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Copyright of Antik Tanulmanyok is the property of Akademiai Kiado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By the term hellenismós the Greeks primarily referred to “Greek-speaking” people, contrasting them with those who spoke “Barbarian” languages. Moreover, hellenismós specifically denoted speaking and, importantly, writing in proficient Greek, adhering to grammatical correctness and stylistic appropriateness. This contribution aims to delve into the definitions of hellenismós by examining its contrasts with other linguistic terms and concepts. Additionally, it explores the issue of dialectal variation from the viewpoint of ancient grammarians, incorporating modern discussions on the status of Greek dialects. Such an approach challenges the notion of a monolithic and unchanging Greek language, as would be inferred from a certain idea of the Byzantine koiné, and scrutinizes the Greeks’ awareness of linguistic variation and multilingualism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that *-er/ni-̯ became -ēr/n- outside Aeolic, but the material in favour of or against this view has never been collected and thoroughly discussed. In this study, it is shown, particularly in the light of some newly identified forms, that the result of *-er/ni-̯ was both -ēr/n- and -eir̯ /n- in Greek dialects other than Thessalian and Lesbian. In Attic, there are dialectal forms pointing in both directions, but it is possible to cite parallels to this situation from other dialects. The paper closes with a short discussion of the word ἀμείνων. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Classica: Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Estudos Classicos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Indogermanische Forschungen: Zeitschrift für Indogermanistik und allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Azov Greek is a Modern Greek dialect currently spoken in several villages in the area of Mariupol (Eastern Ukraine). Recent studies in Modern Greek dialectology clearly demonstrate that all Modern Greek dialects (even so specific as Tsakonian) in some period (or periods) of their history were deeply influenced by other dialects or languages and the traces of this influence can be found on various linguistic levels. Azov Greek is no exception here. This contribution intends not only to specify languages involved in language contact with Azov Greek and to analyze the most remarkable features but also to reconstruct a timeline of these contacts. The analysis is based on the field research data collected in Greek speaking villages around Mariupol between 2001 and 2019 and considers folklore and literary texts in Azov Greek. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is general consensus that the southern Macedonian dialects have partially retained the Proto-Slavic nasal vowels, and that the preservation was favoured by local Greek phonetics. There was, however, an additional source of (non-etymological) nasality in Macedonian – the Greek pre-nasalisation of stops. In the article, I would like to re-examine this issue in terms of the hypothesis that the source of nasality in Macedonian dialects was not the old nasal vowels, but the Greek pre-nasalisation of stops.

In this section, we acknowledge the receipt of recent works on Greek that have come to our editorial attention, and offer a brief characterization of their contents. The cross-linguistic coverage is even broader, however, as Dr. Sampanis examines typologically similar features involving inflected infinitives in Portuguese and Hungarian, and subjunctive complementation in Armenian and Persian. The author also examines the Balkanological context for the developments with the infinitive and the subjunctive, drawing attention to the areal parallels in neighboring languages to the Greek developments. [Extracted from the article]

This summary presents the main findings of my DPhil. thesis, written under the supervision of Andreas Willi at the University of Oxford, on the linguistic relationships (with a particular emphasis on language contact) between Greek and the Anatolian languages between the second millennium and the first half of the first millennium BCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine spontaneous production data from the dialect of Modern West Thracian Greek (MWTG) (the local dialect of Evros) with regard to a hypothesis of syntactic borrowing of verbal transitivity. We argue that MWTG allows omission of the direct object with specific reference, in contrast to Standard Modern Greek (SMG) and other Modern Greek (MG) dialects (spoken in Greece), but similar to Turkish. Object omission in MWTG is possible only in contexts where SMG and other MG dialects show obligatory use of the 3rd-person clitic. We argue that syntactic borrowing in the case of language contact follows the transfer with second language learners: the relevant elements that host uninterpretable features are used optionally. Moreover, the definite article, in contrast to the indefinite article, is also affected by language contact. The 3rd-person clitic and the definite article are affected by contact as uninterpretable clusters of features. We claim that