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The article explores the concept and practice of regenerative culture drawing on our experience as activist researchers within Extinction Rebellion Manchester from August-December 2019. It defines relationship between regenerative culture and a foundation of self-care, people care and planet care. It reports how in 2018 in Great Britain Extinction Rebellion (XR) launched itself as a mass environmental movement aiming to achieve systemic change through non-violent civil disobedience. It mentions need of establishing a citizens assembly to oversee the transition towards climate justice.

The article focuses on democracy and the environment in the twenty-first century. Topics include the angry protests against policies that raise the costs of fossil fuels, like the gilets jaunes in France against the end of fuel subsidies; mass rejection for energy taxes in Australia and Washington; use of climate change topic and environmental protection by political candidates for vote favors; a book "Carbon Democracy" by Timothy Mitchell; and the relationship between capitalism and the environment.

Donald Trump's agenda to build a "big" and "beautiful" border wall continues to raise alarms for anyone concerned with social justice and environmental well-being throughout the Mexico-U.S. borderlands. In this article, I examine how the border wall and its surrounding debates raise multiple issues central to political ecological and human geographic scholarship into governance across the organic spectrum. I focus particularly on a comparison of the different kinds of "border thinking" that frame these debates and that provide synergy for those coalitions dedicated to the preservation of diversity throughout the ecological and social landscapes of the Mexico-U.S. borderlands. Key Words: biodiversity, decolonial, feminist, Mexico-U.S. borderlands, neoliberal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we offer a manifesto for a progressive twenty-first century land-grant mission in an era of rising authoritarian populism in the United States. We explore the historical context of this mode of political engagement, argue that scholars based at land-grant universities are uniquely positioned to address this political moment, and offer examples of land-grant scholars who have embraced this political obligation directly. In the midst of the U.S. Civil War, the federal government provided grants of land to one college in every state to establish universities especially with extension-oriented missions committed to agricultural research and training; today, there are seventy-six land-grant universities. Just as the constitution of these universities at a significant moment in the country's history served a political purpose, the current political climate demands a robust political response from contemporary land-grant scholars. Given the mandate for land-grant universities to serve their communities, how can a critical land-grant mission respond to the current political moment of emergent authoritarian populism in the United States and internationally? What responsibilities are entailed in the land-grant mission? We consider some strategies that land-grant scholars are employing to engage with communities grappling most directly with economic stagnation, climate change, and agrarian dispossession. We also suggest that, amid the dramatically shifting political climate in the United States, all scholars regardless of land-grant affiliation should be concerned with land-grant institutions' capacities to engage with the country's most disenfranchised populations as a means to pushing back against authoritarian populism. Key Words: authoritarian populism, higher education, land-grant institutions, public geographies, United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In petro-states, the governance of flows of oil and oil money is vital to state legitimacy (e.g., regulations, contracts with companies, social compensation in sites of oil extraction). This article explores how contemporary oil price volatility shapes oil governance and the terms of petro-state legitimacy in Ecuador. In recent years, a technocratic, populist regime, led by President Rafael Correa, promised to return national oil resources to "the people" and inaugurate a "postneoliberal" era of sovereign, oil-driven development. The performance of this promise, through augmented public spending, was contingent on international oil prices. We track the emergence of what we call a speculative petro-state, in which state actors claimed to successfully gamble on volatile markets on behalf of the nation, as an emergent strategy for cultivating popular legitimacy. Such claims took the form of petro-populist discourses and practices. First, the Correa administration characterized new contractual relations with oil companies and capital as evidence of Correa's leadership in complex oil markets, seeking political legitimacy for the state through perceptions of Correa's personal capacity to manage market risk. Second, as prices surged, the Correa administration channeled rents into building spectacular public works or "petro-populist landscapes," as material verification of Correa's petro-leadership in volatile markets. We track how market risk management became one key organizing factor of populist rule in Ecuador and we analyze how this case illuminates relations between populist politics and economic spheres. Key Words: Ecuador, governance, oil price, resource populism, volatility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The (post)socialist nation of Laos has pursued neoliberal economic reforms over the past decade that have facilitated the concession of state lands to foreign resource investors for