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Rodeo is considered an important national symbol in Chile. The evolution of this cultural phenomenon throughout history reveals that it has not always enjoyed the recognition it has today. The first rodeos in Chile were held in the second half of the 16th century, but this word used to have a different meaning at the time. In the colonial era of Spanish America, «rodeo» referred to herding cattle (derived from the verb rodear meaning «to surround»), a hard and dangerous task in the vast expanses of the New World. Four centuries later, on January 10, 1962, the Chilean Olympic Committee officially recognized rodeo as a national sport that nowadays means a lot more to Chileans than a mere spectacle. Reflecting on how and why Chilean society, especially the intellectual elite, changed its attitude towards rural life helps to understand the fundamental characteristics of Chilean national identity. In the late 19th and early 20th century, when Chilean society sought national self-determination, criollista writers turned their attention to rural life and found that the huaso rider, the protagonist of the rodeo, embodied Chilean ethnotypic spirit. The idealized image of the Chilean cowboy, born on the pages of books and immortalized in early 20th-century cinema, resonated with different strata of society. Today rodeo, which used to be a key element of everyday life in Central Chile, has become part of the entire country’s intangible cultural heritage and a significant symbol of the Chilean nation, which began to take shape in times of the Conquest.

From the social revolt of October 2019 to the definitive text of the proposal for the Political Constitution of the Republic of Chile it exposed the paradoxical relationship between legality and legitimacy; notions that are articulated with the concepts of gobernability and gobernance particular history of our country. In this article we expose the question about how this conceptual relationship is embodied in the debt of recognition who leaves this process to those social movements that gave rise to it, especially with those positioned at the limit of these notions as they are crossed by violence as is the case of the so-called "front line". In the development of this hypothesis, we will dwell on the political importance of this group as well as a critical look at the constituent process and the proposed text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile was no exception to the reorientation of Latin American politics during the 1930s. Radical politics, mass mobilizations, and defeated coups established major reference points for the memory and behaviour of political actors during the Cold War. Salvador Allende's template for how to deal with a military coup in 1973, for instance, came from his experience as health minister in 1939. That year he witnessed the Popular Front government defeat an insurrection. Events earlier in the decade profoundly shaped the Pinochet regime (1973-1990)'s view of democratic political transitions and their potential for anti-military backlash. Overseas, the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) tore the Iberian country apart and deeply impacted its former colonies. In Chile, the Spanish Civil War contributed to the establishing of ideological fault lines and political speech that framed the nation's electoral choices as one between fascism and communism, slavery or liberation. This article examines the significance of events in the 1930s for the subsequent politics of revolution and counterrevolution that gripped Chile in the second half of the twentieth century. It concurs with the concept of a 'long Cold War' in Latin America and argues that Chile entered a distinctly new phase in that struggle after 1931. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From new political history, this paper analyzes Salvador Allende's reception of the Cuban revolutionary process between 1953 and 1964. About this, until the triumph of the Cuban revolution this process did not occupy a relevant place in the continental political references of the socialist leader. The foregoing changed rapidly after the revolutionary triumph, carrying out an intense process of reaffirmation and deepening of his main definitions regarding the character of the Chilean revolution. In this way, through the analysis of his parliamentary speeches, party documentation, magazines and militant memoirs, it is possible to point out that the Cuban Revolution became an important experience and input for Salvador Allende during the process of formulating his strategic project. On the one hand, to ratify its commitment to the peaceful path and on the other, to develop central elements of its national-popular programmatic proposal with a view to socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Chile, the 'social outbreak' that began on 18th October 2019, closely questioned the transitional processes of the last 30 years. In the context of a neoliberal society crisis, political mobilisation could problematise the country's democratic statute. One of the phenomena most worrisome to observe was the confirmation of a police vocation which, far from banning human rights violations, exerted cruel and systematic violence against social mobilisations. This was not new. In the past 15 years, social irruptions resulting from environmental, university, mapuche, and workers' revindications had already experienced the police voracity that trampled corporalities and subjectivities, reaching dehumanising extremes. These events became the anteroom for the