interpretability plays a significant role in transitivity in cases of language contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the etymology of Greek έπίκουρος, which for over a century has been analyzed as a compound of έπί and an otherwise non-extant verbal root *κορσο -, from an Indo-European root familiar in Latin currō 'run'. After reviewing the linguistic, epigraphic, and philological evidence, I conclude that this etymology is untenable. From here I turn to the Linear B data and demonstrate that the e-pi-ko-wo of the Pylian o-ka texts (ca. 1200 B.C.) should be interpreted as /epikorwoi/; this presents us with the linguistic antecedent of έπίκουρος, which should be etymologized as a prepositional Rektionskompositum, where έπί governs κόρϝος ('he who is in close proximity to the κόρϝος (warrior)' / 'he who is attached to/accompanying the warriors'). Early in the Archaic period, this older Mycenaean term was replaced by a new coinage - σύμμαχος - which more appropriately described a military relationship binding one Greek polis to another. These conclusions are supported by early epic usage, historical linguistic analysis, and a full study of the Linear B texts in question. This new etymology has stimulating archaeological correlates and exemplifies the importance and broad applications of the Linear B texts for the reconstruction of Greek prehistory and society and our understanding of the epic tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The point of departure of this article is the processes that front vocoids induce as triggers in language. We start with a description of palatalization, using Standard Modern Greek and other Greek dialects as an empirical basis. We then introduce a new, so far undescribed type of palatalization, dubbed strengthened palatalization. Despite its similarity to secondary palatalization, we argue that it is a different process because it is triggered by an unrealized high front /i/, unlike secondary palatalization, where the high vocoid is alongside the preceding consonant as a secondary gesture. Furthermore, the output of strengthened palatalization is different because it lacks the primary cue of secondary palatalization, that is, F2 raising in VC sequences. Next, we examine glide hardening, a process complementary to palatalization because it is also triggered by a high front vocoid. However, in glide hardening the glide is maintained as a separate segment and is strengthened into a palatal fricative (or even a stop). By focusing on the triggers – rather than the outputs, we attain a unified account of both palatalization and glide hardening as enhancement processes that aim at strengthening the phonetic cues of their targets for reasons of perceptual salience.

This paper examines a particular case of intralingual translation from the Cypriot context, one which tends to push the very notion of translatability to its limits. Specifically, it discusses an immensely popular Greek Cypriot sitcom, Aigia Fuxia [Fuchsia Goat], written in the Cypriot Greek dialect (CGD), and the (im)possibilities of its subtitling into Standard Modern Greek (SMG), which is the variety enjoying official status in Cyprus. The main premise of this paper is that when language itself becomes topical in a translation endeavour, the very text becomes untranslatable, despite the seemingly high degree of translatability implied by an intralingual translation situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lexicon of Hesychius is still of great importance as far as the exegesis of Classical texts is concerned, but the question of the degree to which it can be considered a reliable source of dialectological data, and especially whether the glosses attest the real state of the vernacular spoken in the different regions of Greece, remains difficult to answer. Nevertheless, the glosses are still one of the most important sources (after epigraphical sources) for our knowledge of dialectal lexical systems and occasionally provide unique attestations of dialect forms in Greek. The following article examines only one such example, namely the regional designation for the "wedding gifts", as attributed to the inhabitants of Lesbos, cf. Hsch. A 1621 ἀθρήματα· δῶρα πεμπόμενα παρὰ τῶν συγγενῶν ταῖς γαμουμέναις παρθένοις παρὰ Λεσβίοις. The article aims to cast some light on this hapax form and concerns itself with the question of a problematic relation to the Homeric form ἀθύρματα. The meaning of the form ἀθρήματα is specialized, it can apply to the sphere of everyday life, and there are also synonyms from other sources which indicate a meaning in the area of "wedding gifts". All of these facts could testify to the dialectal provenance of the Hesychean gloss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the Greek of Italy with regard to his dialect differentiation and long-term trends. After addresing some issues regarding the absolute and relative chronology of the Doric domain, internal lines of evolution that appear to be characterized by several peculiarities are analysed. The first area is linguistic communication with the motherland. The second is the presence of poles that have promoted linguistic standardization processes (Tarentum, Syracuse) and poles that have been