Search

Innovation capability refers to the ability to continuously innovate. Firms have recognized this ability as the most critical source of innovation performance, firm performance, and sustained competitiveness. In emerging economies, innovation capability is also noted as a significant source of economic development, which can lead to improvements in education, health, and democracy. It is not easy to build innovation capabilities in emerging economies. Unlike firms in developed economies, emerging economy firms (EEFs) lack resources, competencies, and capabilities. They depend on international clusters of innovative suppliers, as critical resources are not readily available within the firm or with other domestic partners. EEFs also face low-quality education, weak institutions, and financial constraints. Although innovation capability building has attracted the interest of scholars over the last decades, the possibilities for developing better explanations of the concept are far from exhausted. The literature in this field still lacks consistency, a comprehensive viewpoint, and efficient operationalization. Moreover, economic slowdowns in several emerging economies reinforce the need to better understand how EEFs build innovation capability. For this purpose, the case study method was applied in the research papers to investigate firms from Brazil, a recognized emerging economy in Latin America. The research included 13 case studies based on 47 interviews and numerous secondary sources. In addition, different levels of analysis, ranging from project to firm to ecosystem, helped to complement and enrich the findings and conclusions. The research shows that EEFs build innovation capability by first learning and accumulating technological capabilities to approach the forerunners. Once the technological gap has been reduced, EEFs continue building their innovation capabilities by sensing the environment, seizing windows of opportunity, reconfiguring existing tech, Innovationsförmåga avser förmågan till ständig förnyelse. Denna förmåga framhålls ofta som den mest kritiska källan till bibehållen konkurrenskraft hos företag. I tillväxtekonomier leder företagens innovationsförmåga till ekonomisk utveckling, vilket förutom konkurrenskraft också kan medföra förbättringar av utbildning, hälsa och demokrati. Det är svårt att bygga innovationsförmåga i en tillväxtekonomi. Till skillnad från företag i väl utvecklade ekonomier, saknar företag i tillväxtekonomier många resurser och kompetenser. Eftersom de inte har tillgång till kritiska resurser inom företaget eller från inhemska partners är de beroende av internationella kluster av innovativa leverantörer. Företag i tillväxtekonomier verkar också i sammanhang som präglas av lågkvalitativ utbildning, svaga institutioner och ekonomiska begränsningar. Även om byggandet av innovationsförmåga har intresserat forskare under de senaste decennierna, finns det fortfarande utrymme för bättre förklaringar. Litteraturen i detta område behöver mer överensstämmelse, helhetssyn och bättre operationalisering. Dessutom leder ekonomiska nedgångar i flera tillväxtekonomier till ett ännu större behov av att förstå hur förtag kan bygga en innovationsförmåga. Denna avhandling innehåller forskningsartiklar med studier av företag i Brasilien, en välkänd tillväxtekonomi i Latinamerika. Forskningen analyserar 13 fallstudier som bygger på data från 47 intervjuer samt sekundära källor. Olika analysnivåer, från projekt till företag och ekosystem, bidrar till att komplettera och berika resultaten och slutsatserna. Forskningen visar hur företag i tillväxtekonomier bygger innovationsförmåga genom att först utveckla och ta till sig teknisk kunskap så att de närmar sig de ledande företagen i sin bransch. När klyftan har minskat fortsätter de att bygga sin innovationsförmåga genom att känna av miljön, ta tillvara på möjligheter, konfigurera om befintlig kunskap, hantera leverantörer och komplementära organisatio, Funding: This research was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (reference number: 203048/2015-6), and Sweden’s Innovation Agency (Vinnova), Sweden (research grant numbers: 2018-02930 and 2022-00301). Research papers:1. Accumulating technological capabilities through R&D projects: studies on the Brazilian defence industry FundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 2. Strategic alignment of technology: Organising for technology upgrading in emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 3. Fostering frugal innovation through computer-aided engineering: benefits and challenges for emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388 and 2018-02930CNPq, 203048/2015-6 4. Dynamics of Innovation Ecosystems: Orchestrating Actors and Interactions in Emerging EconomiesFundersVINNOVA, 2018-02930 and 2021-03523CNPq, 203048/2015-6