violent practices from spring 2019 onwards. From the various expressions of police violence, this paper explores the 'sexual political violence' aspect. This term encapsulates the inflicting of pain and suffering on a subject due to political motivations, via violence on the sexed body. The study 'Institutional violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transexual individuals: a systemic view' aroused interest in exploring police sexual political violence against LGBT collectives during mobilisations in 2019. Although direct physical violence is also present, this paper focuses on sexual political violence accompanied by psychological violence, insults, mockery, and threats of sexual suffering, thus highlighting the gendered aspects of this violence. Hence, evidence collected in this study makes it interesting to reflect on the presence of this violence and on how gender and sexuality concur with a disciplining strategy on the bodies that are driven back from the street. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the Chilean social uprising of 2019 using the power cages theory. By mobilizing enormous amounts of disruptive power in the streets through varied protest tactics, ordinary Chileans challenged the economic and political power cages that regulated their daily lives. The uprising also reshaped affective power, broadening horizontal identities and solidarity feelings among popular sectors, women, and protestors, and eroding affective ties between elites and non-elites. The interactions between disruptive and affective power forced political elites to enter in a constitutional process now underway that may reorder power cages in the decades to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contribution of feminism, as a critique of social inequalities and as a complex way to challenge neoliberalism and patriarchy, has been crucial in Chile – especially in the last few years. Various events have been particularly relevant: the plight of those seeking free, safe abortion; the feminist revolution of May 2018; and the performance by 'Las Tesis', as well as the expressions of other feminist organisations during the Chilean revolt in October 2019 (18-O). These events have been part of a key step in Chile: the process of changing Pinochet's Constitution. This process of change will have a commission with gender parity: for the first time in the world, the Constitution will be written equally by men and women. How feminist principles are incorporated in the new Magna Carta will be very important. By 'feminist principles' we mean, among other things, the recognition of different identities and rights – such as reproductive rights or reproductive work – that have remained historically hidden, and this denial has contributed to deepened inequalities. We will analyse this process using feminist perspectives and tools such as redistribution, which defends and favours a more just distribution of resources and wealth; recognition of different groups; and intersectionality, incorporating interconnected systems of discrimination and oppression. Another contribution in this revolutionary process is, following Butler, the invitation to consider vulnerability, not as a purely passive position that yields the site of agency to different forms of paternalism, but rather as the condition of possibility of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the most outstanding repertoires of collective action in the 'revolt' that took place in the spring of 2019 in Chile, were the exercises of dismantlement and the demand for indigenous presence. And this is curious because the official history of Chile has sought, in many ways, to deny 'the Indian' of the total story. The 'other' emerges only as a past fragment, while the bodies and biographies of the elite flood books and cities with their monumental presence. So, what does the dismantlement of this elite history and the vindication of the denied indigenous presence indicate to us? Are we perhaps facing a popular revolt with decolonizing overtones? What initial conclusions about the evolution of national identities can be drawn from these political and aesthetic repertoires? We believe that, after the actions of discarding, scratching or saturating the public monumentality, a deep criticism is projected towards the homogenizing narratives of the nineteenth century nation. Today, 'whiteness', as a cultural script of the nation, is put under tension. Finally, we believe that, along with the criticism of the continuities of a racist story of the nation, there emerges a search for the elaboration of new identitarian and cultural scripts. It emerges, imagined from that erased indigenous condition, as a variegated construction of the political community emerging from silencing of five centuries. This is where the decoloniality of the social outbreak is incubated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of art interventions in mobilisations unleashed in Chile in October 2019, situating them in the urban fabric of one of the most segregated cities in the world: Santiago. Understood as an uprising against the precarity of life imposed by the neoliberal state, this social explosion devised creative and expressive strategies to disrupt the daily flow of ingrained normative structures, and questioned its longstanding legitimacy in shaping the city's neoliberal layout. In this text, we first focus on the ways this spring of protest overflowed the genealogies that cross art, politics and public space on the local scene, opening up vanishing points between a certain tradition of politicisation