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To advance knowledge of critical consciousness development, this study examined age-related change in awareness of inequality by race and ethnicity, gender, parent education, generation status, and their interactions. With longitudinal data (2013-2017) from 5019 adolescents in grades 6-12 (55.0% female) from California, Minnesota, and West Virginia, multigroup second-order latent growth curves were estimated for Black (13.7%), Latinx (37.0%), Asian (8.1%), and white (41.3%) youth. Black, Latinx, and Asian adolescents increased awareness of inequality longitudinally; white youth showed no change. Multiracial youth accelerated awareness of inequality in mid-adolescence; changes in race and ethnicity predicted decline, followed by increases. Girls with more educated, immigrant-origin parents started out more aware of inequality. Results signal the need for race-specific and intersectional approaches to studying critical consciousness development.

The issue's collection of 17 papers apply a wide range of developmental, contextual, intersectional, and critical perspectives (and their combinations) to promote understanding on how oppressive systems intersect and overlap in detrimental ways for BIPOC youth development. Innovative conceptual models and a variety of methodological techniques advance our understanding of the lived experiences of BIPOC youth who interact daily in contexts such as neighborhoods and educational settings in which racism and anti-immigrant sentiment pervades. Together, the papers in this issue examine the systemic forces at the root of experiences of oppression and advance the field toward improving short and long-term developmental outcomes for BIPOC adolescents.

This study examined whether appraisals of 45th U.S. President Donald J. Trump by 1433 adolescents (M

Adolescents’ time use during COVID-19 offers insight into their lived experiences in unprecedented times. Using a person-centered approach, we describe profiles of time use and examine demographics, parent support, and friend support as predictors of time use. Among 555 U.S. adolescents, we identified three latent profiles across 14 daily activities. Education-Focused youth were more likely to be gender non-binary, Latinx, or Asian, and had higher parental education, higher parent support, and lower friend support. High Media Users were more likely to be female or gender non-binary, LGBQ-identifying, Latinx, or Asian, and had lower parent and higher friend support. Work-Focused youth were more likely to be older and spent in-person time with friends. Implications include strengthening relational supports, and reconsidering the risks and benefits of different types of time use during this historical moment.

This Black Lives Matter! Special Issue uses diverse methods to examine how multiple systems of oppression at different levels (individual, institutional, and structural) affect Black youth. Through an intersectionality lens, scholars examine how gender, sexual orientation, skin tone, and socioeconomic status create unique experiences for Black youth. Collectively, the 17 papers address the sweeping impact of racism and other systems of oppression on Black youth by examining structural factors (e.g., policing), interpersonal experiences (e.g., teacher-student), and developmental processes (e.g., socialization). Commentaries provide a historical view and future perspective to contextualize how far we have come and how much farther we need to go in our quest to combat racism and other systems of oppression and improve the lives of Black adolescents.

Adolescents' awareness of societal inequality has been linked to higher civic engagement. This study expands prior research by testing whether awareness of inequality differentially motivates prosocial and political forms of civic engagement, whether adults' modeling of civic agency moderates links between awareness of inequality and civic engagement, and whether associations differ by race/ethnicity. Longitudinal data came from 3208 youth (M

Youth sociopolitical action, which encompasses a broad range of behaviors to dismantle systems of oppression, is increasingly taking place on social media and digital platforms. This study presents the development and validation of a 15-item Sociopolitical Action Scale for Social Media (SASSM) through three sequential studies: in Study I, a scale was developed based on interviews with 20 young digital activists (Mage=19, 35% cis-gender women, 90% youth of color). In Study II, Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) identified a unidimensional scale using a sample of 809 youth (Mage=17, 55.7% cis-gender women, 60.1% youth of color). In Study III, an EFA and Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) were used to confirm the factor structure of a slightly modified set of items with a new sample of 820 youth (Mage=17, 45.9% cis-gender women, 53.9% youth of color). Measurement invariance testing was conducted by age, gender, racial and ethnic background, and immigrant identity, confirming full configural and metric invariance, and full or partial scalar invariance. The SASSM can further research on youths’ efforts to challenge oppression and injustice online.