Innovation capability refers to the ability to continuously innovate. Firms have recognized this ability as the most critical source of innovation performance, firm performance, and sustained competitiveness. In emerging economies, innovation capability is also noted as a significant source of economic development, which can lead to improvements in education, health, and democracy. It is not easy to build innovation capabilities in emerging economies. Unlike firms in developed economies, emerging economy firms (EEFs) lack resources, competencies, and capabilities. They depend on international clusters of innovative suppliers, as critical resources are not readily available within the firm or with other domestic partners. EEFs also face low-quality education, weak institutions, and financial constraints. Although innovation capability building has attracted the interest of scholars over the last decades, the possibilities for developing better explanations of the concept are far from exhausted. The literature in this field still lacks consistency, a comprehensive viewpoint, and efficient operationalization. Moreover, economic slowdowns in several emerging economies reinforce the need to better understand how EEFs build innovation capability. For this purpose, the case study method was applied in the research papers to investigate firms from Brazil, a recognized emerging economy in Latin America. The research included 13 case studies based on 47 interviews and numerous secondary sources. In addition, different levels of analysis, ranging from project to firm to ecosystem, helped to complement and enrich the findings and conclusions. The research shows that EEFs build innovation capability by first learning and accumulating technological capabilities to approach the forerunners. Once the technological gap has been reduced, EEFs continue building their innovation capabilities by sensing the environment, seizing windows of opportunity, reconfiguring existing tech, Innovationsförmåga avser förmågan till ständig förnyelse. Denna förmåga framhålls ofta som den mest kritiska källan till bibehållen konkurrenskraft hos företag. I tillväxtekonomier leder företagens innovationsförmåga till ekonomisk utveckling, vilket förutom konkurrenskraft också kan medföra förbättringar av utbildning, hälsa och demokrati. Det är svårt att bygga innovationsförmåga i en tillväxtekonomi. Till skillnad från företag i väl utvecklade ekonomier, saknar företag i tillväxtekonomier många resurser och kompetenser. Eftersom de inte har tillgång till kritiska resurser inom företaget eller från inhemska partners är de beroende av internationella kluster av innovativa leverantörer. Företag i tillväxtekonomier verkar också i sammanhang som präglas av lågkvalitativ utbildning, svaga institutioner och ekonomiska begränsningar. Även om byggandet av innovationsförmåga har intresserat forskare under de senaste decennierna, finns det fortfarande utrymme för bättre förklaringar. Litteraturen i detta område behöver mer överensstämmelse, helhetssyn och bättre operationalisering. Dessutom leder ekonomiska nedgångar i flera tillväxtekonomier till ett ännu större behov av att förstå hur förtag kan bygga en innovationsförmåga. Denna avhandling innehåller forskningsartiklar med studier av företag i Brasilien, en välkänd tillväxtekonomi i Latinamerika. Forskningen analyserar 13 fallstudier som bygger på data från 47 intervjuer samt sekundära källor. Olika analysnivåer, från projekt till företag och ekosystem, bidrar till att komplettera och berika resultaten och slutsatserna. Forskningen visar hur företag i tillväxtekonomier bygger innovationsförmåga genom att först utveckla och ta till sig teknisk kunskap så att de närmar sig de ledande företagen i sin bransch. När klyftan har minskat fortsätter de att bygga sin innovationsförmåga genom att känna av miljön, ta tillvara på möjligheter, konfigurera om befintlig kunskap, hantera leverantörer och komplementära organisatio, Funding: This research was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (reference number: 203048/2015-6), and Sweden’s Innovation Agency (Vinnova), Sweden (research grant numbers: 2018-02930 and 2022-00301). Research papers:1. Accumulating technological capabilities through R&D projects: studies on the Brazilian defence industry FundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 2. Strategic alignment of technology: Organising for technology upgrading in emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 3. Fostering frugal innovation through computer-aided engineering: benefits and challenges for emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388 and 2018-02930CNPq, 203048/2015-6 4. Dynamics of Innovation Ecosystems: Orchestrating Actors and Interactions in Emerging EconomiesFundersVINNOVA, 2018-02930 and 2021-03523CNPq, 203048/2015-6

