The Clash of Civilizations or Civil War". He discusses the philosophy of modernity, progressivism, and it's impact on human society. Also discussed are topics such as gnosticism and antimodern traditions.