of public art with solid roots in Latin American territory, on the one hand, and a more recent history of aestheticisation of urban protest that finds a crucial milestone in the playful resources of the student protests of 2011, on the other. From an interdisciplinary approach, we examine diverse art interventions that vindicated the urban space as a territory of public expression and political imagination to conceive a new constituent process. In this work, we sustain that these exercises reclaiming citizenship operated as 'strategies of estrangement', shedding light on how the neoliberal infrastructure of the city has naturalised inequality, social insecurity and segregation. By way of conclusion, we cross-examine the possibilities that aesthetic experience can offer for social and political resistance against neoliberal normalcy, and a common ground to explore alternative visions of futurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article seeks to understand the characteristics and political implications of the process that allowed the adoption of Chilean children by Swedish parents during the military dictatorship in Chile. Methodology: The research is based on the review of diplomatic documentation corresponding to the Chilean Embassy in Sweden, specifically on reports that described the dissemination of the image of Chile and its children in the Swedish media between 1973 and 1990. In addition, reports, periodicals, and official records were consulted that expressed the reaction of the Chilean authorities to criticism received from the Swedish press for irregularities in the adoptions of children. Originality: The political and diplomatic framework for the regulation of international adoptions in the context of military dictatorships in Latin America has been poorly addressed from the humanities and social sciences since interest has been focused on the search for origins by adopted people and their biological families. Hence, this work's contribution to the historiography of adoptions lies in its focus on the political and diplomatic dimensions of the phenomenon, on the scope of forced mechanisms in the circulation of children to first world countries, as well as on regulatory policies regarding children and family. Conclusions: Based on the revised documentation, it is feasible to conclude that the adoptions of Chilean children by Swedish families were part of a campaign of the military dictatorship to promote adoption, which worked as a counter-propaganda to stop "anti-Chilean campaign" in Sweden, as well as to recover international ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade in Chile, an increasing amount of paranormal investigation companies have carried out ghost tours in patrimonial and historical places, using diverse technologies to penetrate into the history of sites. We ethnographically and analytically explore two related questions. First, we ask what paranormal instrumentation does to collective memory and to history. We argue that these 'registers' of the paranormal create 'affective atmospheres', namely from the forms of indeterminacy embedded in the functioning and performance of the apparatuses. Our argument is that these machines are mechanisms for the creation of a new history, one that is apprehended affectively. Second, in the context of an explosion of adherence in Chile to forms of new media, we employ the notion of 'dark media' to illustrate that online material posted by paranormal researchers appears to escape any form of mediational understanding, feeding at once the public's perceptive and affective dispositions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 2019, Santiago de Chile became the epicenter of a violent and massive protest against social inequality. Known as the Estallido Social (the Social Unrest), Chileans took to the streets seeking to dismantle the pervasive social and economic system inherited from Augusto Pinochet's regime established half a century ago. Drawing from participant observations and interviews conducted during the protest, this essay examines the multiple efforts developed by scholars to document the vast repertoire of material generated during Santiago's demonstrations (e.g. graffiti, signs, flags, testimonies, and merchandise). In doing so, I aim to situate the Estallido Social within the recent efforts deployed by museums, archives, and libraries to capture the changing nature and manifestations of global protests in the past few years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Documentality (2013), Maurizio Ferraris argues that documents are at the heart of social institutions. Taking this notion as a cue, this piece considers a key organisation in the resistance to state violence and Pinochet's dictatorship in Chile, the Vicaría de la Solidaridad, and focuses on the remarkable document where the desperate stories of people detained, disappeared and murdered following the coup in 1973 were recorded. This process of registration adopted an overtly rational, administrative response akin to the 'bio-political' modes of governing life that Foucault described. As such, it was also built upon a refusal to allow the lives of a section of the population to be cast as without value. Moreover, it 'deferred' to a future, in which such documentation would be an invaluable record of injustice. Its legacy is not confined to legal forums, however; academic work and Nicolás Franco's artwork La Sábana (The Sheet, 2017) have also emerged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Conhecimento Online is the property of Universidade Feevale