Search

Starting from Derek Gregory's analysis of the well-documented and deadly 2010 US drone strike in Afghanistan and the 28 August 2021 strike targeting Zamarai Ahmadi in Kabul and his important questions about how strikes are conceptualised as exceptional and how they are justified by the US military, this commentary focuses on the relationship between the norm and exception, and the work that the interplay between the two does in producing and justifying violence. In particular, it is argued that this extends beyond the context of drone strikes and warfare to practices of state violence outside the battlefield. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: Leah Boveda, a sophomore at Brown University, collaborated with her mother—Mildred Boveda, an intersectional studies scholar situated in special education and teacher education—to make sense of her high school community activism in Arizona. They retrace how Leah's experiences eventually shaped her understandings of and participation in adult-centered conversations about critical race theory bans. This daughter–mother authorial team offers lessons learned from Leah's youth mobilizations and how they may inform education research about youth activists of color. Research Design: Using an intersectionally conscious, collaborative approach and a daughtering analytical framing, the authors revisited Leah's high school youth activism. In addition to their memories, they returned to written documents, such as a 2019 interview between Leah and a correspondent at The New York Times, her notes from a 5-minute speech presented at a CRT summit, and shared files for a panel presentation that Leah gave as an assistant "faculty" member for the July 2021 CRT Summer School. The authors consider how Leah's youth mobilization may inform how adults—whether educators, researchers, or policymakers—engage youths of color in the CRT debates. Conclusions/Recommendations: The authors analyzed how the adults Leah collaborated with engaged youth voice, including at events where student perspectives about CRT bans were invited. In her daughtering role, Leah both appreciated and pushed the nurturing adults in her life. The authorial team unveils how youth activists of color must deal with not only racialized oppression, but also the pressure to achieve proximity to adults in order to be heard and respected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ultimately, though, "it was over 25,000 organized workers on strike, many of them leftists, who managed the successful work stoppage", Portillo argues. Using testimonies from workers and organizers, Portillo details how the 1954 strike was organized, what its demands were, and how rank-and-file workers coordinated efforts in each division of the United Fruit Company. "It is important that people now know about Honduras", Berta Cáceres, the Lenca leader and cofounder of the Council of Popular and Indigenous Organization of Honduras (COPINH), said in the wake of the 2009 U.S.-backed coup. [Extracted from the article]

Climate activists and environmental communicators stress that addressing the climate crisis requires both global and local advocacy for transformational change-making. While journalists in small, rural communities are known to actively advocate on issues for the common good, there has been little investigation of local media advocacy on climate change in rural Australia: a region at the forefront of global heating. This paper analyses the accounts of local journalists of their media coverage of the School Strikes 4 Climate in rural and regional Australia, as an empirical entry point for a conceptual discussion of local media advocacy in reporting climate change. We find that normative ideas about journalism coupled with polarised community views on climate change hindered these journalists from taking an advocacy stance. We explore and critique the tacit 'quiet advocacy' practices used by these journalists reporting on climate in rural and regional Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution aims to explore the potentials and pitfalls for the emergence of a popular agrarian movement capable of offering a progressive alternative to the far‐right. Taking the case of Colombia's national agrarian strike, the paper argues that food sovereignty can offer a mobilizing framework for a multiclass, antineoliberal agrarian coalition. However, the possibilities for building a counter‐hegemonic movement should be taken with more caution. An examination of the class differentiation between and within campesino movements reveals how the interests of certain groups may be prioritized over others. While agrarian populism may offer an important political strategy for building coalitions and framing demands, a closer class analysis points to limits to its transformative potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explaining digital impacts on social movements requires moving beyond technological determinism by addressing two underdeveloped questions: How does political strategy shape the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs)? And how do divergent uses of ICTs influence movement outcomes ? This study addresses these questions by examining the 2018 educator walkouts in Oklahoma and Arizona—statewide actions initiated through rank-and-file Facebook groups. To explain why the strike in Arizona was more effective than in Oklahoma, despite more auspicious conditions for success in the latter, this study shows that the impact of ICTs is mediated by leaders' strategic choices. Whereas Oklahoma's strike was marked by mobilization without organization —scaling up protest without an organizational foundation—Arizona used digital tools to build, rather than eschew, organization. Digital impacts further depend on the nature of the contentious performance itself, since the efficacy limitations of relying solely on ICTs are particularly pronounced for actions like strikes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We were so inspired and uplifted by CTU - they were really the first major teachers' unions to bring back the strike, to expose the privatizers, to develop authentic parent-community coalitions to win the schools our students deserve, and to call out the racism of school closings in communities of color. [4] By 2012, mass job actions had all but disappeared in the United States - indeed, the year 2009 witnessed the fewest number of major strikes, five in total, since the Bureau of Labor Statistics began tracking labor conflicts.[5] In addition to bucking the trend, the Chicago teachers' strike was not just any other work stoppage. None of the education strikes from Chicago 2012 up through Minneapolis 2022 have entirely met the expectations of their participants - indeed, Emanuel's closures of fifty schools in 2013 was in part made possible by the inability of the CTU strike to win strong financial payouts to teachers whose schools were closed. [Extracted from the article]