Innovation capability refers to the ability to continuously innovate. Firms have recognized this ability as the most critical source of innovation performance, firm performance, and sustained competitiveness. In emerging economies, innovation capability is also noted as a significant source of economic development, which can lead to improvements in education, health, and democracy. It is not easy to build innovation capabilities in emerging economies. Unlike firms in developed economies, emerging economy firms (EEFs) lack resources, competencies, and capabilities. They depend on international clusters of innovative suppliers, as critical resources are not readily available within the firm or with other domestic partners. EEFs also face low-quality education, weak institutions, and financial constraints. Although innovation capability building has attracted the interest of scholars over the last decades, the possibilities for developing better explanations of the concept are far from exhausted. The literature in this field still lacks consistency, a comprehensive viewpoint, and efficient operationalization. Moreover, economic slowdowns in several emerging economies reinforce the need to better understand how EEFs build innovation capability. For this purpose, the case study method was applied in the research papers to investigate firms from Brazil, a recognized emerging economy in Latin America. The research included 13 case studies based on 47 interviews and numerous secondary sources. In addition, different levels of analysis, ranging from project to firm to ecosystem, helped to complement and enrich the findings and conclusions. The research shows that EEFs build innovation capability by first learning and accumulating technological capabilities to approach the forerunners. Once the technological gap has been reduced, EEFs continue building their innovation capabilities by sensing the environment, seizing windows of opportunity, reconfiguring existing tech, Innovationsförmåga avser förmågan till ständig förnyelse. Denna förmåga framhålls ofta som den mest kritiska källan till bibehållen konkurrenskraft hos företag. I tillväxtekonomier leder företagens innovationsförmåga till ekonomisk utveckling, vilket förutom konkurrenskraft också kan medföra förbättringar av utbildning, hälsa och demokrati. Det är svårt att bygga innovationsförmåga i en tillväxtekonomi. Till skillnad från företag i väl utvecklade ekonomier, saknar företag i tillväxtekonomier många resurser och kompetenser. Eftersom de inte har tillgång till kritiska resurser inom företaget eller från inhemska partners är de beroende av internationella kluster av innovativa leverantörer. Företag i tillväxtekonomier verkar också i sammanhang som präglas av lågkvalitativ utbildning, svaga institutioner och ekonomiska begränsningar. Även om byggandet av innovationsförmåga har intresserat forskare under de senaste decennierna, finns det fortfarande utrymme för bättre förklaringar. Litteraturen i detta område behöver mer överensstämmelse, helhetssyn och bättre operationalisering. Dessutom leder ekonomiska nedgångar i flera tillväxtekonomier till ett ännu större behov av att förstå hur förtag kan bygga en innovationsförmåga. Denna avhandling innehåller forskningsartiklar med studier av företag i Brasilien, en välkänd tillväxtekonomi i Latinamerika. Forskningen analyserar 13 fallstudier som bygger på data från 47 intervjuer samt sekundära källor. Olika analysnivåer, från projekt till företag och ekosystem, bidrar till att komplettera och berika resultaten och slutsatserna. Forskningen visar hur företag i tillväxtekonomier bygger innovationsförmåga genom att först utveckla och ta till sig teknisk kunskap så att de närmar sig de ledande företagen i sin bransch. När klyftan har minskat fortsätter de att bygga sin innovationsförmåga genom att känna av miljön, ta tillvara på möjligheter, konfigurera om befintlig kunskap, hantera leverantörer och komplementära organisatio, Funding: This research was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (reference number: 203048/2015-6), and Sweden’s Innovation Agency (Vinnova), Sweden (research grant numbers: 2018-02930 and 2022-00301). Research papers:1. Accumulating technological capabilities through R&D projects: studies on the Brazilian defence industry FundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 2. Strategic alignment of technology: Organising for technology upgrading in emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 3. Fostering frugal innovation through computer-aided engineering: benefits and challenges for emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388 and 2018-02930CNPq, 203048/2015-6 4. Dynamics of Innovation Ecosystems: Orchestrating Actors and Interactions in Emerging EconomiesFundersVINNOVA, 2018-02930 and 2021-03523CNPq, 203048/2015-6

