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There is a broad consensus that the old, 'liberal' international order has been eroding for quite some time. This erosion manifests itself in the progressive overextension of important norms and values, as well as international institutions, and the rise of violence in conflict management within and between states. The reasons for these developments lie in a structural mismatch between the dynamics of globalization, on the one hand, and the capacities of politics to respond to them, on the other. A key problem in this context is conceptions of national sovereignty, which are at odds with the realities of a globalizing world. I also argue that the civilian powers were confronted with changes in the international environment that made it exceedingly difficult for them to succeed in their ambition to 'civilize', or transform, world politics. Keywords: Globalization, International Order, Civilian Power, Power Shifts, Power Diffusion. Eski 'liberal' kuresel duzenin bir suredir bozulmakta olduguna dair genis bir uzlasi bulunmaktadir. Onemli normlarin, degerlerin ve uluslararasi orgutlerin giderek daha fazla gerilmesi ve hem ulke ici hem ulkelerarasi catisma yonetiminde siddetin artmasi, bozulmanin isaretleridir. Bu durumun nedeni, bir yandan kuresellesme dinamikleriyle ote yandan ona yanit verecek siyasetin kapasitesi arasindaki yapisal uyusmazliktir. Bu baglamda temel sorun, kuresellesen dunya gercekleriyle uyusmayan ulusal egemenlik kavramsallasmasidir. Bu calismada, ayrica sivil guclerin, uluslararasi ortamda karsilastiklari degisikliklerden dolayi dunya siyasetini 'medenilestirme' veya donusturme hirslarinda basarili olmalarinin giderek daha fazla zorlastigi ortaya konmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kuresellesme, Uluslararasi Duzen, Sivil Guc, Guc Degisiklikleri, Guc Yayilimi., Introduction The present international order was under severe stress even before the inauguration of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States. (1) Political scientists as well as [...]

Croatia's experience of the EU accession and that of its six-year membership is only partially relevant for the Western Balkans' EU enlargement. This is contrary to the official narrative used by the European Commission and Croatian officials. The Commission explains that Croatia's accession attests that the whole of the Western Balkans can one day join the EU. Moreover, Croatia says that EU enlargement in the Western Balkans is in its national interest. However, liberal regression in Croatia shows why in future enlargements more emphasis needs to be placed on entrenchment of liberal values. Croatia advocates enlargement, but its capacity to influence the EU or its will to constructively contribute to progress in the Western Balkan are limited., Introduction Since the European Union (EU) decided to open its door to former communist countries, it had three rounds of enlargement. In the so-called 'big bang enlargement' in 2004, the [...]

Whatever their eventual outcome, the current round of international trade negotiations taking place as part of the Doha Development Round offers a clear demonstration of the growing influence of a neoliberal agenda for international agricultural policy reform. Despite being powerfully supported by an alliance of agribusiness interests and country groupings, neoliberalism is far from universally accepted as the model for the future governance of an agriculture which is both commodifying and market led. This paper assesses the nature of the resulting debate and the range of alternative visions being proposed. It analyses the development of the European negotiating stance within the current round of trade talks and compares the merits of a decoupled policy approach to managing the rural environment with one much more closely linked to the practice of farming. The paper concludes by suggesting that an outcome of the continuing liberalization of agricultural policy will be a more demarcated countryside, in which productive and internationally competitive operators will increasingly be removed in space and in terms of policy treatment from the large number of economically marginal producers whose role will be to supply the public environmental goods under contract from the state. KEY WORDS: WTO, neoliberalism, multifunctionality, rural governance

The dominant theory of international liberal norm-dissemination argues that states will tend to more from rejection of international norms to internationalization through gradual, predictable stages. The presumption is that the mass public consistently presses the state (in partnership with international norm carriers) for greater liberalization. This theory is shown to have serious weaknesses when applied to mature democracies. A study of the UK's response to adverse rulings from the European Court of Human Rights indicates that policy elites respond differently depending on the norm, the security context and public opinion. Further, the public does not consistently advocate liberalization, but sometimes the reverse. Une theorie principale sur la propagation des normes liberales internationales avance que les Etats he passent que graduellement du rejet des normes internationales a leur adoption, en passant par plusieurs etapes previsibles. Elles presument que le grand public (en conjonction avec les createurs des normes internationales) exerce des pressions continuelles sur les etats pour plus de libertes civiques. En fait, cette theorie n'explique pas l'evolution des attitudes vis-a-vis les libertes civiques dans les democraties avancees. Une etude du Royaume-Uni, par exemple, demontre que, lorsque la Cour europeenne des droits de l'homme denonce une violation de la Convention, les elites politiques reagissent differemment en fonction de la norme en cause, des questions de securite et de l'opinion publique. En outre, le public n'est pas toujours en faveur de la liberalisation, au contraire.