On September 11, 2001, the World Trade Center collapsed and the Pentagon was attacked, triggering a sustained anti-terrorism campaign around the world. A number of cases have been reported where the war on terror has adversely affected the sovereignty of the state. The war on terror has been particularly devastating to Pakistan, one of the frontline states in this conflict. This war has compromised Pakistan's sovereignty a number of times. Specifically, this paper focuses on drone strikes by US forces in Pakistan's tribal areas, including attacks on Salallah checkpoints and the killing of Osama in Abbottabad without obtaining permission or sharing information from Pakistan. There is still a lack of trust between the United States and Pakistan, so it was the Pakistani government's responsibility to protect its regional interests before entering this war and deciding the scope of Allied Forces authority. The paper concludes that the US-led forces have undermined Pakistan's sovereignty. The document notes that intelligence cooperation, allies' trust, and the respect for national sovereignty of states are very important factors for the advancement of the antiterrorism effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One teacher makes the point more directly: black teachers and principals hired in the 1970s who had not been part of the 1960s struggles "did not operate the schools any better than White principals had" (p. 137). Shelton argues that the criminalization of teacher unionists - a rhetoric supported by the actual arrest of teacher unions leaders in Newark, Philadelphia, and New York - was the most decisive factor in destroying the liberal-labor coalition and opening the door to school privatization. Keywords: education; school choice; black schooling; teacher unions; segregation EN education school choice black schooling teacher unions segregation 678 685 8 04/12/22 20220501 NES 220501 Shelton, Jon (2017). But while better financed schools can be one factor in attracting teachers to the profession like those that Todd-Breland and Purdy interview, they can only thrive in an environment that supports the whole child and the whole teacher. [Extracted from the article]

The press builds a set of media representations on the facts of reality. The teachers' strike of 2017 marked a substantial milestone in the construction of the news in the Peruvian press, due to the informative singularity and prevalent discourses. Based on the analysis of the informative treatment of the journalistic notes, the underlying media intentions are revealed to present the teachers' conflict, from the conjuncture or anecdote, avoiding its causes; on the contrary, they highlight the scandal or spectacularism of the news. In fact, the media opted for sensationalism, linking the teachers' crisis with violence, anarchy and urban chaos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, a sequence of powerful education strikes and work stoppages across the United States sent shock waves through the country's public education system. This eruption of collective workers' organization was strongly led by women teachers responding to the current crisis of care, demanding resources, dignity, and justice for themselves, the children they teach, and their communities. While mainstream reports often represent these actions as traditional labor and/or feminist struggles, our research demonstrates that they were sites of more nuanced response to "care extraction" in education, and for understanding how constructions of gender and gender injustice both gave rise to the strikes and shaped their unfolding. Drawing on in‐depth interviews with 10 teacher‐activists who participated in the West Virginia strikes, we examine how teachers' labor is being transformed in a context of postindustrial austerity, illustrate the complex political identity of the strike actions, and explore the relationship between specific constructions of gendered labor and collective organizing in US public education today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confirming workers' fears of a company union, the bill seemed written in such a way as to allow only the IDG, or a subsidiary of the IDG, to qualify as a bargaining representative for the workers. Keywords: sectoral bargaining; gig work; living wage; racism; trade unions; unorganized workers EN sectoral bargaining gig work living wage racism trade unions unorganized workers 11 14 4 01/04/22 20220101 NES 220101 After decades of decline, strike activity grew dramatically in 2018 and 2019.[4] Data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics showed that these two years marked a thirty-five-year high for the number of workers involved in work stoppages.[5] A closer examination at rising wage inequality and nearly stagnant hourly wage growth suggested that despite having jobs and labor market power, workers were still struggling, not able to make ends meet in their day-to-day lives. Sectoral bargaining, gig work, living wage, racism, trade unions, unorganized workers. [Extracted from the article]