mining, hydropower, and plantation projects. Five percent of the national territory has been ceded and tens of thousands of peasants have been displaced from their customary lands. In this article, I argue that the development of the resource sector has been facilitated by a political-economic regime of neoliberal authoritarianism. Resource extraction is driven by neoliberal economic policies that prize rapid gross domestic product growth, foreign resource investment, and wage-based rural development. This emerging neoliberalism, however, is matched with and dependent on state authoritarianism. The state seeks to assert control over rural lands throughout the country and often peasants are displaced from using these lands when heavy-handed state coercion and repression of peasant resistance are applied. This is particularly apparent in the establishment of industrial tree plantation territories in southern Laos. Efforts by civil society organizations to highlight these injustices and protect rural land rights are often silenced by the state. Fissures in the neoliberalization of authoritarian development are being exposed, however, due to new forms of resistance among the peasantry that threaten its future viability. Key Words: authoritarianism, Laos, neoliberalism, postsocialism, resource extraction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over a decade, nature-society geographers have focused on neoliberal and, more recently, postneoliberal environmental governance. Meanwhile, regimes in many nations have become less democratic and other countries, such as the United States, have elected leaders sympathetic to autocrats. Yet despite the spread of authoritarianism, nature-society geographers have as of yet devoted little attention to the subject, which hampers us as we confront this authoritarian moment. This article addresses this oversight but by examining the past rather than the present. Drawing on work by historians in general and environmental historians in particular, I explore authoritarian environmental governance in the Soviet Union, Maoist China, and Nazi Germany, three countries and eras largely overlooked by nature-society geographers. I focus in particular on agricultural collectivization, industrialization and river development, and nature conservation under authoritarian regimes. Understanding past authoritarian environmental governance will enable nature-society geographers to better reckon with the environmental ramifications of a possible new authoritarian era. Key Words: authoritarianism, environmental governance, Nazism, socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The association among extraction, emotion, and governance has received little attention in human and environmental geography and social science more generally. Extraction in authoritarian environments has long been studied regarding energy and extractive environments, with special attention to political ecological struggles and conflicts over rights and access to lands and critical resources. Yet little attention has been paid to how affect and emotions could shape the socioeconomic political and ecological aspects of extraction under authoritarian rule. Geographers have argued that emotions matter in making sense of place, politics, and environmental transformation for at least a decade, and it is now time to craft theoretical insights that examine emotional geographies of extraction, their politics, and their governance in ways that move toward deeper understanding of how affect and emotion are produced and mobilized in different kinds of extractive environments and under varying socioeconomic and political conditions. Thus, this article explores affect and emotion related to extractive environments in the Russian Federation with the aim of pushing emotional geographies—and extractive studies—forward in new, synergistic ways. Using discourse and content analysis, I explore the roles of affect and emotion in the production and reproduction of narratives about extraction in one post-Soviet and hybrid authoritarian-democratic regime. I argue that a tacitly endorsed, pervasive state emotional geography about extraction in an era of increasingly authoritarian rule acts to (re)create desire for continued pursuit of extraction by this energy superpower. Key Words: authoritarianism, extraction, hybrid regime, Russia, state emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The applicability of liberal governance models in authoritarian contexts has been widely debated. This study contributes to this debate by using a Foucauldian analytic of apparatuses of security to understand how Chinese state actors used the liberalization of agricultural markets to indirectly mitigate against the risk of droughts. Apparatuses of security, which rely on indirect governance through market and biopolitical mechanisms, were proposed by Foucault to explain the emergence of governmentality in liberal states. The Chinese state has been described as a system of fragmented authoritarianism, wherein state actors are isolated from and compete with one another. Food policy in the early People's Republic of China extended this isolation to the point of encouraging local autarky at the county level. Around the year 2000, local officials in northwest China began promoting the replacement of subsistence agriculture with drought-resistant commercial agriculture as a means of mitigating against drought. This shifted the source of risk of food shortfalls from an environmental risk of drought to a state-mediated market risk and displaced the long-standing model of local autarky providing food security. By illustrating the dynamics of how Chinese state actors govern nature through market mechanisms, this study contributes to