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Interpreting signals from mechanical waves that cross material media boundaries is challenging due to the historical development of instrumentation suitable to study waves in each distinct medium, leading to discrepancies in boundary and adjacent media descriptions and governing physics related to each media. Nowhere is this more significant than in littoral zones at the convergence of land–air–water (LAW) domains. In short, a comprehensive physics framework does not exist that can accurately predict how waveforms freely traverse these media boundaries resulting in a critical fundamental science knowledge gap that can correlate received waveforms to actual source generators. Furthermore, the preponderance of research has treated media boundaries as lossy reflectors rather than poor transmitters, resulting in a rudimentary understanding of wave transformation over subsurface inhomogeneities and boundaries. This article details the experimental component of a new transdisciplinary effort to characterize the full LAW wavefield within a littoral zone to overcome the mixed media challenges. The fusion of disciplines, including air and underwater acoustics, geophysics, and hydrology, aims to develop a full-wavefield description of coupled media in the environment. Beginning with a simplified scenario, the experimental design accommodates for measurements of wave transmission across land–water, air–water, and land–air boundaries in a controlled, constructed, and prototypical littoral zone. This article reviews the test site design, construction, and preliminary experimental results. The challenges of designing and implementing an experiment that explicitly observes signal propagation across the media boundaries without distorting the boundaries and includes sources and sensors in all three environments are discussed.

Dans son interessante etude, Segurant ou le Chevalier au Dragon (XIIIe-XVe siecles) : Etude d’un roman arthurien retrouve (Champion, 2019), Emanuele Arioli a deja, brievement, aborde cette petite œuvre, mieux connue generalement sous un titre trompeur, Yvain en prose. « Trompeur », car il ne s’agit pas, ou pas exclusivement, d’une mise en prose de l’Yvain de Chretien de Troyes, ni d’un roman, ni meme d’un texte consacre a Yvain, mais plus exactement d’une compilation de sept episodes arthurie...

Studying Othon de Grandson’s dream garden in dialogue with Guillaume de Lorris’s Roman de la Rose, Jane Taylor, in this chapter, argues that the inhabitants of Othon’s garden serve a very different purpose than Guillaume’s allegories. With Othon’s dreaming “I” indistinguishable from his writing “I,” his encounters in the dream garden offer him the chance to interact with his own potential selves. Instead of fragmented qualities of the dreamer (as is the case in the Rose), here the characters in the garden represent projections of who the dreamer could be. The chapter contends that, thanks to the Rose’s influence, Othon’s choice to humanize the garden’s inhabitants renders them strange to the audience. With Othon’s series of potential selves, the “pseudo-autobiography” is an act of self-scrutiny as the poet tries to experience his self as “othered.”

The prefaciers of fifteenth-century fictions and histories are comfortably self-congratulatory: the readers they have in mind, and whose tastes, they say with happy confidence, they are satisfying, are newly sophisticated, newly demanding, “plus agut[s] et soubtille[s]”, says Philippe de Vigneulles, than readers used to be, and thus appreciative of new and different modes and styles. These new readers prefer, says Philippe in the preface to his mise en prose of the Geste des Lorrains, “chose ...

Gotha, MS A 688 is currently preserved in the Universitäts- und Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, now kept at the Erfurt University Library in Germany. This is a luxurious manuscript of the neo-Arthurian Ysaïe le Triste: in quarto on paper, copied in a fifteenth- or sixteenth-century bâtarde, and including no fewer than 96 miniatures. The manuscript was probably prepared for Louis II de La Trémouille and his second wife Luisa Borgia, duchesse de Valentinois, both of whose arms are painted on the title page. Prepared perhaps to celebrate their wedding, which took place in 1517, the manuscript must have been produced between 1517 and 1525, Louis having been killed in that year at the battle of Pavia. We have little information on the La Trémouille library, but that said, Louis’s first wife, Gabrielle de Bourbon, was herself an author of several books, and the well-stocked library of Gabrielle’s mother, Gabrielle de La Tour, included copies of Lancelot and Guiron le Courtois. What is remarkable, however, is the fact that such a lavish manuscript of an Arthurian romance was produced at that time. Not of course that manuscript was obsolete as from the introduction of printing; on the contrary, until much later in the Renaissance, a manuscript, much more than print, represented a very personal gift, for instance, and constituted a prestigious library. That said, only a few Arthurian manuscripts seem to have been produced in sixteenth-century France, let alone manuscripts prepared with such elegance, and of the few that survive, only those produced for the bibliophile Pierre Sala, which he had produced for a modernised Yvain (Paris, BnF MS fr. 1638), and two Tristans (Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales, Add. MS 443-D, and Geneva, Fondation Martin Bodmer, cod. Bodmer 148), all three dating from the 1520s, are of comparable quality. If indeed the Gotha Ysaïe was a gift to Louis and Luisa, it was a lavish gift; we know from a document giving details of expenditures billed by Antoine Vérard for a manuscript printed for Charles of Angoulême, how much such a princely gift might cost. However, the illustrations appear slightly dated: the costumes for example would seem more in the fashion of the mid-fifteenth century. Might our artist have copied an existing suite of miniatures from a manuscript dating from the fifteenth century? Was he simply a provincial artist unfamiliar with the fashions of a new century? These questions are unanswerable – but this manuscript shows, as do the beautiful illustrated manuscrits-imprimés produced for instance by an Antoine Vérard, the prestige enjoyed, even at the heart of the Renaissance, by a beautiful Arthurian manuscript.