Purpose: In recent years, a new wave of teacher-led political action has erupted resulting in work stoppages in several states across the United States. This study examines how superintendents navigated this Red for Ed movement in two representative states. Methods: Framed as a multisite, embedded case study, we drew from public documents and semistructured interviews with superintendents. We took a deductive approach to data analysis, seeking analytic generalization to the theoretical frameworks adopted herein. Findings: Red for Ed-motivated teacher job actions did create a political dilemma for superintendents. Superintendents addressed the dilemma by utilizing the roles of business manager, instructional leader, and politician as expressed through symbolic politics including assigning responsibility and vaguely supporting the Red for Ed cause. Superintendent responses are consistent with isomorphic tenants of sociological institutionalism. Implications: Considering the modern superintendency's political nature, superintendents might benefit from preparation in political strategy and tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The broad success of the 2018–2019 #RedforEd ("Red for Education") movement in achieving more equitable outcomes for not only teachers but also other constituents in the community has generated interest in the role of teacher strikes in defending the common good. My article contributes to this conversation by interpreting the demands made by teachers and paraprofessionals and school-related personnel (PSRPs) in the 2019 Chicago Public Schools (CPS) strike through an ethics of care. Enlisting the notions of caring-for, completion, and competence from care ethics, this analysis elucidates the strike demands–namely, smaller class sizes, more bilingual education teachers and special education teachers, and adequate staffing of PSRPs providing wraparound services for high-needs students–as aiming at securing conditions for CPS faculty to provide better care for their students. This article also brings to light the varied and complex requirements placed on CPS faculty in their caring work in schools and as such, proposes an educator's ethical commitment to care for students as one plausible reason for some educators to leave the classroom for the picket line. I suggest, further, that educators, by striking, are enacting a political form of caring termed caring-with alongside fellow citizens and advocating collective responsibility in caring for all persons as care receivers and care givers. The 2019 CPS strike can therefore be seen as a response not only to disinvestment in public schools and teachers, but to the broader crisis of care deficit and democratic deficit in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three recent publications, Rashi Shukla's Metampathamine: A Love Story (2016), Helena Hansen's Addicted to Christ: Remaking Men in Puerto Rican Pentecostal Drug Ministries (2018) and Eugene Raikhel's Governing Habits: Treating Alcoholism in the Post-Soviet clinic (2016), while not directly concerned with opioid use in the U.S., speak powerfully to these concerns. She notes how a surge in opioid abuse corresponded with the marketing of OxyContin as a "minimally addictive" pain killer to predominately white middle class Americans, and explores how a recently constructed delivery system provides convenient, office-based treatment to suburban and rural insurance-holding white populations while confining majority-black and Hispanic urban populations to a less flexible, clinic-based treatment system (Hansen and Skinner 2012). B I Addicted to Christ: Remaking Men in Puerto Rican Pentecostal Drug Ministries i b Helena Hansen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2018) B I Governing Habits: Treating Alcoholism in the Post-Soviet Clinic i b Eugene Raikhel (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2016) B I Methamphetamine: A Love Story i b Rashi K.Shukla (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016) In June 2018, artists placed a seven-hundred-pound sculpture of a massive spoon used for cooking heroin outside the headquarters of Purdue Pharmacy, the controversial manufacturer of OxyContin accused of knowingly contributing to a massive increase in opioid abuse in recent decades. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, state institutions - and by extension the authority of the doctors who ran them - were under assault as the government cut funding for public treatment of addiction and abolished compulsory treatment. [Extracted from the article]

