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The article explores the Black political activism in Brazil under a military rule. Topics discussed include the military stance on the existence of racism in the society, the collective mobilization of African-Brazilians, and the participation of Black political actors in the events following the enactment of the Amnesty Bill and the Party Reform Bill.

This article traces resistance among members of the armed forces who opposed the military dictatorship in Brazil during the first four years of the regime, 1964–67. I show that despite scholars' efforts to depict the 1964 coup as a project supported by the armed forces as a strategic and ideological unit, there were battle lines within those forces along which hard-liners and moderate interventionists battled for government control. There were, in fact, hundreds of officers and soldiers who opposed the coup and organized against it. To contain resistance efforts inside the armed forces, the generals who orchestrated the coup labeled opponents to intervention as communists and expelled them from the institution, in many cases under considerable duress. This article discusses the first opposition efforts of officers and soldiers, particularly the Nationalist Armed Resistance (RAN) and the Caparaó Guerrilla Movement. Members of the military who were opposed to the coup shared an anti-interventionism and nationalism that united them against the regime. After 1964, their efforts to oppose military interventionism, previously carried out inside the military barracks, became the fight of all its opponents, members of the armed forces and civilians alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay deals with the political upheaval of modern art after the civilianmilitary coup that took place in Brazil in 1964. The disappointment with the constructive project of Latin American art and the construction of Brasilia led many artists to question the capacity of Modern art to transform the reality. If the constructivist vanguards were dominant from the years 1950 to 1964, after those years it comes the art of new French realism and pop art. The Brazilian pop art will assume an ambiguous political discourse, sometimes critical of the influence of cultural industry in society or, more frequently a discourse of enchantment with the new society of consumerism. After the political closure and the violence in Brazil since 1968, many artists resolved to follow the example of the guerrillas in the field of visual arts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo se centra en la historiografía de la brasileña de 1964, golpe de estado. Diversos temas discutidos incluyen la historia de recuerdos, modernidad en Brasil, la ideología política de la historia de Brasil, país sociohistory, la historia de los movimientos sociales, la esclavitud allí, contemporáneo del trauma de esclavos y matanzas en el país.

The article discusses a 2011 performance of the play "Viúvas--Performance Sobre a Ausência" ("Widows--A Performance about Absence") by the theatre group Ói Nóis Aqui Traveiz on the island Ilha do Presídio near Porto Alegre, Brazil. Topics include the relation of the performance to the former use of the island to hold political prisoners during Brazil's military dictatorship, the nature of the political transition from dictatorship in relation to neoliberalism, and the role of playwright Ariel Dorfman in writing the play.

This article deals with the disputed terminology used to refer to the Brazilian military regime (1964-1985). On one side is the traditional "military dictatorship" nomenclature, which places the armed forces at the center of the political system during the period in question. Conversely, the more recent "civil-military dictatorship" terminology notes that the regime depended on civilian allies in business and government, as well as popular support, throughout its existence. My entry point is a heated 2012 debate between journalist Pedro Pomar and the radical art collective Coletivo Zagaia. I explore how new social actors that emerged after redemocratization have become central to the struggle over human rights in Brazil and, more specifically, how the dictatorship is remembered in the present. This debate among scholars, activists, bloggers, and journalists is fundamentally about memory, accountability, and, I argue, the quality of Brazilian democracy today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the second generation of autobiographical narratives of dictatorship in Brazil from 1964 to 1988. It discusses the investigations made by the Comissão Nacional da Verdade, which investigated and clarified all human rights violations that occurred during the period. Also discussed is the publication of a book which comprises the testimonies of individuals who were children during the dictatorship like Rita de Cássia Resende and journalist Matheus Leitão.