Verard fit paraitre son editio princeps du Merlin en 1498, dans une belle edition en trois tomes in-folio ; le troisieme tome contient les Propheties. Ce texte difficile – « detestable logorrhee » selon Langlois – est dote par le grand editeur d’un jeu de rubriques d’une remarquable densite : comme aucun des manuscrits existants ne beneficie de rubriques, c’est vraisemblablement l’atelier de Verard qui en fut responsable. Alors que les rubriques introduisant les chapitres « narratifs » du texte – les malheurs de Merlin – se contentent tres souvent de composer un titre a partir de quelques mots saisis dans la/les premiere(s) phrase(s) du chapitre, pour les propheties proprement dites le rubricateur semble avoir voulu saisir, plus ou moins bien, la totalite du chapitre. Avec la table en debut de volume, Verard et son atelier semblent avoir en vue – toutes proportions gardees – de fournir un instrument de travail.

Pierre Sala's intralingual translation of Chretien's Yvain (1520) inflects the source text not simply linguistically but also ideologically, to chime with the tastes and preferences of his sixteenth-century readers. (JHMT) Pierre Sala has never had a particularly good press: this unscrupulous plagiarist, it used to be said, copied Chretien's Yvain more or less verbatim, with only a scattering of meschans vers de sa facon [wretched verses of his own composition].1 This is all the sadder in that Pierre Sala's Yvain-or more precisely, to use his own title, Le Chevalier au Lion-completed in about 1522, is the work of an enthusiast,2 what would later3 be called an 'antiquarian.' Yvain is not his only Arthurian adaptation: he also translated or adapted a version of the Tristan legend, Le Roman de Tristan de Leonnois et de la belle Reine Yseulte;4 he compiled a volume of Antiquitez de Lyon, and another devoted to the Hardiesses de plusieurs roys et empereurs;5 he collected antiquities, sedulously, and built himself what amounted to a small medieval château, l'Antiquaille, in Lyon. True, more recent critics have been kinder: Francois Suard uncovered a preamble where Pierre makes his debt to Chretien perfectly clear,6 and the text's recent editor, Pierre Servet, salutes the Renaissance Yvain as presenting at the very least a reecriture 'fut-elle de moindre envergure que celle du maItre' [even if of less merit than his master's].'7 What I intend in this paper is not rehabilitation, on aesthetic or translational grounds: Servet's excellent edition, and especially its long and very full introduction, has done much to show just how Pierre Sala's translation, which seems at first sight so close as to be often slavish, in fact cuts, extends, and rewrites the original, in the interests of simplification, narrative logic, clarity, vraisemblance. This paper argues, however, that there is an important additional dimension, an ideological component, to his proceedings (something Servet touches on, but does not elaborate). What I say will be based in the first instance on Pierre Sala's 'translation' of Kay (Keu), one of whose interventions he subjects to a number of what could seem to be minor cuts and simple abridgments, unremarkable tricks of style;8 I then move on to two other crucial rewritings, the first recounting the remarkable change of heart that brings Laudine to accept Yvain as her husband, the second the scene where Gauvain unscrupulously persuades a suspiciously willing Yvain that for the sake of his reputation he must leave the wife he has just married and pursue chivalric renown. I suggest that the translational moves in these three sections of the text, many of which seem quite minor, amount in fact to a process characteristic of late-medieval and Renaissance romance adaptation and intralingual translation:9 a process of what I have elsewhere called 'textual management,'10 whereby the social language of romance-myths, legends, rituals, symbols, stock characters, topoi-is appropriated, as a rhetorical and ideological enterprise, to affirm the nostalgic values assigned to Arthurian romance. Translation, of course, is always a hermeneutic enterprise, a process of reception and appropriation, however little this is expressed and however little conscious it is11-and Pierre Sala, contrary to appearances, has a complex, dialectical relationship with his source text, and no doubt too with his target audience,12 one that may allow us privileged insights into socio-cultural phenomena in his own, the target, culture. Let me start, then, with an episode whose editorial moves, in the transition from twelfth- to sixteenth-century verse, will, I hope, begin to show precisely how revealing are the text-management processes deployed by Pierre: a sour little commentary from Kay to be found in the opening episode of Chretien's Yvain. The reader will remember that, having heard about Calogrenant's debacle at the Fountain in the Forest of Broceliande, Yvain, with a sort of grandiloquent verbal fanfare, had sworn to salvage his cousin's honor. …