The well-documented links between education and health mean that school closures during the COVID-19 pandemic are likely to be associated with significant health harms to children and young people (CYP). A systematic review of the evidence is needed to inform policy decisions around school closures and re-openings during the pandemic. We undertook a high-quality systematic review of observational quantitative studies (published or preprint) of the impacts of school closures (for any reason) on the health, wellbeing and educational outcomes of CYP, excluding impacts of closure on transmission of infection (PROSPERO CRD42020181658). We used a machine learning approach for screening articles, with decisions on inclusion and data extraction performed independently by 2 researchers. Quality was assessed for study type. A narrative synthesis of results was undertaken as data did not allow meta-analysis. Results: 16,817 records were screened, of which 151 were reviewed in full-text and 72 studies were included from 20 countries. 33% were cohort studies using historical control periods; 19% pre-post studies; and 46% cross-sectional studies which assessed change by comparison with population reference data. 63% were high-quality, 25% medium-quality and 13% low-quality. Cause of closure in all studies was the first COVID-19 pandemic wave with the exception of 5 influenza studies and 1 teacher strike. 27 studies concerning mental health identified considerable impacts across emotional, behavioural and restlessness/inattention problems; 18-60% of CYP scored above risk thresholds for distress, particularly anxiety and depressive symptoms. Two studies reported non-significant rises in suicide rates. Self-harm and psychiatric attendances were markedly reduced, indicating a rise in unmet mental health need. Child protection referrals fell 27-39%, with a halving of the expected number of referrals originating in schools. 19 studies concerning health service use showed marked reductions in emergency department (ED) presentations and hospital admissions, with evidence of delayed presentations and potential widening of inequalities in vaccination coverage. Data suggested marked rises in screen-time and social media use and reductions in physical activity however data on sleep and diet were inconclusive. Available data suggested likely higher harms in CYP from more deprived populations. Conclusions: School closures as part of broader social distancing measures are associated with considerable harms to CYP health and wellbeing. Available data are short-term and longer-term harms are likely to be magnified by further school closures. Data are urgently needed on longer-term impacts using strong research designs, particularly amongst vulnerable groups. These findings are important for policymakers seeking to balance the risks of transmission through school-aged children with the harms of closing schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Additionally, Brown is not the first to suggest a birth strike as a way to disrupt capitalism. From a Feminist-Marxist perspective, Brown argues that an increasing birthrate, by providing an ever-expanding workforce, is a necessary condition for the survival of the ruling group. However, since capitalists need a future labor force, women (or other individuals/collectives) I must i be burdened by children and family responsibilities to produce that future labor force. Brown defines the ruling group as individuals at the zenith of societal hierarchies: the establishment, the capitalist class, the corporate class, the top 1 percent, or the billionaire class (12). [Extracted from the article]

Expanding the Range of Workers Protected by the NLRA During the Trump administration, both the Department of Labor (DOL) and the NLRB made it harder for workers to organize by redefining the terms "independent contractor" and "joint employer." Keywords: contingent workers; labor; unorganized workers; outsourcing; collective bargaining EN contingent workers labor unorganized workers outsourcing collective bargaining 46 54 9 09/17/21 20210901 NES 210901 Graph: Film industry parking attendants in New York City filed for an election with the National Labor Relations Board. 23 See, for example, I Huttig Sash & Door Co i ., 154 NLRB 1567, 1571 (1965) (employer violated the law when it discharged a union steward who made profane statements to a supervisor during the course of complaining about the improper assignment of an employee); I Thor Power Tool Co. i , 148 NLRB 1379, 1380-81 (1964) (employer violated the law when it discharged a member of the union's grievance committee because he called an employer representative a "horse's ass" because the committee member's comment "was protected activity because it was part of the res gestae of the grievance discussion", and the employer was angry because of the employee's "vigorous participation in the grievance meeting"). [Extracted from the article]

