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This study conducts a critical discourse analysis on Turkey's European Union (EU) accession, focusing on the narratives of TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD. Employing the Discourse-Historical Approach within Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the research explores how economic, political, and social factors shape these groups' stances on EU accession. The findings reveal TÜSİAD's advocacy for economic integration and democratic reforms, in contrast with MÜSİAD's emphasis on economic sovereignty and pragmatic EU engagement. These perspectives reflect the interplay of interests within Turkish society and broader EU policy trends, highlighting these groups' roles in shaping Turkey's EU accession discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the perspectives of Turkish labor unions (TÜRK-İŞ, HAK-İŞ, DİSK) and employers' associations (DİSK, TİSK) about Turkey's EU accession. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis, it uncovers how these narratives mirror the intricate interplay of economic, political, and social elements in EU-Turkey relations. Analyzing speeches and documents, the research spots common and differing viewpoints. The findings reveal a universal desire for just EU integration, but with distinct emphases on sovereignty, economy, and social justice. This work sheds light on Turkey's unique position in EU affairs and the influence of various interest group narratives on international policy-making.

Copyright of Journal of International Relations Studies / Uluslararası Ilişkiler Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the evolving dynamics of EU-Turkey relations in the context of irregular migration. The European Union has historically employed conditionality as a political tool to influence Turkey's policy decisions and national legislation in alignment with EU standards. However, the EU's quest for the prevention of irregular migration and re-shaping its cooperation with Turkey in this manner has brought significant changes in their bilateral relationship. Moreover, there is a growing body of literature on how the EU's cooperation with third countries for "migration management" has resulted in the instrumentalization of irregular migration and reversed the conditionality against the EU by these countries, including Turkey. Based on a comprehensive analysis of policy documents and academic literature, this article identifies how the EU's and Turkey's responses to the irregular migration have created a complex interplay and affected the nature of bilateral cooperation, which raises questions about the continuity of the EU's conditionality on Turkey. Further, it critically explores the newly created concept of "reversed conditionality". This article claims that the concept of "reversed conditionality" is a reductionist approach to EU conditionality mechanism to a shift in bargaining power in EU-Turkey relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Instead of acting consistently with international law and its own refugee law, the EU has adopted an ambivalent stance over refugee arrivals to Europe. Member states' increasing anxiety led the EU to tighten border controls and outsource its humanitarian responsibilities by agreeing on a statement with Turkey to prevent refugees from entering the EU irregularly. This paper focuses on the human rights breaches and contradictions of the EU-Turkey Statement by specifically investigating the one-in-one-out mechanism and the argument that Turkey is safe country. It is argued that the Statement has turned the refugee issue into the subject of the European market because the political architecture of EU human rights norms has historically been part of the neoliberal hegemony. Hence, the refugee case reveals how inadequately produced norms inside Europe's borders reproduce inequalities and cause mismatches between the EU's claimed role as rights promoter and its practical inadequacies and market-based pragmatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the EU’s stance on post-Gezi civic engagement, which is based on alternative alliances and against the anti-democratic extremes of state power. Using a Gramscian perspective, the paper underlines the fact that before the protests, Turkey’s civil society had been politically socialized by the help of EU financial assistance as a sign of an ideology of consent. That is, the EU has focused on liberal-democratic cooperation with civic organic intellectuals, based on the conviction that civil society is the engine for social and political transformation. However, even though civil society organizations have strengthened their catalysing role and become a new counter-hegemonic political space since the Gezi protests, it is argued that Turkey’s normative distance from the EU and the pragmatic links between the EU and Turkey over refugees have led the EU to reduce its financial relationships with Turkey’s rights-based civil society.