and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the Eurocentric representations of the conquerors and colonized present in the manuals that have thematic units referring to the processes of conquest of America and Chile (1492-1598). For this purpose, a methodological approach that combines hermeneutic analysis and the perspective of critical literacy is used to analyze the texts and images of four school books from the Zig-Zag, Santillana and SM publishers. It is concluded that the manuals use, fundamentally, the Eurocentric paradigm to highlight the historical relevance of the European expeditions and to marginalize or attenuate the participation of the conquered, especially the native peoples and non-white women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the broadcasting policy of the Government of Chile under President Salvador Allende of political party Unidad Popular. It mentions Allende forced all radio stations to forcibly enter the national chain in In emergency situations,. It reports the president and the left-wing parties placed special emphasis on the establishment and coordination of a network of radio stations loyal to the Government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Histórica (02528894) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A wave of massive, at times violent, protests raged in Chile from October to December of 2019, opening new possibilities for the country's politics. This paper investigates to what extent these events affected the organization, identity, and strategies of a pivotal actor in the cycle and, for the past two decades, an important driver of domestic political change: the student movement. Based on a qualitative analysis of media coverage and in-depth interviews with key student movement figures, it argues that, although the events in question were a national turning point, they did not necessarily constitute a critical juncture for the student movement. In explaining this somewhat paradoxical outcome, the paper supports the established view that the transformative impact of protest events on social movements depends on the strength of the movement's organization and the character of its protest repertoires. In addition, it also highlights that some factors overlooked by the broader social movement literature --including the eventfulness of antecedent mobilization and the locus of protest-- mediate the consequences of protest events on the movements involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "Proposal for the transition to democracy" full text, prepared by the Unitary Central of Workers in April 1989, is presented. It systematizes the programmatic definitions of the most representative organization of chilean trade unionism before the imminent return to democracy, after the plebiscite of 1988. The document shows the demands that will be the road map of the union movement during the next two decades, as well as the early acceptation of several principles of the new economic model, and an emphatic disposition to dialogue for the construction of national tripartite agreements with the State and the businessmen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As highlighted in the presentation, the document that is published definitively ditches the debate about when and by whom the Biobío River was constituted in the political and territorial boundary between Hispanics and Mapuches in the kingdom of Chile. Accordingly, this historical demarcation takes effect in 1612 and responds to a direct disposition of the Spanish monarchy, then ruled by King Felipe III. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During his first presidential term (1927-1931), Carlos Ibáñez began a period of profound state modernization that included an unprecedented boost to national sports policies. Ibáñez enacted the first Law of Physical Education of Chile in 1929, making its practice a mandatory subject in public and private educational establishments. At the same time, he centralized the administration of sports under a unique state agency and sponsored local clubs and athletic international delegations. This article explores the institutional efforts of the Ibañista government to legitimize its reformist and nationalist project through sports and physical education as well as the key debates among sportswriters, journalists, physicians, physical-education teachers and political leaders in the pages of Los Sports magazine about the role of the state as guarantor of physical activity in Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the revision -fundamentally- of two important conservative newspapers, El Diario Ilustrado and La Unión de Valparaíso, the aim is to demonstrate how the deep political, economic and social crisis that Chile experienced during the years 1931 and 1932 generated important tensions inside the Conservative Party. Within it, a partisan sector of Ibáñez and authoritarian presidentialism confront those comrades who remained faithful to the liberal-parliamentary ideology. The conflict occurs in an environment marked by fear of the revolution and the distrust generated by a democratic regime, founded in universal suffrage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the basis of previous research on the cultural action of the Chilean dictatorship (1973–1990), especially linked to the visual arts, this article reflects on some critical nodes in pursuit of an interpretive framework for that cultural action: identity and periodization, denomination, ideological affiliation, cultural reach of the rupture, comparison with South American dictatorships, manipulation