theorizations of how liberalization can function to govern nature in authoritarian contexts. Key Words: apparatuses of security, China, drought, governmentality, water-food security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental and resource governance models emphasize the importance of local community and civil society participation to achieve social equity and environmental sustainability goals. Yet authoritarian political formations often undermine such participation through violent repression of dissent. This article seeks to advance understandings of violence against environmental and community activists challenging authoritarian forms of environmental and resource governance through eco-populist struggles. Authoritarianism and populism entertain complex relationships, including authoritarian practices toward and within eco-populist movements. Examining a major agrarian conflict and the killing of a prominent Indigenous leader in Honduras, we point to the frequent occurrence of deadly repression within societies experiencing high levels of inequalities, historical marginalization of Indigenous and peasant communities, a liberalization of foreign and private investments in land-based sectors, and recent reversals in partial democratization processes taking place within a broader context of high homicidal violence and impunity rates. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of deadly repression on environmental and land defenders. Key words: authoritarianism, environmental defenders, Honduras, populism, repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most discussions about solar microgrids focus on sustainable energy and development goals and the technical aspects of electricity generation, storage, transmission, and distribution. Very few explicitly examine the ways in which their introduction upsets and reshapes entrenched practices of electoral politics and citizen claim-making around electricity access and development. In India, as in many parts of the world, electricity represents the most visible symbol of economic development and social well-being. Democratic politics in many developing countries are linked to demands for access to electricity. The meshing of electricity, development, and democratic politics in postindependence India has produced a politics of clientelism in which parties have sought to gain voter support with promises of cheap or free electricity. Although this electricity-centered clientelism has expanded supply, it has simultaneously contributed to skewed spatial access, unreliable supply, and high debt burdens for state-owned electricity distribution companies. This article examines histories of clientelism and the contradictions emerging from the introduction of private solar microgrids in rural areas of the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. It shows that although solar microgrids avoid electricity-centered clientelism, significant numbers of poor rural households in their supply areas are both excluded by their user-pays approach and unable to demand fair access through political representatives. The study calls for alternative governance and support programs at local levels that ensure that private solar microgrids can deliver reliable electricity to poor households. Key Words: clientelism, electricity, India, populism, solar microgrids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the convergence of energy consumption in Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) countries. A new non‐linear unit root test is principally utilized in the convergence analysis. We support the convergence of energy consumption in the OPEC member countries. Convergence of energy consumption is associated with the call for energy conservation policies, in order to improve energy efficiency and reduce global greenhouse emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australian state Parliaments have recently enacted legislation responding to direct action protests in which protesters have disrupted forestry and mining activities by blocking roads, building tree houses, and locking themselves to machinery and structures. The High Court of Australia, in Brown v Tasmania [2017] HCA 43 considered a challenge to one of these Acts, the Workplaces (Protection from Protesters) Act 2014 (Tas), and determined that its primary provisions were invalid in their application to forestry land for being in breach of the constitutional freedom of political communication. This analysis piece examines Brown v Tasmania by reference to two features of its context: the direct action protests that prompted the Tasmanian Parliament to enact this legislation and the documentary activism that occurred on the facts of Brown v Tasmania. It highlights that broad and uncertain protest laws risk being characterised as insufficiently adapted to the protection of political communication in Australian constitutional law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The CBO baseline creates the potential for conflicts over programs in the next farm bill. For conservation policy, in particular, increasing CRP acres would come at a significant cost in the CBO baseline that would have to be offset. Using other conservation programs to provide those offsets could create conflicts among supporters of the different programs. As discussed, this could pit working lands conservation program spending against reserve program spending if the CSP or EQIP are reduced to pay for the CRP. The potential for conflict over these programs in a farm bill debate should counsel a search for creative solutions that help achieve a variety of conservation goals. Incorporating working lands policy concepts into an expansion of CRP acres might prove successful on multiple