Les mises en prose de la fin du Moyen Âge bénéficient désormais ­d'études portant sur les préoccupations esthétiques et idéologiques des prosateurs et de leurs patrons. On a surtout privilégié les transformations majeures ­qu'ont subies ces ouvrages : nouveaux épisodes, interpolations, ajouts, excisions. Isoler le menu détail de ­l'opération traductrice permet pourtant souvent de saisir au vol les transformations et de ­comprendre leur spécificité. Cet essai se penche sur deux mises en prose bourguignonnes., The mises en prose of the later Middle Ages are at last being explored for what they tell us about the ideological and aesthetic preoccupations of prosateur and patron. To concentrate, however, as has been usual, only on larger transformations can mislead. The study of the detail of mise en prose - at the level of lexis and syntax - reveals conscious and careful textual manœuvres designed to fit the new version to the preconceptions or the preferences of a court. This essay addresses two Burgundian mises en prose.

This is, of course, a vast and intractable subject: some four centuries, and a number of competing disciplines. I can do no more, therefore, than concentrate on what I would see as the main lines of investigation that scholars are currently pursuing, and invite those interested to turn to a major research bibliography specific to this area,Encomia (published annually by the International Courtly Literature Society). I shall intend principally to address more thematically based work, or studies of individual poets which have a resonance beyond their single subject — which is not, let me emphasize, to underestimate the value and importance of studies on individual poets: on the contrary, I recognize that the last twenty years or so have witnessed the publication of some of the best and most imaginative analyses that we have so far seen. Simply, in the limited space available, it is impossible to do them justice — and it will be more valuable for the reader, perhaps, to have some idea of the wide range of current critical discussion, and indirectly therefore of the directions which research might usefully follow. I shall also, incidentally, separate the earlier Middle Ages (twelfth and thirteenth centuries) from the later, partly because it has been traditional to do so, partly because, whereas the courtly lyric of the earlier period maintains the link between music and verse, the fourteenth century, as crystallized in Eustache Deschamps’s distinction between musique naturelle and musique artificielle, voice and music, sees a growing distinction between the poem proper and any musical accompaniment.

Dans le Jehan de Saintré ­d'Antoine de La Sale se trouve un épisode traitant ­d'une croisade victorieuse ­contre les « Sarrazins » de Prusse : victoire que ­l'Europe ne ­connaissait plus depuis plus de deux siècles. Cet épisode sera très pertinent dans les milieux bourguignons et angevins, suite à la chute de Constantinople en 1453, et la présente ­contribution propose ­d'explorer ce scénario triomphant mais tout hypothétique, à la lumière de ce qui, en anglais, ­s'appellerait le « ­contrefactuel »., Antoine de La ­Sale's Jehan de Saintré appeals to its readers across a range of narratives - including an episode recounting the sort of triumphant crusade against the “Sarrazins” of Prussia unknown to its late medieval readers for more than two centuries. This episode is particularly relevant, in Burgundian and Angevin circles, in the immediate aftermath of the fall of Constantinople in 1453. This paper will argue that La ­Sale's wish-fulfilment pseudo-history can be profitably analysed in the light of the “counterfactual”.