affected by these processes (Rhegium, Siris, Locri). Lastly, particular attention is devoted to the analysis of the interlinguistic contact that characterized the Greek of Italy during the Hellenistic and Roman eras. In order to clarify the dynamics of this contact situation, an analysis is conducted of certain inscriptions that reveal the different types of interference with the Italic languages and Latin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We offer an analysis of the influence exerted by segmental rules on the suprasegmental structure in the dialect of Ipiros Greek (IG). In particular we investigated how vowel deletion (VD) affects the phonetic realization of the L*+H pitch accent. Our data empirically establish that the H tone aligns much earlier when VD applies than when it does not. Furthermore, we show that there is a phonological contrast between the nuclear L+H* and the prenuclear L*+H which hinges on early versus late H alignment respectively. We demonstrate that the contrast between the L*+H and the L+H* pitch accents is not compromised by the earlier alignment caused by VD. In other words, intonational contrasts are not endangered by fine phonetic alignment variability within the same category. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the ancient Greek word ἄτερπνος, which is typically translated to mean insomniac or sleepless, and is believed to be from the Greek dialects of Rhegium. Topic discussed include the attribution of the word to Ancient Greek lyric poet Ibycus, the attribution of the word to Greek lyric poet Stesichorus, and the etymological discussion of how the word could otherwise be translated.

In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2013 Ph.D. dissertation from the University of Patras on inflection and derivation from a Construction Morphology standpoint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion of the 1477-1478 work entitled "De quattuor Graecae linguae differentiis libellus" by Humanist scholar Johann Reuchlin. The work considers issues of grammar and dialect in ancient Greek texts and is asserted to be a Latin translation of an unknown Byzantine treaty. Both a Latin transcription of Reuchlin's manuscript and an accompanying English translation of the work are presented,

The gloss βαῖκαν · .... Κρῆτες is usually treated as corrupt. In this paper the author suggests that it should be read as βαίκ' · ἄν. Κρῆτες. The dialectal form βαίκα,as well as its elided variant βαίκ',corresponds to Attic εἰ ἄν (also ἐάν,ἄν,Ionic ἤν) and represents the Cretan conjunction ϝαι 'if' (= Doric αἰ,Attic-Ionic εἰ) connected with an enclitic particle κα (= Epic and Aeolic κε,Doric κα). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article treats controversial questions relating to the study of the civic oath from Tauric Chersonesos (IOSPE I² 401). Comparison of the document from Chersonesos with others of a similar kind makes it possible to specify with greater precision the nature of the document in question and its historical interpretation. A distinctive feature of the oath sworn by the citizens of Chersonesos is the inclusion in it of a section relating to the obligations of the magistrates in the polis and the members of its council. Arguments are outlined in support of a new interpretation of lines 24-25, according to which the term σα στήρ mentioned in them is a word designating the treasury of the polis. A more precise reading of the concluding lines of the Chersonesos oath is also presented here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the nuances in the type of diglossic society in Cyprus towards a characterization of the precise stage of diglossic progression that accurately describes the current sociolinguistic state of Greek-speaking Cyprus. The question concerns the identification of that status as diglossic, as standardwith-dialects (social dialectia), or as bidialectal. We propose that the society can be characterized as diglossic, likely moving towards diaglossia. The term co-overt prestige is also introduced here, juxtaposed both with canonical Bourdieuan overt prestige and with the concept of covert prestige (Trudgill 1972), a juxtaposition which drives the classification. This article also puts forth the notion of (discrete) bilectalism to capture the 'linguality' of Greek Cypriot speakers, that is, bilectal in the local vernacular, the L variety (Cypriot Greek), and the superposed official language, the H variety (Standard Modern Greek), thereby refuting the notion of a continuum bridging the two varieties. The case is also made here that studying language acquisition and development in diglossic societies contributes to a better understanding of discrete linguistic systems in children and fully developed speakers alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on Griko, a Modern Greek dialect used in Southern Italy which consists of ancient Greek, Byzantine Greek, Italian and Mediterranean loan words. Particular focus is given to Griko's status as an endangered language and to attempts to revive it through the use of reverse language shift (RLS) techniques and the promotion of Griko poetry, folklore, and literature. Details on Griko identity and Griko language instruction are also presented.