Innovation capability refers to the ability to continuously innovate. Firms have recognized this ability as the most critical source of innovation performance, firm performance, and sustained competitiveness. In emerging economies, innovation capability is also noted as a significant source of economic development, which can lead to improvements in education, health, and democracy. It is not easy to build innovation capabilities in emerging economies. Unlike firms in developed economies, emerging economy firms (EEFs) lack resources, competencies, and capabilities. They depend on international clusters of innovative suppliers, as critical resources are not readily available within the firm or with other domestic partners. EEFs also face low-quality education, weak institutions, and financial constraints. Although innovation capability building has attracted the interest of scholars over the last decades, the possibilities for developing better explanations of the concept are far from exhausted. The literature in this field still lacks consistency, a comprehensive viewpoint, and efficient operationalization. Moreover, economic slowdowns in several emerging economies reinforce the need to better understand how EEFs build innovation capability. For this purpose, the case study method was applied in the research papers to investigate firms from Brazil, a recognized emerging economy in Latin America. The research included 13 case studies based on 47 interviews and numerous secondary sources. In addition, different levels of analysis, ranging from project to firm to ecosystem, helped to complement and enrich the findings and conclusions. The research shows that EEFs build innovation capability by first learning and accumulating technological capabilities to approach the forerunners. Once the technological gap has been reduced, EEFs continue building their innovation capabilities by sensing the environment, seizing windows of opportunity, reconfiguring existing tech, Innovationsförmåga avser förmågan till ständig förnyelse. Denna förmåga framhålls ofta som den mest kritiska källan till bibehållen konkurrenskraft hos företag. I tillväxtekonomier leder företagens innovationsförmåga till ekonomisk utveckling, vilket förutom konkurrenskraft också kan medföra förbättringar av utbildning, hälsa och demokrati. Det är svårt att bygga innovationsförmåga i en tillväxtekonomi. Till skillnad från företag i väl utvecklade ekonomier, saknar företag i tillväxtekonomier många resurser och kompetenser. Eftersom de inte har tillgång till kritiska resurser inom företaget eller från inhemska partners är de beroende av internationella kluster av innovativa leverantörer. Företag i tillväxtekonomier verkar också i sammanhang som präglas av lågkvalitativ utbildning, svaga institutioner och ekonomiska begränsningar. Även om byggandet av innovationsförmåga har intresserat forskare under de senaste decennierna, finns det fortfarande utrymme för bättre förklaringar. Litteraturen i detta område behöver mer överensstämmelse, helhetssyn och bättre operationalisering. Dessutom leder ekonomiska nedgångar i flera tillväxtekonomier till ett ännu större behov av att förstå hur förtag kan bygga en innovationsförmåga. Denna avhandling innehåller forskningsartiklar med studier av företag i Brasilien, en välkänd tillväxtekonomi i Latinamerika. Forskningen analyserar 13 fallstudier som bygger på data från 47 intervjuer samt sekundära källor. Olika analysnivåer, från projekt till företag och ekosystem, bidrar till att komplettera och berika resultaten och slutsatserna. Forskningen visar hur företag i tillväxtekonomier bygger innovationsförmåga genom att först utveckla och ta till sig teknisk kunskap så att de närmar sig de ledande företagen i sin bransch. När klyftan har minskat fortsätter de att bygga sin innovationsförmåga genom att känna av miljön, ta tillvara på möjligheter, konfigurera om befintlig kunskap, hantera leverantörer och komplementära organisatio, Funding: This research was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (reference number: 203048/2015-6), and Sweden’s Innovation Agency (Vinnova), Sweden (research grant numbers: 2018-02930 and 2022-00301). Research papers:1. Accumulating technological capabilities through R&D projects: studies on the Brazilian defence industry FundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 2. Strategic alignment of technology: Organising for technology upgrading in emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 3. Fostering frugal innovation through computer-aided engineering: benefits and challenges for emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388 and 2018-02930CNPq, 203048/2015-6 4. Dynamics of Innovation Ecosystems: Orchestrating Actors and Interactions in Emerging EconomiesFundersVINNOVA, 2018-02930 and 2021-03523CNPq, 203048/2015-6