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the clinical significance of radiographic cardiomegaly in orthotopic heart transplant recipients and to identify causative anatomic and physiologic parameters.We retrospectively compared the cardiothoracic ratio (CTR) measured using standard posteroanterior chest radiography with left ventricular end-diastolic diameter and left ventricular ejection fraction measured on two-dimensional echocardiography; right ventricular systolic pressure; and systolic, diastolic, and mean blood pressure measured at biopsy in 46 heart transplant recipients.Twenty-eight (61%) of the 46 patients had radiographic cardiomegaly. When we compared heart transplant recipients who had a CTR greater than 0.5 with recipients who had a CTR less than or equal to 0.5, we found no significant difference between their respective left ventricular end-diastolic diameters, left ventricular ejection fractions, right ventricular systolic pressures, systolic blood pressures, or mean blood pressures. A statistically significant difference existed between the mean values of diastolic blood pressure for transplant recipients with and without radiographic cardiomegaly. We found no significant correlation between CTR and left ventricular end-diastolic diameter, left ventricular ejection fraction, systolic blood pressure, diastolic blood pressure, or mean blood pressure.The statistically significant difference between the mean values of diastolic blood pressure of transplant recipients with and without radiographic cardiomegaly is clinically insignificant and unlikely to account for the finding of radiographic cardiomegaly. We conclude that radiographic cardiomegaly, which occurs frequently in heart transplant recipients, does not correlate with anatomic or physiologic parameters obtained under the same conditions. Radiographic cardiomegaly in heart transplant recipients does not connote allograft dysfunction or heart failure.

(1997). Perceval/Perceforest: Naming as Hermeneutic in the Roman de Perceforest. Romance Quarterly: Vol. 44, No. 4, pp. 201-214.

Strathclyde Regional Council recently completed a review of its transportation strategy. The council has a long standing commitment to an integrated approach to transport planning which has resulted in a substantial programme of investment in public transport services over the years. The review, however, put an even greater emphasis on the role of public transport in the transportation strategy. This paper details the public transport policies pursued in the region, the past achievements in public transport development and the ambitious plans for the future. (A)

This study examines the constructions and uses of the figure of Ovid in French writing of the second half of the seventeenth century, and explores how they were modulated by contemporary aesthetic and cultural concerns. As the influence of Ovid’s poetry made itself felt in various ways – in the mythopoeia of the Sun-King and the fashionable galant salons – interest in the story of Ovid’s life blossomed. This, I argue, was facilitated by new forms of ‘life-writing’, the nouvelle historique and histoire galante, and fuelled in unexpected ways by the escalating querelle des Anciens et des Modernes. Research has been done on the reception and influence of Ovid’s poetry in this period, but little attention has been paid to the figure of Ovid. This thesis offers a new perspective and, informed by recent renewed interest in life-writing, argues that analysis of biographical depictions is vital for establishing a coherent picture of the uses of Ovid in the ‘Grand Siècle’. I explore a diverse range of textual descriptions of Ovid (Vies; prefatory material attached to translations and editions of his work; correspondence; dialogues des morts; biographical dictionaries and historical novels), organized according to their different, though intersecting, ways of writing about this poet. He was constructed as a historical figure, an author, a fictional character and a ‘parallèle’ – a point of identification or contrast for contemporary writers. Through close analysis of a multi-authored corpus, this thesis identifies and examines two instances of paradox: though an ancient poet, Ovid became emblematic of 'Moderne' movements and was used to explore aspects of galanterie; and, though his creative work was mobilized in the service of royal propaganda, Ovid, as a figure for the exiled poet, was also used to express anxieties about the sway of power and the machinations and pitfalls of the world of the court.

A knowledge of root hydraulic resistance is required for the application of water flow models of the plant-soil system. An attempt was made to estimate axial resistance of intact cotton (Gossypium hirsutum L. cv. Tamcot CAMD-E 107-5A) taproots to water flow by direct and simultaneous measurement of water flow rate and of the gradient in xylem water potential. Fiscus's root psychrometer was modified and used for the measurement of xylem water potential. The measurements were made in rigidly controlled, constant temperature environments, and under conditions in which no water was available for the portion of the taproot where xylem water potential gradient was measured, but water was available distal to that portion. The water uptake rate was simultaneously measured while water was supplied at a constant head. Axial resistance to water flow along a cotton taproot of 70- to 120-d-old plants was on the order of 1 mg -1 water m -1 root s MPa, which is near the lower limit of published values for cotton and other species. Axial resistance was also calculated from the measured xylem vessel diameters based on the Poiseuille-Hagen equation. Measured axial resistance values were 20 times those calculated using the Poiseuille-Hagen equation. It required as long as 34 d for the water potential inside the psychrometer chamber to equilibrate with that of the root xylem. Drying the root substantially increased the radial resistance and thereby increased the time required for equilibration. Modifications to the described experimental apparatus and procedure will be required.