In reflecting on the collection of work in the recent Journal of Research on Adolescence special series and what it means for research to dismantle systems of racism and oppression, we call for adolescent development researchers to embrace anti-racist research. We describe a set of strategies for conceptualizing, conducting, and disseminating research with adolescents using an anti-racist lens. These strategies flow from tenets of anti-racist research that include recognizing racism as systemic and being critically self-reflective on power and privilege, committed to doing no harm to adolescents, action-oriented, and community-centered. Despite obstacles to anti-racist research in academic and public ecosystems, anti-racist research is essential if we are interested in equity in adolescent' development and the well-being of all adolescents.

Despite a growing understanding about civic development, we know little about whether the developmental course of civic engagement is the same across different types of civic engagement or different groups of youth. To advance developmental science in this area, we documented age-related change in community service, political interest, electoral participation, and political voice across the transition to adulthood by race/ethnicity, parent education, gender, and their interactions. National multicohort probability samples of U.S. high school seniors from the Monitoring the Future study were assessed at baseline (age 18) and followed longitudinally via self-administered mail surveys across 6 follow-up waves to age 29/30. Of the sample (N = 12,557), 51.0% were women, 11.0% were Black, 7.0% were Latinx, 2.3% were Asian, and 75.4% were White. Community service decreased from age 18 to 24, then showed modest recovery. Political interest, electoral participation, and political voice increased steadily from 18 to 24 and less steeply thereafter. Intercepts and (to some extent) slopes varied by race/ethnicity, parent education, gender, and intersections of these factors. Black youth started and remained highest in community service and showed more accelerated growth in political interest and electoral participation. Young women reported higher community service, whereas gender gaps in political engagement trajectories favored young men. Black and Latinx young women stood out as having distinct civic trajectories. The role of parent education varied by race/ethnicity and gender. Diverse civic pathways advance theoretical understanding of civic development. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

The current study examined developmental change in future orientation and perseverance across childhood and adolescence. Drawing from stage-environment fit theory, the study examined how adolescents' perceptions of key school experiences (teacher support, school climate, high-quality organized activities, school transitions) and socioemotional competencies covaried across time. Using an accelerated longitudinal design, a diverse sample of 4,055 youth in grades 6-12 completed assessments at 4 time points. Latent growth curve analyses revealed future orientation and perseverance both followed a quadratic trajectory marked by growth in early adolescence, followed by a leveling off in later adolescence. School experiences positively covaried with socioemotional competencies. Findings provide insight into patterns of age-related change and offer implications for practices aimed at promoting future orientation and perseverance.