fronts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to assess the extensive database of memorial trees operated by AOPK CR (Nature Conservation Agency of the Czech Republic) and to determine the occurrence and abundance of the most monumental trees in chosen biogeographical units, (altitudinal vegetation zone, altitude, ecological series (Buček & Lacina, 2002), province, subprovince, bioregion (Culek et. al., 1996)) and the maximum size and age they can reach in these units. This assessment of monumental trees at a national level was made possible based on the provision of two extensive databases containing the information about the trees (AOPK CR Database of Memorial Trees) and about the biogeographical units of the Czech Republic (Biogeographical Registry of the Czech Republic). Basic unit of both databases is cadastral area and the fact allowed to link the data and to evaluate them. The occurrence rate of memorial trees and species in individual cadastral areas and in biogeographical regions is presented in the map outputs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protected areas (PAs) are the main strategy to conserve natural values and reduce biodiversity loss. However, with increasing global food requirements, using land for protecting landscapes and species is becoming increasingly difficult to justify. Here, we argue that framing PAs as spatial assets provides an ideal platform for generating investment and increasing their political/cultural resilience. Specifically, we define and characterize PAs in terms of their biophysical, human, infrastructure, institutional and cultural assets, making explicit the forms of value they create and for whom, and identifying types of investment needed to generate value in the medium and long term. These assets can be protected, managed and/or invested in to generate (monetizable and non-monetizable) forms of value. They can also be at risk from a variety of factors. Building on contemporary conservation policy, our asset framework provides an innovative approach to the development and management of PAs in the 21st Century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem, USA, is recognized globally as a model for land and wildlife conservation, management, and policy. A major policy problem in the region is the highly contentious winter feeding of elk ( Cervus elaphus) on 23 government feed grounds in western Wyoming through cooperative management under several state and federal agencies. Numerous non-governmental groups and concerned citizens are also affected by elk management or seek to contribute to management policies. The long-term controversy shows that this issue centers on how management and policy should be made and who should be involved in decision-making-the constitutive policy process. This paper examines and appraises the constitutive process in this case, including how competency, authority, and control are allocated. It also looks at how institutions, analytic techniques, procedures, and people are structured, selected, and included or excluded in decision-making processes. Our data come from a multi-method approach over the past decade, including participant-observation, historical literature, interviews, media analysis, and technical reports. Our analysis shows that institutional dynamics severely constrain the scope of deliberations, the production of practical problem definitions, and the search for improvements in elk management. We recommend that participants focus on the constitutive level of policy making, i.e., the underlying structure and functioning of policy processes, learn how these elements function and affect processes and outcomes, and learn to configure them in ways that embody democratic principles, serve common interests, and resolve policy problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Habitat Directive (HD) is the main strategy for nature conservation in the European Union aimed at stopping biodiversity loss. In this paper, we present the conservation status of those habitat types designated at the European level that occur within the Alpine biogeographic region (ALP) of Romania. The conservation status (CS) of habitats was assessed using data that were acquired as a result of the first national monitoring of species and habitats. This monitoring was completed during the 2007-2012 period following the mandatory requirements that arise from Article 17 of the HD to report the results to the European Commission in 2013. The ALP, which is one of the five terrestrial biogeographic regions that were demarcated within Romania on European criteria, comprises the Carpathian Mountains and covers an area of 46,800 km2. Following the official European methodology, all parameters were evaluated and combined to give the CS of each habitat type. The results show that, out of the 51 habitat types belonging to 6 classes that were identified of European Community importance within the Carpathian part of the ALP bio-region, only 17 habitat types occurred solely in the ALP bio-region. The conservation status of the habitat types was assessed as: ”Favourable” (FV) for eleven types (1 freshwater, 3 temperate heath and scrub, 4 natural and semi-natural grassland formations, 1 rocky habitat, and 2 forest habitats), ”Unfavourable inadequate” (U1) for four types (1 freshwater, 1 temperate heath and scrub, 1 Sphagnum acid bogs habitat, and 1 forest habitat), ”Unfavourable bad” (U2) for one (Sphagnum acid bogs type), and ”Unknown” (XX) for one (Calcareous fens habitat). These are results of the first national assessment in Romania of the CS of species and habitats protected by the HD and the first report to the European Commission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public opinion can impact the success