The crisis in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon that began as a protest by teachers and lawyers trade unions in late 2016 is becoming an intractable conflict which if not addressed risks destabilizing the entire Central African sub-region. Using Zartman's "ripeness" as a theoretical premise, this paper analyses the evolution of the conflict and proposes dual track diplomacy as a possible solution to break the present deadlock. Given the difficulties for both sides to escalate their way to victory and the growing, unsustainable cost of a prolonged confrontation, the present situation shows significant traces of a mutually hurting stalemate that we propose can be exploited by actors interested in resolution of the conflict. The need for and possible policy implications of pursuing a dual track diplomatic approach is explored here. It is obvious that dual track diplomacy can contribute greatly to bringing a lasting solution to the Anglophone crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Events of Force Majeure A force majeure clause must first define the "events of force majeure." I. Force Majeure Clauses in General A contract might specifically provide for and manage the legal effect of external events by the inclusion of a force majeure clause. Many franchise agreements contain a force majeure clause; that is, a clause governing events happening beyond one's control like an act of God or a pandemic. Chitty on Contracts states that a "force majeure clause" is normally used to describe a contractual term by which one (or both) of the parties is entitled to cancel the contract or is excused from performance of the contract, in whole or in part, or is entitled to suspend performance or to claim an extension of time for performance, upon a happening of a specified event or events beyond the party's control.[1] Such clauses may assume a variety of forms, but, in New Zealand, the term the usual force majeure clauses to apply has been held void for uncertainty.[2] Force majeure clauses have been said not to be exemption clauses,[3] although it is difficult to draw any clear line of demarcation between the two types of clauses, since the effect of each may relieve a contracting party of an obligation or liability to which the party would otherwise be subject. [Extracted from the article]

The 1960s and 1970s are often identified as a period of tension and explosive conflict between teachers' unions and communities of color. Instances of this can be found across the United States: in New York City, Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia, Newark, St. Louis, among others. What fails to be documented in the literature are instances of alignment between teachers' unions and communities of color. The case of the 1970 New Haven Federation of Teachers (NHFT) is an instance of such an alignment. This article demonstrates that this resulted from New Left teachers taking co-leadership of the NHFT, bringing in ideas of participatory democracy and preexisting neighborhood bonds from prior anti-racist social movement and community organizing work. This distinguished the NHFT from other teachers' unions of the time period, where the New Left was either absent or marginalized. Whereas teachers' unions across the United States were often in high pitched conflict with communities of color as most infamously represented by 1968 Ocean Hill-Brownsville, the NHFT consciously formed an anomalous alliance and an alternative vision of education, pushing for joint teacher-community control of schools. This article thereby demonstrates the importance of radical ideas for decisively shaping the direction of labor unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unfortunately, despite the feminist and culturally responsive education literature that demonstrates the impact of care on student success, education workers are asked to do a tremendous amount of work that does not contribute as directly to student and worker well-being as care work (Dunn 37). A recognition that care work is a shared responsibility that is essential to the educational success of students demands that care work be paid work in tandem with defined time for care work. To follow Tokumitsu's logic, understanding the care work of education as labor is a step toward mitigating its potential exploitation by helping workers understand what working conditions will sustain the kind of care work that our students deserve. Because the specifics of care work are not articulated in our contracts or our job descriptions at our school, and because it belongs to a category of work that has traditionally been unwaged or under-waged, it is easy to frame it as "extra" work, that some education workers opt into--rather than "real" work that we all have to do. [Extracted from the article]