Through civic engagement, adolescents can increase community vitality, challenge injustices, and address social problems. Positive youth development (PYD) theory and research has generated knowledge of ecological assets (resources and supports in everyday environments) that foster youth civic engagement. Yet, assets and opportunities are not equally available to all youth. Youth of color in urban high-poverty neighborhoods merit more concerted attention in research on civic development to inform theory, policy, and practice. A primary goal of this monograph is to broaden academic and public discourse about what civic engagement looks like and how it develops for urban youth of color who live in high-poverty neighborhoods. We conducted one time, face-to-face interviews and brief quantitative surveys with 87 youth of color (90% Black and Black multiracial; 59.8% male; ages 12-19) recruited from five youth centers in Rochester, New York, from 2015 to 2016. Interviews elicited youth's perspectives on how they define and experience civic engagement, community problems, connections and discussions to community, and adult supports. We used an inductive qualitative methodology. In Chapter I, we review what is known about civic engagement among urban youth of color. We lay out evidence for ecological assets that support youth civic engagement, aligned with a PYD perspective, and articulate ways to expand beyond PYD to understand youth empowerment and urban contexts. In Chapter II, we summarize national and local contexts that may shape the experiences of urban youth of color in our study. To set the stage for the empirical chapters that follow, we describe our sample, study design, and methodology. In Chapter III, we examine how urban youth of color in Rochester experience community violence and discuss the implications of these experiences for civic development. Youth articulated violence as a serious community problem and powerfully discussed frequent, personal, direct and indirect exposures to violence. Due to fear and lack of safety, some youth strategically disconnected from community and relationships and experienced disempowerment. Others reacted to violence with a tendency toward self-protection. For some, community violence was a catalyst for civic action. In Chapter IV, we investigate how youth defined and experienced civic engagement. Youth's civic participation spanned helping community, engaging politically, participating in school or community organizations, engaging in social and leisure activities, and taking personal responsibility. Youth's civic actions were largely informal and localized. Some civic participation was contextualized as a response to community violence, such as intervening to protect peers from harm. Some youth were not civically engaged. In Chapter V, we map out what civic empowerment looks like for these youth and how civic empowerment links to civic action. Supporting prior theory, we found evidence for emotional, relational, and cognitive dimensions of civic empowerment and experiences of civic disempowerment. Emotional empowerment was most closely aligned with civic action, although any expressions of civic empowerment suggest youth are developing building blocks for civic participation. In Chapter VI, we investigate ecological assets that support youth's civic development. Safe community spaces such as youth centers provided familiarity and comfort, opportunities to forge connections with others, and places to help and be helped. Adults supported youth by enabling youth to feel heard, not judging them, serving as role models, and offering guidance and support. Youth were equally articulate about how adults fail to support or empower them. We conclude that some assets generally support positive development and others specifically foster civic development. In Chapter VII, we integrate findings across chapters into a conceptual model of four distinct pathways of civic development. We systematically examined differences among youth who are disengaged, personally responsible, safely engaged, and broadly engaged. All pathways are adaptive, and youth found different ways to navigate community violence and other adversities. As summarized in Chapter VIII, our study informs theory and future research on civic engagement among urban youth of color in contexts of adversity. We put forward four important elements needed for theory of civic development to be relevant for urban youth of color. Then we offer policy and practice recommendations: (a) investment in safe spaces and violence-reduction policies should be a top priority; (b) youth should be involved in decision-making about solutions to issues of concern to them; (c) civic engagement programs and opportunities should center on local issues and allow for multiple forms of engagement; (d) all youth should be heard and taken seriously by the adults in their lives.

Debates about lowering the voting age often center on whether 16- and 17-year-old adolescents possess sufficient cognitive capacity and political knowledge to participate in politics. Little empirical research has examined age differences in adolescents' and adults' complexity of reasoning about political issues. We surveyed adults (

Youth experiencing systemic oppression(s) face heightened challenges to wellbeing. Critical consciousness, comprised of reflection, motivation, and action against oppression, may protect wellbeing. Wellbeing here refers to mental, socioemotional, and physical health. The aim of this systematic review was to synthesize research on the relationship between critical consciousness and wellbeing among adolescents and young adults (ages 12-29). Five databases (PsycInfo, PsychArticles, ERIC, Sociological Abstracts, and PubMed) were searched systematically using keyword searches and inclusion/exclusion criteria; 29 eligible studies were included. Results demonstrated that the critical consciousness and wellbeing relationship varied by critical consciousness dimension and age. The studies of adolescents most often focused on racial/ethnic marginalization and found critical motivation most strongly associated with better wellbeing. The studies of young adults focused on young adult college students and identified mixed results specifically between activism and mental health. Study methods across age spans were primarily quantitative and cross-sectional. Research on critical consciousness and wellbeing can benefit from studies that consider multiple critical consciousness dimensions, use longitudinal approaches, and include youth experiencing multiple and intersecting systems of privilege and marginalization.

The current study explored youths' views of President Donald Trump using quantitative ratings and open-ended responses from a diverse sample of 1,432 U.S. adolescents from three geographic regions. Adolescent demographic characteristics (i.e., gender, race, geographic location) were systematically associated with their views about Trump. Open-ended responses demonstrated substantial variability in youths' rationales for approving or disapproving of the president. Adolescents' attitudes were informed by knowledge of the president's leadership attributes, political views and policies, and their own experiences. Findings indicate that adolescents draw upon and synthesize a broad range of information when formulating their political views and coordinate this knowledge with their own opinions and experiences when evaluating political figures.