As relations between the European Union (EU) and Turkey have progressed, so has the body of literature on the relationship – to the extent that we can now identify ‘EU–Turkey studies’ as a boutique sub-discipline of EU studies. This article provides a systematic mapping of the evolution of EU–Turkey studies from 1996 to 2020 in order to explore the degree of epistemic diversity featured in the discipline as an indicator of epistemic (in)justice. Utilising the research synthesis technique, we analyse a novel dataset involving 300 articles published in 26 SSCI journals to scrutinise the extent of epistemic diversity in the discipline. Our mapping reveals two central features of EU–Turkey studies. First, the transformation of the discipline has largely been contingent on critical milestones in EU–Turkey relations. Lately, increasing conflictual dynamics in bilateral relations resulted in diminishing scholarly commitment to studying EU–Turkey relations. Second, epistemic diversity has remained fairly limited given the lack of geographic diversity in authorship, the accumulation of the publications in specific journals, and the segregated co-authorship clusters that limit the amalgamation of different ideas and values. At the same time, knowledge production in EU–Turkey studies has been mainly Eurocentric, due to the almost exclusive use of grand and up-and-coming theories/concepts of European integration, while the proliferation of issue areas since the launch of the discipline has not culminated in a strong focus on non-traditional, avant-garde research topics as such. To ensure epistemic justice in the discipline, EU–Turkey studies should place stronger emphasis on unconventional issue areas and on the explanatory power of mainstream and unorthodox (IR) theories that have the potential to explore the relationship within the context of the multilateral system in which EU–Turkey relations increasingly operate.

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

2020 yılı sona ererken Birleşik Krallık AB üyeliğini geride bırakmaktadır. Brexit olarak adlandırılan bu çıkış sonrasında ilişkileri düzenleyecek bir Anlaşma üzerindegörüşmeler devam ederken, Türkiye de süreci yakından izlemektedir. Brexit Türkiye’yi farklı açılardan ilgilendirmektedir. Öncelikle Birleşik Krallığın ayrılığının AB iç dengeleri ve genişleme ve bütünleşme süreçlerinin gelişimi açısından etkileri Türkiye’nin AB adaylığı ve üyelik hedefi açısından önemlidir. Birleşik Krallık gibigenişleme politikasının taraftarı olan ve daha gevşek bir bütünleşmeyi öngören bir üyenin ayrılması AB’nin lider ülkeleri Federal Almanya ve Fransa’nın AB içindedaha belirleyici bir konumda olacağı ve bu politikalara şekil vereceği anlamına gelmektedir. Bunun yanında, Türkiye’nin yakın ekonomik ve siyasi ilişkiler içindeolduğu Birleşik Krallık ile Brexit sonrası ilişkilerinde değişim ve işbirliği imkanlarının artması söz konusu olabilir. Makale Brexit ile gelen etkiler ve değişimleri Türkiye-AB ve Türkiye-Birleşik Krallık ilişkileri açısından analiz etmektedir.

As relations between the European Union (EU) and Turkey have progressed, so has the body of literature on the relationship - to the extent that we can now identify 'EU-Turkey studies' as a boutique sub-discipline of EU studies. This article provides a systematic mapping of the evolution of EU-Turkey studies from 1996 to 2020 in order to explore the degree of epistemic diversity featured in the discipline as an indicator of epistemic (in)justice. Utilising the research synthesis technique, we analyse a novel dataset involving 300 articles published in 26 SSCI journals to scrutinise the extent of epistemic diversity in the discipline. Our mapping reveals two central features of EU-Turkey studies. First, the transformation of the discipline has largely been contingent on critical milestones in EU-Turkey relations. Lately, increasing conflictual dynamics in bilateral relations resulted in diminishing scholarly commitment to studying EU-Turkey relations. Second, epistemic diversity has remained fairly limited given the lack of geographic diversity in authorship, the accumulation of the publications in specific journals, and the segregated co-authorship clusters that limit the amalgamation of different ideas and values. At the same time, knowledge production in EU-Turkey