This article explores the role of the samba subgenre partido alto as a mode of resistance to modernization and the Brazilian military regime’s disfiguration of samba music in the 1970s. This resistance ultimately led a handful of samba musicians to create the Grêmio Recreativo de Arte Negra Escola de Samba Quilombo in 1975. While it is true that Quilombo nurtured Afro- Brazilian music and culture, the author demonstrates that its leader and cofounder, Antônio Candeia Filho, acted as a samba preservationist and a pioneer, referencing music of the African diaspora, but also as someone who drew the line when it came to espousing Pan-Africanism. The aversion to Pan- Africanism in Rio de Janeiro’s samba community heightened in the late 1970s, as Black Soul, among other foreign sounds and cultural presences, was perceived as a threat to the primacy of samba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the participation of the Lutherans in social movements' fight for land reform and against the latifundium in Brazil in the late 20th century. Topics include the Protestant who contradict the view on the link between the Landless Workers' Movement (MST) and Catholicism, the unfair compensation for farmers who had been dispossessed by the Itaipu power plant, and the Annoni occupation staged by farmers fighting for land ownership.

The present article analyses Brazilian policies during the Médici administration towards the Platine countries, particularly in Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay, in order to determine the influence of this diplomacy on Brazilian geopolitical projection in South America. As the US preferred ally in the region, this policy had an important role in the balance of power between Brazil and Argentina [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the beginnings of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (LGBT) periodical press in Brazil. Structured around Benedict Anderson's concept of imagined communities and Jurgen Habermas's theory of the public sphere, it shows how a marginalized group constructed a positive sense of identity and set out to change popular culture by challenging prejudice and discrimination. The analysis concentrates on the mimeograph journals circulated among gay men in the 1960s, such as O Snob, and the pioneering community newspaper Lampião (1978-1981), examining their treatment of gender and sexuality through issues such as cross-dressing, sex roles, and street prostitution. Through their explorations of the LGBT subculture and innovative use of discourse based on popular slang, these publications helped create a new space for the public discussion of sexuality as well as greater cultural awareness of a shared but diverse community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the political turmoil of the 1960s and 1970s, music emerged as an essential form of social and political engagement in Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay. However, in spite of the similar historical context, the música popular brasileira (MPB) of this period is rarely considered in connection with the nueva canción latinoamericana. This paper analyzes how these distinct and parallel movements responded to social and political needs in the years prior to and during the military dictatorships in Brazil and the Southern Cone. Exploring the qualities typical of the nueva canción found in the MPB songs of Geraldo Vandré, Chico Buarque, and Milton Nascimento underscores the similarities between the two categories. Through a comparative study, I argue that these musical forms responded to parallel social and political needs in distinct ways in order to reinforce specific discursive constructions of national identity and popular culture, as well as to confirm existing understandings of politically committed music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to relate the influence of the Pastoral Land Commission with its ties to Liberation Theology in. organizing the Landless Rural Workers of Brazil in 1984. That ecclesial model was one of the basic variables in the constitution of said social movement and its distinctive scale of national representation and socio-political coordination, which was to influence the methodology of rural collective action in Latin America in the decades that followed. The aim of the present project is thus to situate the debate regarding the agrarian issue in Brazilia during the military dictatorship, emphasizing the role of the Catholic Church in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo anuncia la creación de la Comisión de la Verdad en la Universidade de São Paulo (USP) de Brasil. La autora discurre sobre el rol de la comisión, la cual intenta a investigar a violaciones a los derechos humanos en Brasil durante el periodo de la dictadura militar entre 1946 y 1988.

The main aim of this article is to show the capacity that political action has to create geography, which means, create territories that are need for government administration. The territorial division is a result of the state planning and show up in many different scales. In 1973 was create by the Brazilian government (United) the metropolitan regions and latter it become a State decision to whether create it or not according to the 1988 constitution. The creation of the metropolitan region of Manaus is seemed as a geographical invention from the local politics. Not only there but in many order states the adoption of this political system has become an alternative, not just in order to acquired financial recourses, but also as a strong way of gain political power by interviewing on the police of urban agglomeration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relation between Brazilian race relations and apartheid in South Africa, noting anti-racism in Brazil's 1988 Constitution. Topics include a 1954 United Nations (UN) report by sociologist Gilberto Freyre on race relations, attempts by South Africa's government at economic and military relations with Brazil's military dictatorship, and a 1991 visit by anti-apartheid leader Nelson Mandela to Brazil. The impact of democratization on Brazilian race relations is noted.