Despite abundant research on the benefits of dispositional mindfulness and mindfulness-based interventions, little is known about the naturally occurring developmental course of mindful awareness. Given dramatic strides during adolescence in competencies that may support mindfulness (e.g., emotion regulation), the high school years are a suitable window to study developmental changes in mindfulness. Using an accelerated cohort design to examine the longitudinal trajectory of mindfulness from 9th grade through 12th grade, we employed data from a 5-year study of 3,453 U.S. adolescents (55% female; 40% Latinx, 38% White, 13% Black, and 7% Asian) from high schools in three geographical regions in the U.S. Adolescents annually completed self-report surveys measuring mindful awareness and several internal and external factors. Latent growth curve analyses found that, after controlling for cohort, there was no average linear change in mindful awareness from grades 9 through 12, although there was significant interindividual variability in slopes. Within-person analyses found that in grades when needs-supportive climate was higher and discrimination was lower, adolescents reported greater mindful awareness. Unexpectedly, in grades when perspective taking and prosocial behaviors were higher, mindfulness was lower. These findings inform developmental understanding of mindful awareness and the ways that it naturally occurs and is supported during adolescence.

Parents promote character development in many ways: by cultivating a supportive relationship, modeling the strengths they hope to cultivate, and through the ideas they communicate to their children...

This article examines effects of political party affiliation on U.S. young adults’ political participation across age and historical time. Using national U.S. longitudinal Monitoring the Future data from youth aged 18 to 30 years, we estimate effects of partisanship (Democrat, Republican, Other) on change in youth’s electoral and political voice participation with age, and test whether effects differ between 1976 and 2003. Political engagement and partisanship declined for young adults over several decades. Partisanship had a consistent positive effect on electoral participation across age and cohort. Democratic youth were higher on nonelectoral participation for some cohorts, and Democrats and Republican youth showed growth in nonelectoral participation at different historical moments. Although younger cohorts of Americans are less politically engaged based on available measures, political parties still remain a powerful force for political participation among those who choose to affiliate. Youth’s partisan attachments and political behavior are best understood in historical context.

Debates about lowering the voting age often center on whether 16 and 17-year-olds possess sufficient cognitive capacity and political knowledge to participate in politics. Little empirical research has examined age differences in adolescents’ and adults’ complexity of reasoning about political issues. We surveyed N = 778 adults (Mage = 38.5, SD = 12.5) and N = 397 16 and 17-year-olds concerning judgements and justifications about whether the US should change the minimum voting age. Justifications for changing the voting age were coded for integrative (i.e., integrating multiple perspectives to form a judgment about changing the voting age), elaborative (i.e., providing multiple reasons to support the same judgement about changing the voting age), and dialectic (i.e., recognizing multiple differing perspectives on changing the voting age) complexity of reasoning. Bayesian regressions indicated that adolescents provided greater integrative and elaborative complexity in their reasoning to change the voting age than adults. Adolescents and adults did not meaningfully differ in their dialectic complexity. Findings are consistent with past research indicating that adolescents possess the cognitive capacity and political knowledge to vote in US elections.

Several U.S. states have proposed bills to lower the minimum local and national voting age to 16 years. Legislators and the public often reference political philosophy, attitudes about the capabilities of teenagers, or past precedent as evidence to support or oppose changing the voting age. Dissenters to changing the voting age are primarily concerned with whether 16- and 17-year-olds have sufficient political maturity to vote, including adequate political knowledge, cognitive capacity, independence, interest, and life experience. We review past research that suggests 16- and 17-year-olds possess the political maturity to vote. Concerns about youths’ ability to vote are generally not supported by developmental science, suggesting that negative stereotypes about teenagers may be a large barrier to changing the voting age.

Public health recommendations to slow the spread of COVID-19 have resulted in closing schools and businesses and encouraging social distancing, which has reshaped adolescents’ ecologies. Adolescents’ time use during the pandemic offers insight into their lived experiences in unprecedented times, and adolescents’ activities may be shaped in important ways by their relationships and social locations. This study used a person-centered approach to describe distinct profiles of time use and examined the role of demographics, parent conflict, parent support, and friend support in differentiating time use profiles. Using a non-representative national U.S. sample of 555 adolescents, latent profile analysis of hours spent in 14 activities in a typical day identified three typologies of time use. Youth in the Education-Focused group were more likely to be male, had higher parent support, and had lower support from friends. High Media Users were more likely to be female and LGBQ-identifying and had lower parent support and higher friend support. Work-Focused youth, who were distinguished by working for pay, were more likely to be female and spend more time with friends in person. This pattern of findings suggests that the COVID-19 pandemic may be creating distinct trade-offs between family and friend support that map onto how adolescents are spending their time. Results have implications for ways to strengthen relational supports and reconsider the risks and benefits of different types of time use during this stressful period in history.