studies has been mainly Eurocentric, due to the almost exclusive use of grand and up-and-coming theories/concepts of European integration, while the proliferation of issue areas since the launch of the discipline has not culminated in a strong focus on non-traditional, avant-garde research topics as such. To ensure epistemic justice in the discipline, EU-Turkey studies should place stronger emphasis on unconventional issue areas and on the explanatory power of mainstream and unorthodox (IR) theories that have the potential to explore the relationship within the context of the multilateral system in which EU-Turkey relations increasingly operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite taking significant steps to comply with the Copenhagen criteria after receiving the candidate‐country status in 1999, Turkey gradually moved away from European norms, values, and policy demands in various policy areas. This study explores (de)‐Europeanization of Turkey's gender equality policy in terms of both legislative changes and the shifts observed in domestic actors' discourses over the past decade, focusing particularly on the debates surrounding the Istanbul Convention. It argues that the fading credibility of the EU conditionality coupled with domestic political dynamics led to the weakening of the EU as a reference point in domestic debates, where policies ensuring gender equality were reversed by pro‐family conservative discourses and policies. The study points to domestic factors, including the country's authoritarian turn, and international factors such as the stalling EU‐Turkey relations coupled with the backlash against gender equality in EU member states as the key dimensions of de‐Europeanization of gender equality policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Avrupa Birliği genişleme stratejisi kapsamında Avrupa Komisyonu tarafından hazırlanan raporlar aracılığıyla adaylık süreci devam eden devletlerin Avrupa Birliği müktesebatına uyumunu izlemekte ve ilerleme durumunu her yıl düzenli olarak raporlamaktadır. Bu strateji hem Avrupa Birliği tarafından raporlanan devletin gelişimini görmek hem de ilgili devletin adaylık sürecinde izleyeceği yol haritasını bilmek adına önemlidir. Türkiye 1998 yılından günümüze düzenli olarak ilerleme kayıtları tutulan bir devlettir. Günümüzde 33 müzakere başlığı üzerinden Türkiye’nin ilerlemesi Avrupa Birliği nezdinde düzenli takip edilmektedir. Bu çerçevede tüketici ve sağlığın korunması 28 sayılı müzakere başlığı olup, sağlık alanındaki ilerlemeler bu başlık altında değerlendirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada, sağlık alanında 1998’den bugüne önemli bir gelişim gösteren Türkiye’nin sağlığın korunmasına ilişkin ortaya koyduğu ilerleme ve Avrupa Birliği müktesebatına uyum performansı Avrupa Komisyonu ilerleme raporları referans alınarak incelenmektedir. Çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye’nin sağlık dönüşümünde Avrupa Birliği’nin etkisini görmek ve Avrupa Komisyonu ilerleme raporları üzerinden bu dönüşümü izlemektir. Çalışmada Türkiye’nin sağlık sistemini Avrupa Birliği müktesebatına uyumlaştırma konusunda önemli bir başarı sağladığı görülmüştür. Sağlığın korunması konusunda Avrupa Birliği Türkiye ilerleme raporlarının incelendiği bu çalışmada Türkiye tarafından ortaya konan istikrar, 1998 yılından günümüze Türkiye’nin üye olma iradesini yansıtmaktadır. Ayrıca bu irade, Avrupa Birliği ile Türkiye arasındaki yapısal ilişkiyi görmek adına da önemli bir göstergedir.

The customs union (CU) established in 1996 between the EU and Turkey has always been regarded by the Turkish side as the main device for eventually achieving full EU membership as envisaged by the Association Agreement of 1963. Currently, in the absence of a well-defined and strong membership prospect, continued structural deficiencies of the CU and global pressures force both parties to modernise the CU to meet their shared economic interests and high level of interdependence. This paper explains why and how the parties need to modernise the CU and discusses political difficulties before the modernisation process. The paper reveals that the parties’ preferences regarding modernisation and the specific parameters that negotiations may depend on are mainly generated by the domestic interests of societal actors.