In the novel Não falei, Beatriz Bracher engages with post-dictatorial memory in Brazil in ways that move beyond the denunciatory genres that have dominated literary production in the aftermath of dictatorship. Part of a younger generation of writers revisiting the cultural memory of dictatorships in the Southern Cone, Bracher offers new ways of reading the effects of dictatorship and resignifying these experiences in different social contexts. Building upon the critical work of such authors as Flora Süssekind, Idelber Avelar, and Nelly Richard, in dialogue with theoretical considerations on subalternity, hegemony, and discourse, in this essay I examine the ways in which Não falei explores the limits of the discursive logic of memory in postdictatorial Brazil. I argue that Bracher offers a more critical engagement with postdictatorial memory than much recent cultural production by creating an alogical narrative space that destabilizes the discursive mechanisms that dominate the cultural politics of memory today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on the ways that civil-military Brazilian dictatorship understood the production of print journalism, analyzing the different modes of appropriation and redefinition of journalistic information as institutional information. Thus, our focus is institutional, pondering journalistic information from the point of view and interest of the repressive apparatus. This reflection is part of broader research, which analyzed the constitution of the repressive apparatus of the dictatorship, analyzing documentation of communication SNI-DEOPS/SP of the period of 1964-1984. For this article we used the reflection of Bakhtin to analyze voices, conditions of enunciation and style constitution aiming a reflection about the discursive production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the counterculture in authoritarian Brazil from 1968 through 1974. The relationship between Brazil's modernization efforts and economic development, including the country's rise in gross domestic product (GDP) during the late 1960s and early 1970s, is discussed. The youth counterculture's perspective on Brazil's radical movement against the country's military rule is also discussed. An overview of the Brazilian counterculture's involvement with the arts is provided.

Current paper deals with the involvement of dissident military people of the Brazilian Armed Forces in guerilla movements against the military dictatorship. The militarism of organizations, as opposed to political negotiations, is investigated, based on processes filed in military courts and on interviews. Stalemates and the influence of military people with military training were the cause of tension and ruptures in armed opposition groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourses on the defense of democracy are recurrent in texts published by the Higher School of War (ESG) after the military coup. The ESG was one of the conspiratorial nuclei that produced the 1964 coup and trained civil and military agents who served the dictatorship. Current paper discusses the relationship between the ESG intellectuals and their concept of democracy. In fact, a well-elaborated restrictive concept of democracy was imbedded within the ESG discourse. The formula contains essential presuppositions assimilated by the integrating forces of the ESG through the defense of capitalist bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several meanings on the recent past, symbolized by the concepts ‘reconciliation’ and ‘revanchism’, were constructed during the transition period. The aim was to maintain control of the process by a sort of continuation of fear by comparing the Brazilian dictatorship to the Argentinean one which imprisoned the violators of human rights. Current paper presents some preliminary results of a still going investigation on memory and transmission of experience on the civil-military dictatorship and State terrorism in debates prior to the Amnesty Law and during the parliamentary works of the National Constitutional Assembly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current paper analyzes a section of the program elaborated by the Research and Social Studies Institute (IPES) that gathered a large quantity of agents against the administration of João Goulart and prepared a section of the colligation that would trigger the 1964 military coup. They also took part in the civil-military dictatorship by occupying first rank posts in the administration. From such an advantageous condition, the agents transformed structural aspects of Brazilian society since the authoritarian administration was not restricted to repression activities but had essential re-foundational aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985) did not end with a return to democracy, actually a still unfinished job. Non-solved issues are frequently brought to the fore. Current dossier publishes themes proper to that authoritarian period, such as the role of the Research and Social Studies Institute and the Higher School of War, the widening of the notion of internal enemy and debates on the armed Left. The Round Table discusses the memory of conciliation within the transition process and the excluding and restrictive contents to the democracy concept attributed by several military segments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current paper analyzes some documents produced by the Higher School of War, the main leadership formation center of the Brazilian dictatorial. They consisted of handbooks, reviews, books and reports published by its students, in small formation groups. It deals with the institution´s representations on gender relationships with special emphasis on models for males and females and the importance of their mobilization for the construction of a power project for an authoritarian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current article analyzes the judgment of crimes against popular economy during the Brazilian military dictatorship. They were actually considered crimes against the homeland and transferred to the military justice. The paper also explains the political and economical context that displaced this type of crime to the military courts and the establishment of a repression network against these crimes throughout 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the military dictatorship of Brazil from 1964 to 1985, the history of dispensaries in Portugal, and families in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Current paper focuses on Brazil in the early 1960s as a period with intense social protagonism. Several institutions of the period, such as ISEB, UNE, CPC, UnB, Itamaraty, political parties, revealed Nationalism as the existence of a common denominator behind the social struggle of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the participation of private institutions in the expansion of Higher Education in Brazil in the last five decades. The argument is that the private institutions created since 1964 differ from earlier ones. The great majority of those new institutions do not have links with religious foundations, and are structured as administrative organizations similar to enterprises. The article mentions the social conditions that have allowed the emergence of new private institutions, such as changes in the political system (1964), the implementation of the University Reform (1968), and legal measures taken by the Brazilian State in 1980 and 1990 that proposed the policies for the Higher Education system. The article also discusses certain characteristics of the configuration of current private Higher Education teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses one of the main controversies in Brazilian society at this moment: the development of a national policy of human rights and the return of the debate on political crimes committed under the military dictatorship from 1964 onwards. The main hypothesis associates the barriers imposed on that human rights policy to the way in which democracy was retaken in the country and the model on which important segments related to the authoritarian government occupied strategic roles. Even today, this presents a real difficulty in terms of recovery and, if necessary, punishment for the crimes committed by the government during the dictatorship, which in turn makes the development of human rights policies more complicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the relationship between avant-garde, marginal culture, and counterculture in Brazil during the military dictatorship from 1968 to 1972, focusing on the works of artist Hélio Oiticica, poet Waly Salomão, and singer Gal Costa. The author explores the origins of the Tropicália movement, which gathered different artistic expressions and social trends among young Brazilians at the time.