This study examined adolescents' concerns about social issues and how these concerns have changed over historical time. Separate cohorts of U.S. high school seniors (N = 110,953; 51.1% female) reported their worries about four social issues (crime/violence, economic problems, hunger/poverty, race relations) every year from 1976 to 2015. Youth were most concerned with crime/violence, followed by economic problems, hunger/poverty, and race relations. Adolescents' social concerns varied by demographic characteristics and cohort, paralleling specific historical events and appearing responsive to the political challenges of the time. Initiatives seeking to engage youth within the political process may benefit from providing opportunities for teens to participate in civic activities aimed to address these issues.

While it is not normative to initiate alcohol use prior to adolescence, substantial numbers of children do so. However, relatively little is known about the prevalence or predictors of alcohol initiation in childhood, compared to extensive research on adolescent initiation and alcohol use. The present study examines patterns and predictors of very early drinking initiation in childhood, focusing on child behavioral undercontrol and parent alcohol and drug use as time-varying risk factors across childhood, independent of sociodemographic background variables. Event history analyses model and predict the age of alcohol initiation across ages 4 to 11 in the ongoing Millennium Cohort Study. Methodological strengths include the prospective design initiated in infancy (prior to any alcohol consumption), multiple reporters, and large representative sample of children and parents (n = 11,355). Key predictors are child behavioral undercontrol and parent alcohol and drug use assessed across childhood. Weighted results show that2% of children had their first drink of alcohol prior to their 8th birthday, rising to 13% by age 10-11 years. Odds of initiation are higher when parents rated children as behaviorally undercontrolled and when at least one parent in the household reported drinking alcohol and/or using illegal drugs, independent of sociodemographic group differences. Thus, an important minority initiated drinking during childhood, and there are key risk factors for early drinking. Increased focus on the epidemiology, etiology, and prevention of childhood drinking is needed.

This multi-method qualitative study explores how immigrant-origin (I-O) youth express civic engagement on social media, and how youths’ immigrant identities shape their online civic engagement. We analyzed 2,203 Twitter posts collected over a 6-month period from 32 racially and ethnically diverse I-O youth (an average of 69 posts per participant). Interviews with 11 participants supplemented Twitter analysis. Using a critical consciousness framework as a guiding lens, we identified three broad themes: Using Critical Reflection to Shift Culture and Minds, Navigating and Drawing on Multiple Identities, and Building Collective Political Efficacy. Findings contribute to a growing body of literature on how I-O youth are harnessing social media as agents of their own, and their peers’, critical consciousness development.

This study investigates the direct and indirect effects of maternal and sibling relational intimacy on adolescents’ volunteering behaviors via their social responsibility values. Participants included two adolescents (50% female; M age = 1 year) and one parent (85% female; M age = 45 years) from 682 families ( N = 2046) from an ongoing longitudinal study. Adolescents self-reported their intimacy with mothers and siblings (Time 1), social responsibility values (Time 1), and volunteering (Times 1 and 2); parents reported on sociodemographic characteristics (i.e., gender, birth order, and family income). Results from a structural equation model indicated that after accounting for adolescents’ earlier volunteering, both maternal and sibling intimacy were indirectly related to greater volunteering via social responsibility values. There were no significant direct effects from maternal or sibling intimacy to adolescents’ volunteering. Results indicate that both mothers and siblings are important in socializing prosocial and civic values and behaviors during adolescence.