of natural resource management policies and programs. In this case study, we assess the degree to which demographic and place-based factors are associated with changing public opinions on climate change, wolves, renewable energy, and land development regulations in rural northeast Oregon. Based on cross-sectional telephone survey data collected in 2011 and 2014, our observations suggest declining support for eliminating wolves, increased support for renewable energy, and increasingly favorable views of regulations that limit development in rural landscapes. We find that while demographic change and local events contribute to some of the observed shifts in opinion on wolves, exogenous factors acting at state and national levels likely contribute to shifting opinions on climate change, renewable energy, and land use regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Successful scientific knowledge transfer in conservation projects depends on how the science integrates with local grassroots knowledge bases. Weak research comes about through a lack of adept research units. Science-based grassroots knowledge is based on assumption and experience. A new model of the science-policy interface, RIU (Research-Integration-Utilisation) model is used in this case study. This study identifies two phases of knowledge transfer in mangrove conservation plan in Segara Anakan area, Indonesia. The first phase is started by initial research in order to form a basis from which to develop the conservation’s programmes. The integration of research findings faced strong challenges from grassroots communities resulted from involving the elite as the allies of ADB (Asia Development Bank). Grassroots communities were successful in delivering their message, whereas the scientific sector did not produce good problem solving research, as it was oriented towards the wishes of established elite communities. The second phase is started by review study by which the elites were defining the results from the study as reflecting the public’s interests. Therefore, they planned to use the research finding as a basis from which to implement the diversion plan. Nevertheless, they changed their decision due to the tension created by the increasing resistance from grassroots communities. Grassroots politics, in this instance, was more successful in the decision making process. The subsequent elite were more sensitive to grassroots politics than the ADB and their allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building strategies for continental-scale conservation is challenging due to evolutionary and geopolitical problems. How do policy choices arise from this setting? In this study, we integrate ecological research with policy analysis to examine the problem field with a case study research. We use a violet species endemic to Europe, Viola uliginosa, as a proxy for a significant European Union (EU)-Russian biodiversity pattern and its conservation. The violet's core populations locate in Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia, and all populations in the EU are peripheral. The species is endangered in 12 EU member states and in decline in many places elsewhere. To analyze the choices of conservation, we gathered data on its ecology, distribution, and conservation mechanisms across Europe, putting additional emphasis on the EU enlargement and long-term site histories in Finland. We found that the survival of the species in the EU depends on the enlargement negotiations, conflicts between the EU biodiversity and agricultural policies, selection of the species to national Red Lists and the Habitats Directive, and contingent site histories depending on the conservation activities by civic actors and the member states. While the evolutionary aspect emphasizes the genetic differentiation potential of peripheral populations, the geopolitical aspect characterizes the EU as simultaneous spaces of a monotopia, borderlands, and polycentric development. We conclude that intersections between these geopolitical spaces can be used with evolutionary perspectives to identify local, European, and network-driven policy choices of conservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the creation and management of the Valles Caldera National Preserve in New Mexixo and discuses associated management paradigm. It discusses the trust's environmental review process under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) for the landscape restoration and stewardship program of the preserve.

Tree farming substantially contributes to the resilience of the farming system. In this paper we bring historical and current arguments about nutritional value of trees and how this contributed to the capacity of the farming societies to navigate environmental challenges. On this basis we highlight the need of reviving the nutritional value of trees and the tree hay related knowledge and practices. Since scattered trees on pastures can simultaneously fulfil several important roles (biodiversity, nutrition source, aesthetic and cultural values) urgent actions are needed both at the level of policies, knowledge and local scales in order to re-connect human societies with trees, for the benefit of the whole social-ecological system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the importance of plant biomass such as sustainment of soil organic carbon (SOC), mitigation of wind and water erosion, and provision of animal feed and factors that influence decisions on crop residue management. Topics include the challenges faced by farmers on managing crop residues, the importance of cellulosic bioenergy on agriculture, and the support provided by natural resources conservation service incentives and farm service agencies on biomass production.