The aim of this article is to analyse and show in detail the influence of the National Security and Development Doctrine, the main ideological prop of the 1964 civilian–military coup, on the education policy implemented by the regime. Special attention is given to the MEC-USAID agreements, the setting up of the Meira Matos Commission and the reform of elementary, middle and high school education, which was put into effect by the enactment of Law 5692/1971. It purports to show that their overriding purpose was to adapt the education system to the economic and political model in place at that time, so as to transform it into a tool for the promotion of national security and development as perceived by that doctrine. The article concludes that the changes that took place in Brazilian education can only be fully comprehended in the light of their interaction with the processes that fostered the manifestation of the National Security ideology in Latin America as a whole and Brazil in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

From 1978 to 1982, groups of college-age youth took to the streets of São Paulo and other Brazilian cities performing works of art that they referred to as ‘urban interventions’. Mixing aspects of performance, conceptualism and street art, they constituted a repossession of public space during the abertura, or opening period of Brazilian history, when the military regime that had been in power since 1964 made a slow transition to democracy. Newspaper articles constitute one of the most important sources of information on the urban interventions, however, at the same time these articles tend to criticise and dismiss them for their amateurism, effectively excluding them from the history of contemporary Brazilian art. Such an attitude reveals a lack of awareness of the fact that this generation, known loosely as the independents, created works that deliberately lacked polish as a way of criticising mainstream cultural production. This article outlines analyses the traits of the independent aesthetic through consideration of several urban interventions in the areas of visual arts, performance and literature. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Relationships between historical awareness, historical culture and political culture based on empirical data collected by the project Youth facing History are discussed. The discussion is highly relevant for studies on youth and provides political and educational guidelines. The discussion is based on the theories by Jörn Rüsen (2001; 2009), Martha Abreu (2007) and others. A quantitative research is undertaken mainly using questions on the Likert scale. Analysis is performed by descriptive statistics with the establishment of crossings and co-relationships. Sample consists of Brazilian, Argentine and Uruguayan secondary school young people. Results reinforce the prevalence of individualist perspectives to the detriment of collective and public ones, with difficulties in relating present social issues to exploratory forms of past peoples. Significant differences are also extant among young people of the three countries in their evaluation of the recent past, especially that on the dictatorial regimes. Responses on the way society deals with the memory of human rights violation during this period were diversified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil is traditionally regarded as having been distant from its Latin American neighbours. However, new documents show that it was actually very involved in the Cold War struggles that engulfed the Southern Cone during the early 1970s. In Chile, Bolivia and Uruguay, Brazil's military regime intervened to prevent or overturn left-wing gains. It also did its best to encourage the United States to play a greater role in fighting the region's Cold War. Finally, it served as the model that military leaders in the Southern Cone looked to as they plotted to seize power. Examining these direct and indirect forms of influence, with particular reference to the relationship between Brazil and Chile, this article argues that Brazil's experience after 1964 was a game changer when it came to the way in which the inter-American Cold War unfolded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article