The 2016 presidential election of Donald Trump has ushered in a turbulent time in U.S. history. Given the Trump administration's emphasis on anti-immigrant policies and rhetoric, scholars and practitioners need to better understand how Latinx youth are responding to and affected by the political climate. Using written, open-ended responses from 562 Latinx adolescents from Southern California, the current study documented reactions to Trump's immigration politics. Forty percent of youth articulated views about immigration in their election reactions, and 96% of immigration-related responses were critical of the President's approach. Salient themes identified in immigration-related responses included feeling afraid and/or anxious; expressing anger, contempt, and/or disgust; recognizing and experiencing racism; offering pro-immigrant narratives; and increasing civic engagement. Findings align with social contract theory and suggest that many Latinx youth are feeling marginalized and threatened by government and recognizing injustices in the rights and protections afforded to their racial/ethnic communities. This work can raise awareness among educators and social workers about the tangible consequences of immigration policies and rhetoric for Latinx youth. This sociopolitical moment may also offer opportunities for youth empowerment through civic engagement.

Despite the importance of community service for the well-being of individuals and communities, relatively little is known about the developmental course of community service during the transition to adulthood (TTA). This study tested competing hypotheses about change in community service across the TTA by estimating latent growth models from Ages 18 to 26 in a national U.S. Sample Analyses tested for cohort differences in community service and for individual differences in developmental trajectories by socioeconomic status, gender, grades, religiosity, race/ethnicity, college expectations, and college degree attainment. Using Monitoring the Future data from 1976 to 2011, the best-fitting latent growth model for community service was quadratic: Community service declined from Ages 18 to 24 and leveled off thereafter. Cohort differences in intercepts indicated that Age 18 community service increased over historical time; developmental declines in community service were consistent over 4 decades. Parent education predicted higher Age 18 community service but not growth parameters. Community service trajectories varied by gender, high school grades, religiosity, college expectations, and educational attainment, although all groups declined. Findings contribute to civic developmental theory by clarifying age and cohort effects in community service. Rising levels of community service at Age 18 may reflect heightened focus on service in high schools or the role of other socialization forces, yet these increases do not mitigate the decline across the TTA. We highlight the need for rethinking the ways in which institutions and communities can better support youth community service during the TTA. (PsycINFO Database Record

Using data from N = 10,148 American youth (Mage = 15.18) who participated in the National Comorbidity Survey Adolescent Supplement, we tested whether duration of involvement in specific organized activities was associated with different sources of social support, and whether these links explained the health-related benefits affiliated with participation. Duration of involvement in certain activities was differentially associated with support from peers, teachers, and other adults, and many of these links partially mediated associations between involvement and well-being. Specifically, greater duration of sports involvement was indirectly associated with higher self-esteem and greater physical activity through greater adult support. Greater duration of club involvement was indirectly associated with greater physical activity through higher adult support and greater duration of music involvement was indirectly associated with lower substance use and greater self-esteem through greater teacher support. Prolonged engagement in specific activities may cultivate certain types of supportive relationships, which may promote adolescent well-being.

Aristotle, Shakespeare, and Gandhi suggested the good life involves living according to one’s values, yet little research has examined the role of value-behavior concordance (VBC) in adolescence. Mindfulness may develop during adolescence and foster VBC via heightened awareness of one’s values and behaviors. We employed data from 5877 adolescents (Mage = 17.53, SD = 3.67; 53% female) from seven countries (Australia, Canada, India, Thailand, Ukraine, United Kingdom, and United States), and examined invariance of links involving age, mindfulness, VBC, and meaning. In all countries, older adolescents were more mindful than younger adolescents, and higher levels of mindfulness were positively linked to VBC. Further, in six countries mindfulness was linked to meaning, in part, through VBC, suggesting a generalizable process where mindful youth experience greater meaning because they live according to their values. As evidence suggests mindfulness can be cultivated through meditation, mindfulness may be...

Many scholars posit that engaging in civic actions enhances mental health, yet existing evidence is limited. To address gaps in the literature and advance understanding of benefits of civic engagement from adolescence to young adulthood, we estimated a longitudinal structural model to test bidirectional associations between civic engagement (i.e., voting, community engagement, political behaviors) and depressive symptoms using nationally representative longitudinal U.S. data. Adolescent and early young adulthood (EYA) depressive symptoms predicted decreases in later voting. Adolescent and EYA community engagement predicted decreases in later depressive symptoms. Analyses suggested that findings generalized across gender, age, socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, and EYA social roles. Despite key limitations in measurement of civic engagement over time, results provide some support the notion that community engagement may have mental health benefits for youth, and that depression may reduce later ...