(UN PHOTO / LOGAN ABASSI / FLICKR) In poor countries, public universities have been all but abandoned, increasingly left to compete with better-resourced private distance education corporations and national private universities financed by international capital. Students and professors no longer work in a university model set up by and under state control to promote development following many colonized countries' independence. [Extracted from the article]

Situated in New York City, this qualitative case study investigates nontraditional teachers, particularly immigrant women of color, and their diverse pathways into early childhood classrooms. Against the backdrop of the city's expansion of public preschool programs and its efforts to ensure high quality through narrowly defined measures of professionalization for the early childhood workforce, I traced the lived experiences of nontraditional immigrant women of color, their becoming teachers of young children, and the ways in which their funds of knowledge shape their teaching practice. Findings reveal that although nontraditional immigrant women of color enter teaching with unique and valuable life experiences, they face many challenges in the changing landscape of early childhood education. Implications point towards the importance of cultivating a more diverse teaching force and supporting teachers' development through culturally responsive and sustaining ways that honor the wealth of knowledge they bring to the benefit of young children and their families, especially those with diverse cultural backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the history of formal teacher education in the United States, clinical experience has been identified as the key component in a teacher education program upon which all other aspects of teacher preparation depend. One of the most important aspects of the low status of clinical teacher education is the continuing neglect of the importance of school-based mentor teachers. A university-community partnership in teacher education from the perspectives of community-based teacher educators. In 1935, George Counts ([17]) warned about the marginalization of practicing teachers who lack any influence in teacher-education programs: Those artists of the profession exercise almost no influence in teacher training at present. [Extracted from the article]

In the educational context, the integration of technology generates ambivalent positions: it is perceived as an opportunity for innovation, but also as a disruptive element that raises concerns. This double vision is evident when teachers face the challenge of social networks and value their usefulness in classrooms. The purpose of this research has been to analyze the teachers' perceptions about the use of social networks by high school students and to identify the material and training requirements of teachers so that they can incorporate them into their educational work. A qualitative study has been carried out and the technique used has been the group interview. The results show that teachers consider that the use of social networks in teaching can be motivating, but they warn of the risks that they can entail for young people. The conclusions are proposed at three levels: teachers are willing to integrate these resources into the educational field, but this requires a change at the professional level, especially with regard to better training in digital skills; and they also demand an increase in the resources available in educational centers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of teaching creativity and the imposition for a reinvention of the school and its professionals in the current context is the starting point of this article. In the first part, the concept of teaching creativity will be presented as a space for listening and reflection, a theoretical construct based on the product of the doctoral thesis of one of the authors, which seeks to understand the teaching self-training processes and how teacher creativity is favored when he experiences training spaces in which listening and reflection are present. In the second part, will be discussed the pandemic educational context, experienced on a world scale in 2020 and the demands arising from the reinvention of the school and its teachers. Some points of tension will be evidenced in relation to the new structures created and in the resignifications arising from what is understood here as virtuality of the classroom and teaching work. The need to be a teacher, even in adversity, created spaces for creation that were often not favorable for many teachers. The search for creative responses from these professionals, who often present themselves as "pedagogical gambiarras", emerges as factors that prove the urgency of the discussion about creativity as a teacher training theme. As a finalization of the analysis, will be presented some ways to have creativity in adverse contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to a widely shared view, nonideal theory addresses pressing and urgent matters of injustice that confront us in our actual political life. For, under conditions of oppression, the nonideal theorist is likely, in identifying the agent of change, to end up identifying an agent who is of necessity a partisan in a struggle against agents of injustice. By implicating some agents but not others in the active reproduction of this injustice, and some agents but not others as the ones wronged, the causal diagnosis might suggest that certain agents are more likely to be motivated to effectuate the chosen remedies than others. In addition, it may also suggest natural alliances with other agents struggling with the same or similar agents of injustice or affected by different but connected injustices. [Extracted from the article]