This paper examines the active re-construction of indigenous identities within the Plurinational State of Bolivia through the case study of a resource conflict that arose with the government's announcement of its intention to build a road through a national park and indigenous territory, the Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure ( TIPNIS; Indigenous Territory and Isiboro Sécure National Park). Ethnographic fieldwork shows that both the state and the lowland indigenous movement have fashioned essentialised understandings of an indigenous identity linked to the environment in order to legitimise competing resource sovereignty claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the need for meaningful political responses to socionatural change, in this article we develop an interim politics of resourcefulness as a strategy for addressing the limitations of postpolitical environmental governance. Drawing on political and epistemological insights of third-world feminism as well as an ongoing collaborative with environmental justice organizations in West Atlanta, we argue that visions for just socionatural futures must necessarily be generated in conversation with historically marginalized communities. We offer an interim politics of resourcefulness as one way of forging those kinds of engagements between academic researchers and communities, and describe the forms that such engagements have taken in our own research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Sustainable development is an important principle for improving human life and ensuring the wellbeing of the planet. It posits a desirable future for human societies in which living conditions and resource-use meet human needs, without undermining the sustainability of natural systems and the environment, so that future generations may also have their needs met.2 It ties together concerns for the capacity of natural systems and challenges faced by humanity which concentrates on a balance between social, economic and environmental variables in relation to current and future existence. To accomplish a successful balance of these variables a transition is required which necessitates a move away from fossil fuel by the mid-twenty-first century.3 Through focusing on the Europeanization of sustainable development in the UK this paper will assess the extent that successful implementation of EU policy requires socio-political acceptance. Europeanization will focus on the adaptive response by actors to changing environmental policies (specifically offshore wind farms) which have a direct impact on renewable resources and planning implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding farmers' attitudes towards the environment is essential for the implementation of land management policies. Since 2000 conservation policies in France, as in other countries, have introduced the concept of 'multifunctional agriculture' whereby farmers are entrusted with responsibility for environmental and landscape conservation in a peasant tradition that the 'Green Revolution' largely eradicated. To assess farmers' and other inhabitants' attitudes towards the conservation of nature, we conducted fieldwork for 3 years (2010-2013) in two French municipalities located in a bocage area (farmland with hedges and groves). Results confirm that farmers feel more connected to nature than other rural residents. However, their perception that nature should be under human control, 'clean' and 'tidy,' contradicts many aspects of conservation policies. Our results also highlight differences between organic and non-organic farmers, especially in the acceptance of protection policies, but their perception of nature is very similar. Local history and social dynamics specific to each municipality have a strong influence on their environmental conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses whether biodiversity offsetting is an effective means of preserving natural environments. It discusses specific provisions of the biodiversity offsetting scheme that would likely produce the favorable results for England. It explores reasons why biodiversity offsetting has experienced criticism.

Addressing climate change will require the successful development and implementation of new energy technologies. Such technologies can, however, pose novel and uncertain hazards. Furthermore, the process of energy innovation is technically difficult and occurs in the face of powerful forces hostile to new technologies that disrupt existing energy systems. In short, energy innovation is difficult and hazardous but essential. This Article presents case studies of three existing energy technologies to obtain insights in anticipating technological change, managing uncertain hazards, and designing appropriate laws and policies. The Article then applies these insights to a varied sample of emerging energy technologies. Ultimately, laws and policies should distinguish between new energy technologies according to (1) their state of readiness, (2) their potential to complement or disrupt existing energy infrastructures, and (3) the possible hazards associated with their full-scale deployment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examine of legacy litigation in Louisiana state courts as per the Act 400 of the 2014 Regular Session of the Louisiana legislature. Topics discussed include changes in the Louisiana laws in the state's economic interests, ways state of the law promoted an increase in litigation, and adverse policy implications of excess damage awards. It reports the decision of the Court of Appeal of Louisiana in the court case 'Corbello v. Iowa Production.'

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is endowed with an abundance of natural resources, and the presence of high-value resources such as coltan and diamonds is well known. The country is also endowed with a wealth of biodiversity, although the value of this is often overlooked. This article describes the detrimental impact of armed conflict on this biodiversity and the dangers posed by the return of peace, which is likely to result in increased biodiversity exploitation. The resulting loss of key carbon sinks crucial to the global fight against climate change will affect not only the DRC, but also the international community. Biodiversity is therefore identified as a threat to security but also a valuable asset for development, and this article discusses methods to realize the value of biodiversity in the DRC through the benefits of ecosystem services and income generated from monetizing biodiversity. It concludes by arguing that the false dichotomy of conservation and development as separate entities and objectives needs to change so that conservation becomes a central pillar of security and development work in the DRC and other regions of current or recent armed conflict around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]