Great thinkers throughout history advocated living one's values, yet little research has examined factors that contribute to adolescents' value-behavior concordance (VBC). Mindfulness may foster VBC via heightened awareness of values, but VBC for intrinsic values may be more adaptive than VBC for extrinsic values. To situate mindfulness in developmental context, we examined age and attachment security as predictors of mindfulness. We collected self- and parent-report data from 299 families (Mage-adolescents = 14.45, SD = 1.68; 51% female) from 42 US states to test these ideas. Results indicated that mindfulness was positively associated with intrinsic VBC but was negatively linked with extrinsic VBC, and both kinds of VBC partially mediated the link from mindfulness to meaning (but not life satisfaction). Attachment security was associated with higher mindfulness. Overall, mindfulness may deliver its benefits by helping young people avoid behaviors that align with extrinsic values.

This study examined associations among adolescent risk preference and political engagement using nationally representative Monitoring the Future data from high school seniors (N = 109,574; modal age = 18 years) spanning 1976-2014. Greater risk preference was associated with greater past voting, donating to a campaign, writing government officials, boycotting, and protesting. Greater risk preference was also associated with higher future intentions to boycott and protest, but lower intentions to donate to or volunteer for a campaign. In general, associations between risk preference and political engagement became stronger with higher levels of political interest. Results highlight the importance of considering the adaptive role of adolescent risk preference and suggest that political engagement may be a constructive outlet for youth who pursue or are comfortable taking risks.

Developmental theory posits that youth are civically engaged in different ways, patterns of civic development vary across individuals, and both stability and change in youth civic engagement can be influenced by experiences in context. Drawing on these notions, we used a longitudinal person-oriented approach to document stability and change in civic engagement typologies across adolescence. Sociodemographic differences were tested to understand adolescents' civic developmental starting points in eighth grade, and civic discussions with parents and friends were examined as time-varying predictors of stability and change in civic engagement across eighth to 12th grades. Using national U.S. Longitudinal Study of American Youth data (N = 3701), 5 annual assessments of civic engagement (civic values, political behaviors, and future civic expectations) served as latent transition analysis (LTA) indicators. A 4-class model was comprised of civic leaders, informed future voters, civic sympathizers, and unengaged youth. Civic engagement typologies in eighth grade varied systematically by gender, parent education, and race/ethnicity in ways that replicate and extend prior research. Civic discussions with parents and friends predicted stability in all 3 engaged typologies. Civic discussions with parents also predicted growth out of the unengaged group, whereas civic discussions with friends predicted remaining unengaged later in high school. Findings underscore patterns of civic inequality that are evident early in adolescence and illustrate the role of civic discussions in sustaining and increasing youth civic engagement. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

The development of civically engaged citizens is vital for democratic societies. Although several studies have explored children and adolescents’ conceptualizations of civic engagement, less is known about youths’ understanding of the individual skills and attributes best suited for civic action. The current study utilized a Q-sort methodology to explore the types of character strengths children and adolescents ( n = 87; Mage = 13, 9-19, 52% female) assigned to people who engage in different types of civic activities. Participants sorted 12 character strengths (amazed, creative, forgiving, future-minded, generous, grateful, humble, joyful, leader, purposeful, responsible, and thrifty) into five categories ranging from “most like” to “least like” based on their perceptions of individuals engaged in four distinct civic activities: volunteering, voting, protesting, and engaging in environmental or conservation behaviors. Youth not only differentially applied certain character strengths to individuals engaged in distinct civic activities but also identified a set of character strengths (future-minded, leader, purposeful, and responsible) as core to multiple forms of civic engagement. Results provide new insights into youths’ budding conceptualization of the individual characteristics, attributes, and motivations, which undergird different forms of civic action. Qualitative analysis of youths’ justifications for their rankings provided additional nuance into their developing understanding of civic actions.