This article consists of two parts. The first part provides general information on the language and its speakers: I describe the language, land, and livelihood of the Greek-speaking people of Beşköy in Trabzon province. In this respect it is indispensable to mention migration, which is one of the most serious threats the Greek-speaking community and their language faces today; statistical data show that Beşköy lost half of its population over the past fifty years. Despite these adverse conditions, the language has proved to be resilient enough to remain a preferred means of communication when Greek-speakers come together. In the last subsection, on language and identity, I present testimonies by native people which illustrate that positive attitudes towards both the Greek language and Turkish citizenship or Islamic identity are easily compatible. The second part comprises a linguistic discussion of the language and aims at giving an overview of its main features. It describes its phonological system, and points out some of its most interesting morphological and syntactical characteristics. Special emphasis is laid on the differences from the Sarachos variety that has been studied by Peter Mackridge.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the distribution of thematic infinitive endings in early Greek epic in the context of the long-standing debate about the transmission and development of Homeric epic diction. There are no aorist infinitives in -έμεν in Homer which would scan as ◡◡ – before a consonant or caesura (for example *βαλέμεν): instead we find unexplained forms in -έειν (for example βαλέειν). It is argued that this artificially ‘distended’ ending -έειν should be viewed as an actual analogical innovation of the poetic language, resulting from a proportional analogy to the ‘liquid’ futures. The total absence of aoristic -έειν in Hesiod is unlikely to be coincidental: the analogical form must have been the product of a specifically East Ionic Kunstsprache, and so could have been simply unknown in some other Ionian school of epic poetry where Hesiod was trained. Finally, the striking avoidance of anapaestic aorist infinitives in -έειν is argued to be explained better under the ‘diffusionist’ approach to the Aeolic elements in Homeric diction than under the ‘Aeolic phase’ theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the history of the Greek language dialect used in Cyprus, known as the Greek Cypriot Dialect, from the 11th century BC through the early 21st century. An overview of Greek Cypriot grammar, including its morphology and phonology, is provided. The impact of history on the Greek Cypriot Dialect, including in regard to Greeks' immigration to Cyprus in the 11th century BC and the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974, is discussed. An overview of the linguistic minorities in Cyprus, including the Armenians and Maronites, is presented.