of the media, and recognition of artistic and cultural action in relation to repressive identity. The article proposes the consideration of temporal, institutional, and content fluctuations in order to overcome dichotomous or absolute explanations that mythologize and obscure understanding of authoritarian cultural action and, therefore, of the dissident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are therefore saying that the work of expanding the habitual levels of life is the only valid art installation / the only exhibition / the only work of art that lives. We are artists and we feel ourselves participating in the grand aspirations of all, presuming today, with South American love, the gliding of eyes over these lines. Oh, South America. In this way, together, we construct the beginning of the work: a recognition in our minds; erasing the trades: life as a creative act ... That is the art / the work / this is the work of art that we propose. — ¡Ay Sudamérica!, Colectivo Acciones de Arte, July 1981 At 11 a.m. on 11 September 1973, the Chilean Air Force bombed the presidential palace, La Moneda, as part of an attack that ended the presidency of Salvador Allende, suspended democracy, and initiated the repressive military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Eight years later, on 12 July 1981, in the midst of dictatorship, six airplanes again flew over Santiago in military formation. This time, however, the planes did not drop bombs. Instead, they scattered four hundred thousand pamphlets with a text that urged Chileans to claim their space, thoughts, and lives by asserting the potential for artistry within all people. This art action, titled ¡Ay Sudamérica! (Oh, South America!) and orchestrated by the Colectivo Acciones de Arte (Art Actions Collective, or CADA), subversively re-created a central moment from the violent history of the military coup in order to disturb and articulate an alternative course for that history (Fig. 1). In doing so, CADA challenged the regime's conception of Chilean citizenship by calling for an expanded space of existence and invoking the possibility of an artistic and contestatory subjectivity within everyone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article highlights the description of Chile history with changes in the Indigenous population. It focuses on protections over Indigenous lands, thus promoting their division, alienation and leasing while establishing alternative compensation mechanisms to the land purchase mechanisms; also focuses on conflicts with extractive industries and criminalisation.

At the end of October 1921, the Socialist Workers' Party and the Workers' Federation of Chile organized a convention of peasant unions in the province of Santiago. El Despertar de los Campesinos was one of the results of that meeting. In this booklet, informed about the agreements and interesting texts were inserted that allow to know the representations of socialists and fochistas about the peasants and their projection as a revolutionary subject. With its publication we hope to contribute to the debate about the origins of the politicization of Chilean peasants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História Unisinos is the property of Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nearly three decades after the end of the civic-military dictatorship led by General Pinochet, the documentary cinema of Chile has systematically embraced this country's public memory project, exposing state-sponsored atrocities and their perpetrators, recovering survivors' memories of loss, suffering and resilience, while continuing to challenge the collective conscience of Chileans. Post-dictatorship documentary in Chile has featured changing approaches, aesthetics, and themes, while persistently interrogating the relationship between the nation and its collective memory in the afterlife of the dictatorship through a filmic formal strategy of cinematic memory. Cinematic memory is defined here as a film's deliberate use of style to articulate a distinctively filmic procedure of remembering experiences subjected to a politics of erasure. Thus, Chilean post-dictatorship documentaries seek an encounter with cultural memory via a filmic approach that can be described in terms of the Benjaminian metaphor of excavation. These post-dictatorship documentaries unearth tenuous material traces of the past through cinematic memory by focusing on the embodied return of survivors and other witnesses of atrocity to La Moneda, this nation's government house, one of Chile's most significant sites of memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En años recientes, las geografías de la arquitectura se han expandido para incluir las dimensiones afectivas y emotivas de la vida cotidiana, y la política del espacio urbano. Este artículo explora estas geografías encarnadas de la arquitectura en un paisaje urbano emergente que tiene el entorno construido en su centro neurálgico: el paisaje del comercio al menudeo de la época posdictadura del Chile neoliberal. Con base en los hallazgos de investigación etnográfica acerca del papel del afecto y la emoción en el desarrollo controvertido de un gran centro comercial en el sur chileno, llegamos a percatarnos mejor sobre cómo el capital del comercio al detal se expande en nuevos territorios y cómo responde a las geografías encarnadas y las inscribe en el proceso. Aunque este proceso no incluye la expansión de un particular tipo de tecnología espacial que trabaje por medio de intervenciones afectivas arquitectónicas, el artículo también ilustra el