Adolescence is a time during which positive adults outside the familial context may be most influential to development. A growing body of research on naturally occurring mentors has found favorable outcomes for youth who have these types of positive adult figures in their lives. Less is known, however, about how these naturally occurring mentors influence youths' development in the long-term. This study examines the long-term outcomes related to having a naturally occurring community mentor in adolescence. Results from longitudinal analyses of a nationally representative sample of adolescents revealed that having a mentor in adolescence was related to higher educational attainment, lower criminal activity, higher psychological well-being (i.e., optimism, self-efficacy, and lack of depressive symptoms), and greater romantic relationship satisfaction in adulthood. Additionally, a taxonomy of mentoring functions was created from qualitative responses and drawing upon the youth, work, and academic mentoring literature. This taxonomy aims to serve as a framework for understanding the functions of youth mentors to provide a foundation for future research. Implications of findings and future directions are considered.

We examined within- and between-person variations in parental legitimacy beliefs in a sample of 883 Arab refugee youth (M(age) = 15.01 years, SD = 1.60), 277 Iraqis, 275 Syrians, and 331 Palestinians, in Amman, Jordan. Latent profile analyses of 22 belief items yielded 4 profiles of youth. The normative profile (67% of the sample, n = 585) most strongly endorsed parental authority legitimacy for prudential (risky) items, followed by moral, conventional, and then friendship items, with legitimacy lowest for personal items. The low-normative profile (10%, n = 85) followed a similar pattern, although legitimacy ratings were significantly lower than normative youth for most items, but not the personal ones. Rebellious youth (11%, n = 96) held deviant peer values; they endorsed less legitimacy, particularly for prudential and friendship items, than did youth in other profiles. Mixed youth (12%, n = 101) were similar to rebellious youth in some judgments and ryouth in others. Profile membership did not differ by adolescents' age or parental socioeconomic status but did differ by gender and national background. Youth fitting the normative (and to some extent, the low-normative) profile rated parents higher in support, behavioral control, and knowledge of adolescents' activities and lower in psychological control-disrespect and harsh punishment than did rebellious or mixed youth. Normative (and also, but less consistently, low-normative) youth reported better psychosocial adjustment across multiple measures than did rebellious and mixed youth. (PsycINFO Database Record(c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved). Language: en

Recent advances in positive youth development theory and research explicate complex associations between adaptive functioning and risk behavior, acknowledging that high levels of both co-occur in the lives of some adolescents. However, evidence on nuanced overlapping developmental trajectories of adaptive functioning and risk has been limited to 1 sample of youth and a single conceptualization of adaptive functioning. We build on prior work by utilizing a nationally representative sample of U.S. adolescents (N = 1,665) followed from 7th grade until after high school and using a measure of adaptive functioning that was validated in a secondary sample of older adolescents (N = 93). In using dual trajectory growth mixture modeling to investigate links between developmental trajectories of adaptive functioning and delinquency and substance use, respectively, results provided evidence of heterogeneity in the overlap between adaptive functioning and risk trajectories. Males were more likely to be in the highest adaptive functioning group as well as the most at-risk delinquency class. The magnitude of negative associations between adaptive functioning and both risk behaviors decreased at Wave 3, indicating a decoupling of adaptive functioning and risk as youth aged. These findings converge in underscoring the need to generate a cohesive theory that specifies factors that promote adaptive functioning and risk in concert.

Social responsibility can be defined as a set of prosocial values representing personal commitments to contribute to community and society. Little is known about developmental change-and predictors of that change-in social responsibility during adolescence. The present study used an accelerated longitudinal research design to investigate the developmental trajectory of social responsibility values and ecological assets across family, school, community, and peer settings that predict these values. Data come from a 3-year study of 3,683 U.S. adolescents enrolled in upper-level elementary, middle, and high schools in rural, semiurban, and urban communities. Social responsibility values significantly decreased from age 9 to 16 before leveling off in later adolescence. Family compassion messages and democratic climate, school solidarity, community connectedness, and trusted friendship, positively predicted within-person change in adolescents' social responsibility values. These findings held after accounting for other individual-level and demographic factors and provide support for the role of ecological assets in adolescents' social responsibility development. In addition, fair society beliefs and volunteer experience had positive between- and within-person associations with social responsibility values. The manuscript discusses theoretical and practical implications of the conclusion that declines in ecological assets may partly explain age-related declines in social responsibility values. (PsycINFO Database Record