Brasilien erlebt derzeit eine konservative Wende, die ihren Ausdruck nicht nur in der Präsidentschaft Jair Bolsonaros (2019-2022) fand, sondern sich auch in der Ausweitung des Phänomens sogenannter milícias (Parapolizeigruppen) in einkommensschwachen Vierteln manifestiert sowie im Aufkommen antisozialer Bewegungen, die sich selbst als rechtsgerichtet und konservativ verstehen. In diesem Kontext diskutiert der Beitrag am Beispiel der Metropolregion Rio de Janeiro das Wechselverhältnis zwischen (a) der Entstehung konservativer und rechtsextremer Gruppen, (b) der Ausbreitung von milícias im Stadtgebiet Rio de Janeiros und (c) deren Einfluss auf das Wahlverhalten in von ihnen dominierten einkommensschwachen Vierteln bei Wahlen zwischen 2018 und 2022. Die von den milícias praktizierten Formen der Gebietskontrolle – unter anderem Informationsnetzwerke, disziplinarische soziale Kontrolle, die Vermittlung zwischen individuellen und kollektiven Interessen sowie die Kontrolle von Wahlen – finden bislang weder bei Behörden noch in der Sozialanalyse und -forschung hinreichend Beachtung. Eine Reihe politischer Organisationen und alternativer Medien sind verantwortlich für die Verbreitung antidemokratischer Werte und Praktiken. Damit verfolgen sie das Ziel, die unterschwellige konservative Wende im Land zu legitimieren und die Beziehungen zwischen Stadterfahrung und Demokratie zu schwächen., Brazil is currently experiencing a conservative turn, which has found expression not only in Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency (2019–2022) but also in the phenomenon of so-called milícias expanding in low-income neighborhoods as well as in the emergence of anti-social movements that identify themselves as right-wing and conservative. In this context, the paper uses the example of the Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Region to discuss the relationship between (i) the emergence of conservative and far-right groups; (ii) the expansion of milícias in the city of Rio de Janeiro; and (iii) their influence on voting behavior in low-income, milícia-dominated neighborhoods in elections between 2018 and 2022. The forms of territorial control practiced by milícias, including information networks, disciplinary social control, mediation between individual and collective interests, and electoral control, have not yet received sufficient attention from authorities or in social analysis and research. A number of political organizations and alternative media are responsible for spreading antidemocratic values and practices. In doing so, they seek to legitimize the undercurrent conservative turn in the country and to weaken the links between urban experience and democracy.

Under 1960 och 1970-talen grep militären makten i en rad latinamerikanska länder. Uruguays förvandling från ”Sydamerikas Schweiz” till en av de hårdaste diktaturerna i regionen skedde inte i isolering utan under en längre process där utomstående aktörer även spelade en avgörande roll. Denna uppsats använder en rad nyligen offentliggjorda amerikanska och brasilianska dokument för att visa hur dessa två länder, ibland på egen hand och ibland med viss koordinering, påverkade Uruguay under den kritiska perioden då landets militär tog makten i landet., During the 1960s and 1970s, the military seized power in several Latin American countries. Uruguay's transformation from "the Switzerland of South America" to one of the harshest dictatorships in the region did not happen isolation, but during a longer process in which outside actors also played a crucial role. This essay uses a range of recently declassified American and Brazilian documents to demonstrate how these two countries, sometimes independently and sometimes with some coordination, influenced Uruguay during the critical period when the country's military took control of the country.

As global inequality reaches unprecedented levels, social entrepreneurship has emerged as a promising tool for addressing this and fighting some of the most challenging social issues of our time. This thesis seeks to dive into the specific challenges that social entrepreneurs encounter in low-income settings by conducting a case study in the favelas in Brazil, one of the world’s most widely recognized low-income areas. By conducting a comprehensive literature review, the thesis establishes a conceptual framework for the challenges facing social entrepreneurs in low-income settings. This is used to guide the analysis for the data collection in a deductive manner. Data is collected using semi-structured interviews with seven social entrepreneurs operating within the favelas. The findings reveal that the interviewed social entrepreneurs in the favelas face significant obstacles across five main areas: financial capital, legal and regulatory environment, infrastructure, human capital, and social capital. These challenges are consistent with the conceptual framework of challenges facing social entrepreneurs in low-income settings., I takt med att den globala ojämlikheten når rekordnivåer har socialt entreprenörskap vuxit fram som ett lovande verktyg för att tackla några av vår tids mest utmanande samhällsfrågor. Denna avhandling syftar till att undersöka de specifika utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer möter i låginkomstmiljöer genom att genomföra en fältstudie i favelorna i Brasilien, ett av världens mest kända låginkomstområden. Genom att göra en omfattande litteraturgenomgång etablerar avhandlingen först ett konceptuellt ramverk för de utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer i låginkomstmiljöer står inför. Denna används senare för att vägleda analysen av datainsamlingen på ett deduktivt sätt. Data samlas in med hjälp av semistrukturerade intervjuer med sju sociala entreprenörer verksamma inom dessa områden. Resultaten visar att de intervjuade sociala entreprenörerna möter betydande hinder inom fem huvudområden: finansiellt kapital, lagar och regler, infrastruktur, humankapital och socialt kapital. Dessa utmaningar är i linje med det konceptuella ramverket för utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer står inför i låginkomstområden.