Currently, due to regulatory and prospective political reforms, Australian universities face an increased demand to supply quality early childhood teachers. While student attrition remains a general concern for all universities, this demand has presented a renewed focus on retention in Bachelor of Education (Early Childhood Studies [ECS]). The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences and motivations of preservice teachers, hypothesise the relation with attrition and determine gender differences. The data were gained from two sources. The first was from data held at a Western Australian university examining enrolment trends in ECS. Chi-square analysis revealed that male preservice teachers were significantly more likely to withdraw than their female counterparts. The second set of data were extracted from two independent qualitative studies on preservice teacher retention in the ECS course. Twenty-six preservice teachers participated in these studies and a total of 45 h of interviews were coded against indicators of extrinsic and intrinsic motivation. It was found that while female preservice teachers with either extrinsic or intrinsic motives could buffer stressful situations such as concentrated assessment periods, only males with intrinsic motives could do the same. This is in part, explained by the additional stressors males are confronted with, such as attitudinal factors and few male peers, which in turn places them at a higher risk of attrition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Workplace bargaining on economic issues often pits union workplaces against each other when jobs are scarce, and even worse, non-union workplaces often receive better terms of employment than their union counterparts. Five decades ago, when nearly 35 percent of private sector workers belonged to a union, their collective bargaining increased the standard of living of all workers, whether or not they were covered by a union contract. Keywords: capitalism; collective bargaining; global unions; labor; trade unions; unorganized workers EN capitalism collective bargaining global unions labor trade unions unorganized workers 8 10 3 01/04/22 20220101 NES 220101 Collective bargaining contracts in the private sector, the engine of our economy, currently protect a mere 7 percent of U.S. workers. [Extracted from the article]

The present study had as its central theme the physical education teacher in the aid of psychomotor development in early childhood education. Its main objective was to analyze the psychomotricity and the support that it offers for a full / complete development of the student, as well as the important role of the physical education teacher in helping this development. Brief topics were also mentioned as teacher-student relationship and the influence of the school environment in this whole process. The methodology to compose the study was through digital bibliographic reviews (SciELO and Google academic). Regarding this whole study, we noticed that the pedagogical action endowed by the teacher, his interaction between student and school environment influences the development of the individual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, Erika Kitzmiller analyzes the reactions of teachers to district officials' decision to close their traditionally managed public school and reopen it as a privately managed charter school. While many scholars have examined the impact of this reform on communities, families, and youth, little attention has been paid to the effects of charter school reform on the public school teachers who worked in these schools. Here Kitzmiller considers one of the key but largely overlooked stakeholders in charter school reform: public school teachers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With an unprecedented number of children in early childhood education and care in Australia, demand for early childhood teachers is increasing. This demand is in the context of recognition of the importance of the early years and increasing requirements for more highly qualified early childhood teachers under the National Quality Framework. Increasingly, evidence shows the value-added difference of university-qualified teachers to child outcomes. Within Australia there are multiple ways to become an early childhood teacher. Three common approaches are a 4-year teaching degree to teach children aged birth to 5 years, children aged birth to 8 years, or children aged birth to 12 years. There is, however, no evidence of how effective these degree programmes are. This paper presents the perspectives of 19 employers of early childhood teachers in New South Wales regarding how well prepared early childhood teacher graduates are to work in the early childhood sector in Australia. Although participants noted the strengths of new graduate early childhood teachers, they also identified several areas in which they were less well prepared to teach in the early years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To do a research, Ludke and André (1986) state that it is necessary to confront data, evidence, information collected on a given subject and the theoretical knowledge accumulated about it. The purpose that study was justified by the need to know and expand the understanding of who are the young and adult subjects who seek school education at night, as well as understanding the broader relations that influence the lives of these students regarding their return to the school context and the conditions that combine studies and work. We understand that this proposal tends to contribute significantly to schools by making it possible to identify who are the subjects of youth and adult education (EJA), contributing with data to feed the pedagogical proposals from the references developed in this academic work, in order to contribute with teachers to rethink their pedagogical practices in meeting the demands of this specific public. In the direction of understanding education as a right, this study allies itself with the broader struggles of the working class in order to understand the objective conditions that the working student of EJA has to complete his studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]