expands on a little-known work by Paulo Fernando Novaes Correia, Boi Encantado (Enchanted Carcass) that created a stink by defying expectations of museum protocol when it was shown in 1972. By contextualizing Boi Encantado within the particular circumstances of Brazilian history, this article examines an artwork whose mephitic intervention into an institution crossed into the public arena, complicating the role of institutions as neutral interlocutors between artists and viewers. Boi Encantado, shown at the sixth Jovem Arte Contemporânea exhibition in São Paulo, brings to light the tensions generated between a museum's commitment to artistic freedom and the display of works probing the limits of institutional tolerance. Such tensions expose the challenges of promoting creative freedom while administering institutional authority, particularly in the context of increasing military repression in Brazil circa 1972. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Vindication for the right to memory and the struggle for truth in Latin American countries have been posited recently in the wake of the systematic violence against human rights vis-à-vis the dictatorships extant during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Although Uruguay and Brazil had their own peculiarities in those circumstances, common factors and experiences to both countries may be detected and acknowledged with regional connections. The political role of memory, vindications and actions in these experiences are basic to understand the phenomenon and re-assess aspects linked to ‘the right to memory' and ‘search for truth' in vogue in these societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses homosexuality among members of revolutionary, Marxist groups in Brazil during the 1960s and 1970s, how gay revolutionaries coped with their sexual orientation and political ideology, and how other revolutionaries reacted to their gay peers. Topics include how gay revolutionaries were sometimes executed, the idea that the fight for gay rights fractured the otherwise united revolution, and the roles gay revolutionaries played in the reorganized, liberal Brazilian government.

The article discusses the crônicas, or chronicles, of the political columnist Sérgio Porto, who wrote under the pen name Stanislaw Ponte Preta, within the populist Brazilian newspaper "Última Hora" during the 1960s. An overview Porto's use of the term "democradura" to depict the repressive nature of Brazil's military dictatorship, including in regard to the social conditions of fear and suspicion and the Brazilian right's fondness for sycophants, is provided. Porto's skepticism of Brazil's radical Left and his appeal to the country's political center are discussed.

The article discusses the origins of the Brazilian military government and the country's repressive social conditions during the 1960s. An overview of the alliance between the Catholic Church and Brazil's anticommunist political right, including the political activity of the archbishop of Diamantina, Brazil, Dom Geraldo Proença Sigaud, is provided. The role that the conservative columnist Gustavo Corção played in creating a panic in Brazil regarding morality and youth sexuality is discussed. An overview of the right wing terrorist organization the Brazilian Anticommunist Alliance (AAB) is provided. The article also discusses the impact that the Higher War College (Escola Superior de Guerra, or ESG) had on Brazilian national security doctrine.

The present paper aims to reflect on the experience of a small group of public servants and technicians working in government bodies linked to land ownership issues within the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-85). This group behavior was guided by agrarian reform defense as an expression of land ownership democratization. The group was formed by people that, in their daily work, hadlearned to seize the minimum administrativespace to defend a reformist project. I assume that the agrarian reform ideal conceived as a historical need socially built was determinant to the existence, the actuation and the social reproduction of agrarian reform guardians as a group as well as individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]