modo como tal expansión depende de maneras muy importantes de las geografías imaginativas y emocionales prevalentes. De por sí, esta geografía arquitectónica encarnada no margina la subjetividad humana, sino que explora su compleja relación con la materialidad del paisaje y del espacio afectivo arquitectónico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses, from a panoramic view, the history of modifications suffered in the formation of social work in Chile. It points out the orientations of the schools during the cycles of 1925-1960, 1960- 1973, and 1973-2012 through a case study: the Dr. Lucio Córdova School of Social Service of the University of Chile, the most important public University in Chile and strongly hit by the structural reforms carried out by the military dictatorship. After the revision of the orientations of the schools, there can be seen the close relationship between historical processes and the formation of 90 years of Chilean social work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last book by the Chilean writer Pedro Lemebel (1952-2015) is entitled Mi Amiga Gladys (2016), a production entirely dedicated to his friend Gladys Marín (1938-2005). To date, this work has attracted little attention from academia, perhaps due to its apparently less confrontational discourse, one of the common characteristics of Lemebel's previous works. However, this essay proposes that Lemebel's last book in fact reveals a political statement, yet disguised as an intimate/sensitive declaration. This element would reflect a literary strategy employed by the writer, possibly aiming at eliciting a sympathetic response from the reader, by appealing to his/her emotions. By drawing on Affect theory, this essay argues that Lemebel's personal/emotional stories with Gladys aim at recuperating her legacy, highlighting his friend's social commitment and spirit of resistance. His contribution is indeed relevant to Chilean culture, as Lemebel views Chile's recent past, so arguably conflicted and fragmented in its post-dictatorship period (from 1990 onwards). This study aims at being an innovative contribution to Lemebel's studies, as it approaches his political discourse from an affective perspective, possibly establishing an original model for future analyses of his work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo examina el escrito sobre astrología judiciaria del capitán español Melchor Jufré del Águila (1568–1639) elaborado en Chile a comienzos del siglo XVII. Se comienza por abordar el problema de su escasa circulación como consecuencia del tipo de astrología defendida por Jufré, para luego proponer como una de sus principales fuentes sobre la historia de la disciplina la 'Plaza universal de todas las ciencias' (1615) de Cristóbal Suárez de Figueroa. Además, a partir de la comparación con otros relatos del período de los anuncios y presagios de la derrota española en Curalaba (1598), se establece la adscripción de Jufré a una concepción de la astrología como disciplina científica distinta de la superstición. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so-called "Honecker case " is an episode little studied in the internationalist historiography of Chile. It opened a complex diplomatic scenario between Chile, Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), later Russia. The problem involved three countries in an unprecedented situation of International Law, and provoked a long legal and diplomatic negotiation, not free from tensions, within an international system in transformation. The article addresses the tensions that arose in the first phase of this problem, using unpublished Chilean diplomatic sources, Patricio Aylwin presidential archive, parliamentary sessions, interviews, and the Chilean and German press of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the findings of research regarding the transformation of the meaning of ex-detention and extermination sites in Chile. In the context of the increasing cost of land and the 'urban cleansing' associated with global processes of neoliberalization, the author reflects in particular upon the dynamics of visibility and erasure that accompany the life of these recent ruins, and the various politics of their memorialization. From a critical phenomenological perspective the author argues that ruins of sites of violence have the capacity to interrupt, transgress and even contradict narratives about them; furthermore, the relation between affect, ethics and aesthetics is discussed so as to raise questions about the possibility of witnessing and the challenges of memorialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"B. D. Q. C.," as he signed his letter, must have felt pretty special that New Year's Eve of 1973. Some time that evening, the 15-year-old Communist boy from Santiago de Chile kissed a 17-year-old Communist girl admired for her beauty by all the young Communists from the local headquarters of the Juventudes Comunistas de Chile (JJCC), or Jota, as the youth wing of the Partido Comunista de Chile (PCCH) was nicknamed. He had never dated an older woman before, and though he bragged about having kissed thousands of other girls, he had never truly fallen in love until then. "I dated her for only 13 days. We broke up, but every day that goes by I love her more and more," he confessed in a letter to the editor of the young Communists' magazine a few days later. To make matters worse for our lovelorn teenager, the object of his affection did not stay single for long. "She is now dating another guy from the Jota. Every day that goes by I grow more jealous of him and of everyone who talks to her, because even though I'm not with her any more, I dream we are still together, and I have hopes to be with her again." The existence of a place like the JJCC local headquarters, which all the people involved in this romantic affair visited regularly, was the cause of both solace and affliction for this young man: "I waste the whole afternoon in the headquarters waiting for her to arrive and greet her, so my eyes can take her in. I think about her every minute, while she has thousands of things to think about, and I have only one." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mapuche, an indigenous population that currently resides in Chile and Argentina, have faced historical animosity from the Chilean state. Land grabs from the state have pushed the Mapuche off their ancestral lands and led to strains of violence from the terrorist groups CAM and RAM in attempt to reclaim land. This paper looks at both the history of the conflict and contemporary media coverage/developments to reframe violence as a response to historical and ongoing injustice/violence from the state. Neoliberal multiculturalism, institutional racism, Donna Haraway's "God Trick," industrial-state relations, media bias, and extractivism have all led to the economic and social debilitation of the Mapuche and current policy solutions have been ineffective. Co-management solutions may increase Mapu che autonomy in land reclamation. However, to make necessary policy changes, international coalition building and non-violent tactics of "blockadia" may be the key to garnering necessary international support and ultimately altering worldviews, placing a greater global value on justice for the Mapuche and other marginalized populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using early twentieth century Chile as a case study, this article examines the interaction between Catholicism and eugenic social reform in Latin America. Examining articles that appeared in popular and Catholic periodicals between 1891 and 1940, it argues that both Catholic and secular eugenicists advocated for the modernization of patriarchal social structures to protect the racial health of the Chilean population. The article therefore illustrates how Latin American eugenics, though less concerned with biological heritage than its North American counterparts, still supported the notion that organizing societies around gender difference was scientifically sound. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most important social upheavals in Chile since the end of the dictatorship started in October 2019, and continued until the coronavirus outbreak in March 2020. The event affected the ethnographic fieldwork that we, four anthropologists, were conducting at that time. This article draws on the recognition that, while being in different geographical locations, our respective experiences involve similar affects. Drawing on feminist epistemology, we have utilized these emotional experiences as a methodological tool to spark curiosity and open up a space for reconsidering fieldwork as 'feel‐work'. Our respective positioning, in terms of national and emotional feelings of belonging as well as physical location, created affective dissonances that raised uneasiness while at the same time opening up a productive space to think about fieldwork as an experience of 'out‐of‐place' bodies and 'out‐of‐place' feelings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The articulation between memory and gender can enter a narrative change within the field of memories, with high political projections. In this sense, arises a reflection from the theoretical (theory of performativity in replacement of the concept of representation), both from the cultural and political as propositional elements as a critical joint contributing to discussions about the political memory of recent history in Chile. Disruption of the plots in the public field of memories, would make it possible to think in the elaboration of subversive or critical, memory stories that transcend the space of the trauma or the rituals of remembrance on the public; the official memory or the collection of facts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Coloniaje Exhibition, held in September 1873 in Santiago, Chile, represents a milestone in the history of Chilean museums. As the first retrospective display of the history of the Chilean nation, it was an important precedent for the collections that led to the construction of the National Historical Museum in 1911. By examining the ideas associated with the history of the colonial era and the museography related to the exhibition, this article analyses the ambiguous ways in which the Coloniaje Exhibition mobilised the colonial past in the context of the ascendancy of liberalism and the transformation of Santiago's urban social life. Situated between alienation and identification – between critiquing the colonial system and celebrating its imprint on Chilean society – the Coloniaje Exhibition is important for the understanding of postcolonial societies in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks on the economic, political, and social crisis between 1930 and 1934 in Chile, a South American country, after the Wall Street crash of 1929. Topics include decrease in the percentages of exports and imports; increase in the cost of living; and increase in the unemployment. It states that the public agencies established a professional and nationwide system of aid distribution in response to the crisis.

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