By examining how Turkey has strategically leveraged its immigration detention practices in its relationship to the EU, this article draws scholarly attention to the neglected international dimensions of detention policy-making. While narratives of national security bolster the justification for detention of asylum seekers and other migrants, this article focuses on additional roles that Turkey calls on detention to play in its relationship with the European Union. In particular, the article discusses 'transit migration' as a policy discourse Turkey has strategically adopted and leveraged to its advantage when dealing with the EU. As form of 'premature labelling', this discourse undermines the claims of belonging that foreign nationals labelled as transit migrants have in Turkey. Thus, it provides a narrative for justifying detention expansion. This international dimension of detention policy-making must be taken into account for future discussions around how to curb or abolish the practice at the borders of Europe and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Gender is a distinct concept that goes beyond the biological sex of individuals and emerges with the meanings that give social and cultural characteristics to the sex of the individual. Gender studies require not only the studies about women, but also the consideration of different sexual orientations and sexual identities, and discriminatory attitudes towards them. In addition, the fact that individuals take an active role in society is closely related to the fact that they live in harmony with society, know and exercise their rights. Gender, which is one of the world's oldest differences among individuals, has been tried to be removed from being an inequality thanks to the adoption of human rights. The increased sensitivity about human rights reinforced the understanding that the individuals are equal regardless of the differences among them. Gender phenomenon, although its depth is not constant, is an inequality problem in many countries and societies of the world. Although for many years Turkey have had an ambivalent attitude about the issue of gender which constitutes an important pillar of relations between Turkey and the EU, especially in recent years it has made progress by the enforcement of both its internal motivation and EU membership negotiation process. Not only the developments and improvements but also the deficiencies and shortcomings in this area have been constantly expressed in EU Commission's Turkey Progress Reports since 1998. At this point, the issue of gender is among the problem areas that Turkey literally could not find solution in its relations with EU and it is not possible to find a solution in the short run. In this study, first of all, the issue of gender has been conceptually examined and then the development of the gender issue within the EU has been discussed. The developments about gender in Turkey in terms of legislation and practices have been evaluated by examining the EU Progress Reports separately in annual basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the role of the EU institutions in the process leading up to the EU–Turkey Action Plan and EU–Turkey Statement. The EU–Turkey deal is the proverbial 'orphan' in EU crises management, with none of the key actors and institutions eager to claim ownership. Yet when judged from the perspective of process management, the deal resulted from effective inter-institutional collaboration, which stands in stark contrast to the EU's handling of the relocation schemes or the Dublin reform. Using insights from the informal governance literature, the article maps the inter-institutional network that managed this process, traces the activities within the network, and determines the effects these had on the final outcome. On an analytical level, the mechanism contains five key elements of informal institutional governance: linking, bridging, shielding, laying out the tracks and creative fixes. The conclusion reflects on the wider applicability and scope conditions of this mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to assess the relationship between populism and immigration in the European Union and their impact on EU–Turkey relations. Following a literature review on the current state of populist movements in the EU as well as on the findings of a comparative fieldwork conducted in Germany, France, Italy, Greece and the Netherlands, the article seeks to understand and explain how the debates on migration, refugees, mobility and Islam have an impact on the rise of extreme right-wing populism. Starting with the depiction of the main constituents of populist rhetoric in Europe vis-à-vis migrants and refugees, the article subsequently analyses social-economic, political and cultural drivers of populist extremism, and the resentment against diversity, multiculturalism, Islam, immigration and mobility among the supporters of populist parties in five selected European countries. In the last section of the article, the impact of right-wing populism and Islamophobia on the EU–Turkey relations will be analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mass migration from Syria has been a major turning point and an important 'game changer' in EU-Turkey relations, as it marks a watershed in immigration and asylum between two periods: from 1999 to 2011 and from 2011 to the present. During the