Under 1960 och 1970-talen grep militären makten i en rad latinamerikanska länder. Uruguays förvandling från ”Sydamerikas Schweiz” till en av de hårdaste diktaturerna i regionen skedde inte i isolering utan under en längre process där utomstående aktörer även spelade en avgörande roll. Denna uppsats använder en rad nyligen offentliggjorda amerikanska och brasilianska dokument för att visa hur dessa två länder, ibland på egen hand och ibland med viss koordinering, påverkade Uruguay under den kritiska perioden då landets militär tog makten i landet., During the 1960s and 1970s, the military seized power in several Latin American countries. Uruguay's transformation from "the Switzerland of South America" to one of the harshest dictatorships in the region did not happen isolation, but during a longer process in which outside actors also played a crucial role. This essay uses a range of recently declassified American and Brazilian documents to demonstrate how these two countries, sometimes independently and sometimes with some coordination, influenced Uruguay during the critical period when the country's military took control of the country.

As global inequality reaches unprecedented levels, social entrepreneurship has emerged as a promising tool for addressing this and fighting some of the most challenging social issues of our time. This thesis seeks to dive into the specific challenges that social entrepreneurs encounter in low-income settings by conducting a case study in the favelas in Brazil, one of the world’s most widely recognized low-income areas. By conducting a comprehensive literature review, the thesis establishes a conceptual framework for the challenges facing social entrepreneurs in low-income settings. This is used to guide the analysis for the data collection in a deductive manner. Data is collected using semi-structured interviews with seven social entrepreneurs operating within the favelas. The findings reveal that the interviewed social entrepreneurs in the favelas face significant obstacles across five main areas: financial capital, legal and regulatory environment, infrastructure, human capital, and social capital. These challenges are consistent with the conceptual framework of challenges facing social entrepreneurs in low-income settings., I takt med att den globala ojämlikheten når rekordnivåer har socialt entreprenörskap vuxit fram som ett lovande verktyg för att tackla några av vår tids mest utmanande samhällsfrågor. Denna avhandling syftar till att undersöka de specifika utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer möter i låginkomstmiljöer genom att genomföra en fältstudie i favelorna i Brasilien, ett av världens mest kända låginkomstområden. Genom att göra en omfattande litteraturgenomgång etablerar avhandlingen först ett konceptuellt ramverk för de utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer i låginkomstmiljöer står inför. Denna används senare för att vägleda analysen av datainsamlingen på ett deduktivt sätt. Data samlas in med hjälp av semistrukturerade intervjuer med sju sociala entreprenörer verksamma inom dessa områden. Resultaten visar att de intervjuade sociala entreprenörerna möter betydande hinder inom fem huvudområden: finansiellt kapital, lagar och regler, infrastruktur, humankapital och socialt kapital. Dessa utmaningar är i linje med det konceptuella ramverket för utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer står inför i låginkomstområden.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

Begreift man Oswald de Andrades "Anthropophagisches Manifest" (1928) nicht nur als literarisches Werk, sondern auch als Beitrag zur postkolonialen Theorie avant la lettre, so ergeben sich neue Perspektiven auf die brasilianische Kultur. Entlang postkolonialer Strategien kultureller Kannibalisierung zeichnet der Autor bisher kaum beachtete Verbindungslinien zwischen dem Modernismo und dem Tropicalismo nach. Vor einem breiten kulturhistorischen Hintergrund stellen Detailanalysen tropikalistischer Werke deren Bedeutung für den Paradigmenwechsel vom antikolonialen zum postkolonialen Diskurs heraus. Ausgezeichnet mit dem Georg-Rudolf-Lind-Förderpreis für Lusitanistik.