In this paper, using new evidence from Pontic Greek (PG) in addition to Standard Modern Greek, we argue that the Person Case Constraint (PCC), generally presumed to be an irreducible morphosyntactic constraint on clitic pronoun combinations and argued by several to provide evidence of feature-driven syntactic operations, is a direct consequence of processing considerations, these new data being inexplicable under any of the current feature-driven analyses (Anagnostopoulou 2003, 2005; Béjar & Rezac 2003; Bianchi 2006; Adger & Harbour 2007; Nevins 2007; Pescarini 2010 among others). Adopting the Dynamic Syntax (DS) perspective of Cann et al. (2005), in which syntax is defined as the monotonic incremental growth of semantic structure, with structural underspecification and update as the core syntactic notion, we argue that the PCC is wholly due to restrictions on tree-growth imposed by the logic of finite trees: that these should underpin observed gaps in possible clitic combinations is due to clitics being calcified reflexes of previously available tree-growth update-sequences whose variability is the source of word order variation. More specifically, we argue that PCC effects, including the problematic PG data, are the consequence of a tree-logic restriction that only one unfixed node can be present in a tree at any stage in the tree growth process. PG, a dialect in which no 3rd person clitic clusters are allowed, provides strong evidence for such a feature-free account. Contrary to current feature-based analyses, which would preclude such data, the analysis presented here is shown to directly predict the Pontic Greek data, thus pointing towards a feature-free account of the PCC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the developmental shift of response type through a qualitative study of word associations in Greek. In particular, it tests whether the associations produced by Greek speakers confirm findings of similar studies in other languages with respect to the syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift. To this aim, a translated version of the Kent-Rosanoff test was administered to both adults and children who were native speakers of Greek. The findings of this study do not provide support for the concept of the syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift, as they indicate a predominance of paradigmatic associations in children's responses and a majority of syntagmatic associations in adults' responses. The paper discusses the concept of the syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift and suggests the need for further research in word associations in Greek but also in other languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the dissertation "Prefixization in Modern Greek dialects: synchronic and diachronic perspective." The author of the dissertation says that the aim of the study is to determine and present an image of the prefixization operating in Modern Greek dialects. Results of the study indicate that peculiarities of the prefixization affect the development process due to changes in the process in the domain of morphology.

Abstract: This article presents a picture of the state and status of Judeo-Greek language varieties (JGLVs) in the post-modern period throughout the regions in which they are/were used, i.e. Greece, Israel and the USA. The paper gives historical background and weighs in on the methodological and theoretical controversies connected with the JGLVs and their place in the broader Greek-speaking realm. Special emphasis is placed on the sociological context of the emergence and use of JGLVs, including the postvernacular varieties brought forward by imagined Greek identities in Israel and the USA. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The paper examines two structures in the clausal left periphery of Cypriot Greek, i.e. preverbal stressed constituents and it-clefts. The aim of the paper is two-fold: firstly, to identify the position(s) and properties of preverbal stressed constituents; and, secondly, to investigate the structure of it-clefts. Cypriot Greek distinguishes two scope positions in its surface syntax, i.e. the Topic position and the Force position. Preverbal stressed universal quantifiers, also-phrases and even-phrases appear in the Topic position, along with other topics. All the other preverbal stressed constituents, i.e. wh-phrases, existential quantifiers, negative quantifiers, negative polarity items, only-phrases and anaphoric/deictic proforms appear in the Force position, together with preverbal unstressed existential quantifiers. The Force position is identified with the [Spec,CP] position. It is argued that one of the possible specifications of sentential force on C is [Emphasis] and that [Spec,CP] stressed constituents, in complementary distribution with stressed V-in-C and stressed Neg-in-C, check an [Emphasis] specification on C. Concerning it-clefts, it is argued that the cleft clause denotes an incomplete proposition, which is saturated by the clefted constituent. The clefted constituent is base-generated adjoined to the cleft clause CP. This higher CP consisting of the clefted constituent adjoined to the lower CP is selected by a thematically null copula. The clefted constituent is interpreted as new information because it is filled in last in the semantic structure. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Vowel dispersion theory supposes that vowels are distributed in vowel space so as to maximise contrasts. Using a sociolinguistic-typological approach, this paper hypothesises that this supposition, while supported by a great deal of evidence in general, may be more true of some language varieties than others. In particular it may be more true of standardised varieties. This suggestion is discussed using evidence from nonstandard dialects of Greek which appear to adhere to vowel dispersion theory less well than Standard Greek. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I present a dialectal typology of pronominal object clitics in Greek, and claim that clitic positioning can be subject not only to syntactic restrictions but also to prosodic ones. More specifically, on the basis of a cross-dialectal survey, I provide a range of templates, i.e. prosodic patterns which clitics participate in with other constituents of the clause. Furthermore, I show that there is a hierarchy among these templates that ranks them according to their relative well-formedness. The most well-formed templates are found in 2P dialects, in which the exact position of a clitic relies crucially on phonology. This particular claim acquires greater significance when dialects that are in a transition from a 2P to a non-2P system are taken into consideration. These dialects provide valuable evidence for the vital role played by prosodic factors in language change. In light of these cross-dialectal findings, I propose a possible path in the development of non-2P clitics from 2P ones. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The Philological Society President and Secretary's Annual Report for 1937 (Braunholtz & Woodward 1938) reports that J. R. Firth read a paper on ‘The Phonetic Structure of a Cypriotic Dialect’ to the meeting of the Society on 29 May 1937. Firth's paper was never published, and its very existence was subsequently forgotten. Happily, a manuscript and handout for the lecture as well as copious background notes relating to the study have recently come to light at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London. Though somewhat incomplete, much of the content of the paper can be pieced together to yield a surprising new addition to the body of Firth's work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this paper, we propose a derivational mode of interface, in which syntax feeds phonology and second position effects are accounted for without employing movement in the PF. More specifically, we claim that a phonology-controlled optimization procedure is responsible for second position clitic effects in Cypriot, Silli and Cappadocian. The syntax provides pairs of equally well-formed syntactic structures where the clitic is placed both before and after its verbal host, and the phonology picks up the ‘optimal’ one. As a consequence, the prosodic system that determines how clitics are to be incorporated in the prosodic structure, i.e. prosodic word or phonological phrase, also selects where a clitic will surface. A welcome result of the present proposal is that the ‘special’ position of clitics is not a lexical property of a group of clitics anymore nor the result of parochial alignment constraints, but the outcome of the grammar, i.e. constraint ranking. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In this paper I give an overview of several syntactic and morpho-syntactic phenomena applying to a range of Modern Greek dialects. I present a descriptive account of these phenomena, and refer to some possible theoretical analyses put forward by a number of well-known linguists. In certain cases, I offer evidence for the cross-dialectal occurrence of a phenomenon as a contribution to the establishment of syntactic isoglosses, and report some hints of its diachronic development when the available sources permit. My data are drawn not only from written sources, but also from the oral material that has been collected in the last six years from several Greek areas, and stored in the Modern Greek Dialects Laboratory (MGDL) of the University of Patras. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Samothraki Greek onset-/r/ deletion with subsequent compensatory lengthening (CL) of the following vowel poses two major problems for current phonological theory. First, such a pattern should be impossible because in moraic theory onsets never bear weight, thus — under the assumption that CL is all about mora conservation (cf. Hayes 1989 and several others) — their deletion should not induce lengthening. Second, CL is an instance of opacity, and opacity is the single biggest conundrum that Optimality Theory faces. This paper addresses both issues and suggests that CL should not be treated as mora conservation, but instead as position preservation through the presence of a mora. This move sidesteps the previous problems as no reference to the input moraicity of segments is required and consequently, onsets, like codas, can cause CL. Moreover, concerns about OT’s parallelism, single input-output mapping, and Richness of the Base are taken into account ensuring that the resulting analysis observes all of them. The proposed solution neatly accounts for a number of CL cases and is successfully implemented in Samothraki Greek, an elaborate analysis of which is offered to capture the full range of facts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We rebut Pappas’s critique (this issue) of our treatment of Late Medieval Greek clausal syntax and clitic placement (Condoravdi & Kiparsky 2001), point out some weaknesses of his counterproposal, and suggest directions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, morphology has received increasing attention within linguistic theory. It deals with word structure and attracts significant interest in languages that are morphologically rich, such as Modern Greek (hereafter Greek). In this paper, I present an overview of the main theoretical studies that focus on Greek morphology in the last four decades, with a particular emphasis on those following the framework of generative grammar. Reasons of space prevent me from giving an exhaustive presentation of all the topics that have been examined from a synchronic point of view. Moreover, I do not take into consideration studies on historical and dialectal morphology or lexical borrowing, or works that cover areas where morphological issues interact with research in domains such as computational linguistics, psycholinguistics, and neurolinguistics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]