first period, the EU was one of the driving forces of change in Turkey's immigration and asylum policy, along with significant migration movements from the Middle East. Although EU demands were largely implemented due to the country's changing migration profile, there was also ongoing resistance and reluctance towards the EU, thus a certain degree of conditionality. With the Syrian mass migration in 2011, however, and in particular the so-called 'European refugee crisis' in 2015, Turkey started to use migration as a foreign policy tool with which to oppose EU conditionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on EU–Turkey relations through gender-related employment policy practices. We argue that Turkey is undergoing a process of 'Europeanization without substance', in which vague commitments and policy initiatives to enhance female labour force participation coexist uneasily with a contravening political discourse. This is not merely the result of a stalemate in accession negotiations, nor does it stem from the diversity of employment practices across the Union. It rather results from the deliberative discourses used by Turkey's political leadership to selectively appropriate certain aspects of Europeanization to further a politically motivated agenda that, in essence, negates gender equality altogether. This, we argue in turn, is reflected in a set of practices, policy initiatives, and public statements that make substantive progress in EU–Turkey relations harder. This process is facilitated by the diminishing emphasis placed by the EU on gender equality in employment as manifested by the evolution of gender equality practices at EU level and reinforced by austerity-led policies during the economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In view of Turkey's increasing distance from the European Union (EU), the continued partial alignment with EU standards is often attributed either to domestic factors, or to diffusion processes induced by external actors other than the EU. Against this background, in this special issue, we explore the extent to which reforms in Turkey's environment and energy policy are (still) influenced by the EU. This introduction briefly reviews the Turkey related Europeanisation literature and previews the articles in this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that EU-induced learning processes in Turkish domestic politics deserve greater attention within the Turkey-related Europeanization literature, which, in view of Turkey's increasing distance from the European Union, tends to attribute a continued partial alignment with EU policies to either domestic, or to non-EU-related external factors. Two arguments are put forward. First, in domestically driven reform processes, the EU may still be able to influence policy choices due to domestic actors' bounded rationality and conflicting goals. Second, while persuasion and learning at the top political level is rather unlikely, given the currently tense relations, there are much more favorable context conditions for EU-induced learning in the interaction of the Turkish bureaucracy with the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to explore the role of media in terms of perception management regarding Turkey-EU relations and negotiations. To this aim, a corpus of news on EU-Turkey relations published between January 1, 2011- December 31, 2016 in the newspapers of high circulation, Hürriyet and Sabah in terms of management of public's perception, which was compiled on the basis of purposive sampling, was analyzed by following content analysis framework. The content of news majorly relates to the categories of security, internal affairs, foreign policy, democratization and economics. Specifically, the findings show that most of 162 news published in Hürriyet were on the affairs of internal affairs while the issues regarding economics were the least included ones. As for Sabah, it is seen that internal affairs was heavily dealt in most of 197 news; on the other hand, security was rarely focused. Besides, the number of favorable news was observed few compared to unfavorable news, and the number of favorable news published in both newspapers was equal. These findings suggest that the way the newspapers published the news regarding European Union and Turkey relations and negotiation process seem to have moved on operating the perception in negative ways, which may be based on the matter of democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's (EU) gender equality norms are an important part of the EU's identity, as enshrined in many formal documents. The scope of the EU's gender equality approach has been broadened by agents, including feminists, transnational advocacy groups, national women NGOs, feminists in the European Parliament, and the European women's lobby. Despite these European-based feminist agents' ideational contributions that challenge socially constructed gender inequalities, EU policies and acquis privilege women's empowerment in the labor market, instead of combatting genderbased discrimination in every sphere of life. This market-based equality paradigm can also be seen in the enlargement documents of Turkey-EU relations, in which both the progress reports and the financial assistance programmes-such as IPA- prioritize women's economic independence as a solution for altering socially-constructed gender roles