In a press conference in Buenos Aires in October 2022, Josep Borrell, the European Union High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, declared that 2023 must be the year of Latin America in Europe and of Europe in Latin America. There is renewed European interest in Latin America as a strategic partner, but many Latin American governments prefer an active non-alignment in international politics. The Spanish EU Council Presidency in the second half of 2023 will open a window of opportunity for deepening EU-Latin American and the Caribbean relations. A summit between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), the first since 2015, is planned to be held from 17-18 July 2023 in Brussels. As the EU is pursuing open strategic autonomy, Latin America is perceived as a possible strategic partner supportive of its agenda in international politics. Strategically important raw materials are imported from Latin America, and the latter's countries have the potential to become important producers and exporters of green hydrogen. While Europe has lost ground as a trading partner with Latin America to China, European companies are still a leading investor in the region, and Europe has still soft power or power of attraction in Latin America. The results of the recent elections in Latin America, especially the victory of Lula da Silva in Brazil, open new possibilities for EU cooperation with the region. It will be easier to find common positions on climate change and the protection of the Amazon rainforest. But Latin American governments will demand more protection for their domestic industries in free trade agreements and expect more European funding for measures against climate change and for environmental protection, and they will not automatically support European positions in international politics. If the EU wants to win over Latin America as a strategic partner, it must also act strategically. The signing of the association agreem

By understanding listening processes in philanthropy and social impact investments as a critical aspect of building a trustworthy philanthropic practice, this paper offers a qualitative review of how foundations and funders in Europe and Brazil listen. To comprehend and to be able to qualify and classify their listening practices, the interview script for this paper built upon the work of the "high-quality feedback loop" organisations that advocate for better listening practices in philanthropy and aid. Thirty interviews offered insights into why organisations listen, the biggest challenges in the process, different project phases where listening occurs, who is listened to, listening methods, space for feedback, reporting back processes, power imbalances and levels of participation.

Why do legislators introduce impeachment resolutions against the president, even though most of these resolutions never succeed? We explore two possible answers to this puzzle, which are linked to the legislative functions of oversight and representation. First, legislators initiate impeachment procedures to expose (real or alleged) presidential misdeeds, an action that may weaken the president's approval rates, even if an impeachment process remains unlikely. Second, legislators introduce impeachment resolutions to express their constituents' outrage in the context of corruption scandals or poor economic performance- that is, in response to an exogenous decline in presidential approval. To test these hypotheses, we analyze 274 impeachment resolutions introduced against the presidents of Argentina and Brazil since the transition to democracy. We estimate models predicting presidential approval and impeachment resolutions using time-series and simultaneous equations estimators. Our results strongly support the representation hypothesis.

Die Autoren nehmen die aktuelle politische Situation in Brasilien in den Blick und berichten über die jüngsten bildungspolitischen Auseinandersetzungen in dem politisch und sozial gespaltenen Land. Im Mittelpunkt steht der Versuch der Regierung Bolsonaro ein Exempel an dem renommierten und weltweit anerkannten Pädagogen Paulo Freire zu statuieren und damit eine neue, neoliberale Ägide in der brasilianischen Bildungspolitik einzuleiten.

This paper explores the variation in intergenerational educational mobility across the Brazilian states based on univariate econometric techniques. The analysis of the national household survey (PNAD-2014) confirms a strong variation in mobility among the 27 federative units in Brazil and demonstrates a significant correlation between mobility and income inequality. In this sense, this work presents empirical evidence for the existence of the "Great Gatsby curve" within a single country: states with greater income disparities present higher levels of persistence in educational levels across generations. Finally, the paper investigates one specific mechanism behind this correlation: whether higher income inequality might lead to lower investment in human capital among children from socially vulnerable households. The paper delivers robust and compelling results showing that children born into families where the parents have not completed primary education have a statistically significant reduction in their chance of completing the educational system if they live in states with a higher level of income inequality.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.