in Turkey. Even thoughin feminist understanding-women's empowerment within the context of labor market approachlacks a conceptualization of gender equality as ahuman right, this paper aims to analyze the degree of EU's norm promoter role through transference diffusion in the female labor market participation. It is argued that due to the public institutions' entrenched resistance and the lack of consent at the local level for ideational change; the EU-driven norm clashes with the local realities of Turkey and this challenges the EU's potential normative power in terms of human rights norm promotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migration, the most important human reflection of globalization, has a profound impact on the political, economic and social life of societies. In this respect, migration, which is one of the most important agenda items of states and international organizations, has acquired "illegal/irregular" dimension due to the impact of hard conservative approaches of the target countries. The primary objective of these migration movements is the European Union countries because of the high level of welfare of them. Therefore, protecting themselves from the widening international migration movements resulting from the globalization has become the most important priority of the EU countries. Thus, Turkey, which is, due to its geographical location, considered as a "transition country" for irregular immigrants heading to EU, is a critical station on the path to Europe target. In this respect, Turkey has become a key country in terms of the EU's border security and this feature of it is located at the heart of EU-Turkey relations. In this study, the importance of Turkey in terms of irregular migration towards the EU and its fight against the transit migration with its insufficient opportunities will be discussed. In addition, the value of the progress made in recent years in this struggle for the EU and its contribution to EU-Turkey relations will be highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article aims to explore whether – and if so, how – the EU is perceived as a normative power (NPE) in Turkey in the context of deteriorating Turkey–EU relations. By adopting the Habermasian understanding that legitimacy is a prerequisite for NPE and through employing a focus group methodology novel to NPE research, the article finds that a certain segment of the Turkish public views the EU as a normative power, suggesting that claims for the existence of NPE need to be qualified both by the level of analysis and by the local context which comprises socio‐cultural factors as well as government/opposition dynamics. The article also shows that contestation of the EU's actorness takes place over moral and ethical‐political arguments rather than utility‐based debates, demonstrating that polarization is noticeably present as far as the EU's normativity is concerned, and not on the perceived costs and benefits of EU accession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how Turkey's otherness to European identity, as represented by the European Union (EU), was turned into an asset during the beginning of the AKP rule. To the extent that the AKP represented the Islamic cultural other against both the secular establishment of Turkey and the EU, its promise to fulfill the Copenhagen political criteria and adopt EU norms and standards provided a possibility of 'a model' for the EU. This was the promise of a self-transforming cultural other becoming a part of the EU normative order and representing this system in its region. In the period between 2002 and 2005, there was a compromise on Turkey's projected identity between the EU and the AKP. Yet this early promise and the ensuing compromise could not be sustained and realized in the following phases of the AKP rule. First stagnation between 2005 and 2010 and then a break wasted this promising new beginning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how the changes brought about by the Lisbon Treaty have influenced the performance of the EU Delegation in Ankara and the relationship between the EU Delegation, member states' embassies and Turkish government during times of crisis. Based on numerous interviews, the article analyses how European diplomacy conducted by the EU Delegation and EU member states' embassies functions in three categorically different situations: 1) a political crisis in the host country; 2) an international crisis involving a neighbouring region to the host country; and 3) negotiations between the host government and the EU on an issue important for EU member states, against the background of a stalled accession process. Based on an investigation of the relationship of the EU Delegation, EU member states' embassies and Turkey in those three distinct contexts, the article sheds light on the opportunities and constraints of the new way of European diplomatic representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Marmara University Social Sciences Institute / Öneri is the property of Marmara University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent studies on European Union (EU) Enlargement have emphasised the importance of usages of ‘Europe’ by domestic actors as a necessary condition for the EU to have an impact on domestic politics. We study the usages of Europe in the critical case of Turkey’s nuclear energy policy. We analyse the narratives and actions of domestic actors in Turkey to identify if they use ‘Europe’ (the EU and the idea of Europe). We reach the counter-intuitive finding of usages by both state and non-state actors, which illustrates that usages of Europe can persist despite enlargement stasis in candidate states. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Uluslararası İlişkiler çalışmalarının özellikle 1990 sonrası dönemini etkileyen tartışmalar/pratikler/söylemler doğrudan egemenlik ile ilgili görünmese bile tüm tartışmaların odağında egemenlik yatmaktadır. Bugün egemenliğin köklü bir dönüşüm geçirdiği tezi de tartışmalara yeni bir boyut kazandırmıştır. Egemenliğin bir gerçeklik ve bir söylem/anlatı olarak geçirdiği değişimin temel tetikleyici unsurlarından biri hiç şüphesiz Avrupa’daki entegrasyonun tecrübe ettiği dönüşümdür. Entegrasyonun eriştiği nokta ve ulaştığı derinlik, geleneksel egemenlik algılarını alt üst etmiş ve egemenlik ile ilgili yaklaşık dört asır boyunca içselleştirdiğimiz mitler yıkılmaya yüz tutmuştur. Egemenliğin dönüşüm serüveni merkeze alınmadan yapılacak analizler gerçeğe teğet geçmeye mahkûm olacaktır. Bu anlamda Türkiye-Avrupa Birliği ilişkilerini analiz edebilmek, ilişkilerin geleceğine dair bazı öngörülerde bulunabilmek adına egemenlik konusu temel analiz parametrelerinden biri olmalıdır. Türkiye’nin üyelik süreci 1959’dan beri farklı açı ve merkezlerden tartışılmıştır. Müzakere süreci ile birlikte tartışmalar derinlik kazanmıştır. Ancak tüm bu sürecin sonunda AB’nin de yaşadığı dönüşümün bir uzantısı olarak Türkiye-AB ilişkilerini etkileyecek temel unsur birçok kişinin iddia ettiğinin aksine ne tarım başlığı ne de serbest dolaşım başlığı olacaktır. Aksine görünmeyen, bir müzakere başlığı da olmayan ancak tüm süreci birincil planda etkileyen “egemenlik devri” konusu sürecin belirleyicisi olacaktır

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Economics / İktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası is the property of Istanbul University, Faculty of Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article takes issue with the question of whether Turkey has been turning away from Europe in recent years, by adopting a critical constructivist lens to understand how, rather than why, Turkey's presumed distance from the European Union (EU) is taking place. In doing that, it seeks to analyse the ways in which the political-societal transformation of the country as distanced from the EU is enabled by certain discursive practices which in turn contribute to the growing rift between Turkey and the EU. This is mainly conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of texts produced by former Prime Minister and now President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Europe and the EU during key election periods starting with the 12 June 2011 general election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Visa liberalisation and cooperation in migration control constitutes a separate area in EU-Turkey relations which may be labelled as the management of mobility and migration. In this framework, Turkey demands visa-free travel to the EU for its citizens, i.e. the lifting of the Schengen visa obligation for short-term visits to 26 Schengen-area countries. The EU, in turn, stipulates the singing and implementation of the readmission agreement as a precondition for the lifting of the visa requirement. Negotiations for the readmission agreement went on for nearly ten years and finally resulted in the signing of the Agreement in 2013. Concomitantly, the "Roadmap towards the visa-free regime with Turkey" was agreed by both sides and went into effect with a view to the fulfilment of the 72 criteria embodied in it, by Turkey. This issue-area regulated by the aforementioned roadmap created a new conditionality mechanism in Turkey's relations with the EU, in addition to the already-existing conditionality inherent in the membership process. The European Commission is tasked with the assessment of Turkey's performance in fulfilling the criteria in annual progress reports. Within the framework of these two interlinked issues, Turkey and the EU expect the readmission mechanism to start functioning in about three years. In this way, irregular migrants entering the EU through Turkey by illegal means will be returned by EU countries if the agreement is implemented effectively. The article investigates developments in the interlinked issues of the EU-Turkey Readmission Agreement and analyses the effects of these critically important issues on EUTurkey relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at deconstructing the ideal power Europe meta-narrative produced and reproduced by European Union (EU) practitioners and European Studies Researchers through the case of Turkey. Its major argument is that the "ideal power Europe" meta-narrative that the EU practitioners and researchers have been constructing legitimize the EU's practice in its external action in general and in its relations with Turkey in particular. The article offers a post-structuralist critique of European foreign policy and the academic literature on it; selecting its examples from EU-Turkey relations. Thus, this is an article which furthers its conceptual approach through several examples, rather than one which applies a conceptual framework to a specific case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]