"As 2005 nears, the state of the world is such that desperation shadows the lives of hundreds of millions of people, yet most of them yearn for the security, freedom, and goods that citizens of affluent democracies enjoy."

INTRODUCTION I. THE INSTITUTIONAL TURN IN COSMOPOLITAN THEORY A. From Individual to Institutional Duties B. The Relevance of Plausibility Constraints II. LIBERAL DEMOCRACY AND COSMOPOLITAN DUTY A. The Source and [...]

This article examines the World Bank's annual Development Reports from the 1990s, reading them as programs for international capitalist expansion, finding the war on poverty to be a war on the poor. Issues include the neoliberal revolution, capitalist manifestos, the obscuring of human agency, and the extension of poverty's dominion.

This article discusses international balance of power since the end of the Cold War, focusing on US world domination and the potential challenges to its role as sole superpower, concluding that this would be unlikely since liberal countries like those in the EU and Japan generally regard other liberal countries as benign, claiming that the rest of the world is 'better off' with continued US hegemony based on the author's rather idealized view of America's good will and intentions. Issues include international political and economic relations, potential challengers to international neoliberalism such as Russia, China and India, objections to US dominance by America's allies, and the preservation of US primacy which the author thinks is benign and restrained based on his biased proliberal interpretations of international relations.

A concept popular in international relations argues that a 'Pacific Union' of democratic nations is supplanting state sovereignty, creating a positive cosmopolitanism. However, the US hegemony will not end until it is actively limited, and no group currently has this ability.

A globally impartial liberalism does not contradict distributive justice practiced inside national borders. This is correct because national legal and political institutions require distinct forms of justification.

This article compares constructivism and neoliberal institutionalism and argues that in their reification as paradigms in competition, the IO theoretical community is making far too much of what are relatively small differences between them in the metatheoretical scheme of things. These claims are substantiated by comparing functionalism, neofunctionalism, neoliberal institutionalism, and constructivism. Such an examination reveals that they all depend on the same mechanism of functional institutional efficiency in order to account for social change. Thus when constructivism has been utilized as an explanation for change and transformation, it has tended to reach many of the same conclusions, and in the same manner, as other variants of liberal IR theory. In addition, this comparison reveals that, despite its assumption of exogenous interests, neoliberal institutionalism relies implicitly on an identity transformation in order to account for cooperation's maintenance. Such a transformation is entirely consistent with constructivist expectations. The choice between neoliberal institutionalism and constructivism is not paradigmatic and is merely a choice between explaining short-term, behavioral cooperation in the moment or its development into communal cooperation in the future. The article concludes with some general observations regarding why this parallel has occurred and what its implications are for our understanding of IO.

This article analyzes the marginalization of America's New Left, or the socioeconomic liberalism that arose from the radicalism of the 1960s. Topics include a brief chronology of its development and impact on international relations, along with an examination of its decline in the advent of growing global capitalism.

Fundamental changes are taking place in the international capitalist economy in both the structure and its institutional or regulatory counterparts. The causes of some of the institutional changes and their association with structural transformations in the economy are underlined in the framework of regulation theory and the theory of internationalization of capital. This has led to the emergence of neoliberalism which is the regulatory mechanism for global accumulation. As a result, a social and political countertendency is developing alongside internationalization of accumulation and regulation.

The years following the First World War in Europe can be seen as a time of revolution and militancy. The success of Russia's Bolshevik Revolution was expected by many to be followed by the rise of the working classes in the rest of the world. In Europe, between 1918 and 1921, the challenge to the governing classes awoke a revolutionary euphoria that failed to gain a foothold, with Leftist groups disagreeing on a cohesive policy and authoritarian regimes continuing to reign in much of southern Europe.

A significant shift in structural factors since the end of the cold war explains the dynamics of Japan's China policy from post-war constructive commercial liberalism to pragmatic realism. The emergence of China as a regional military and economic power has superseded Japan's post-war concerns of security, domestic politics, history and economics. However, in its quest to frame a coherent China policy, Japan continues to seek an integrative approach through multilateralism, balance of power, economic ties and other confidence building strategies.

The principles of an ideal liberal theory of international justice should include principles of liberal democracy and egalitarian distributive justice. The constructivist procedure used by John Rawls in 'The Law of Peoples' depends too much on the analogy between nations and individuals, but the analogy does not support the correspondence between limits on external and internal sovereignty that Rawls claims. Rawls supports limits on sovereignty to protect human rights, which makes his exclusion of the other liberal principles seem unwarranted. Implications for non-ideal theory and justifiable intervention are also discussed.

US foreign policy is torn between internationalism and isolationism. One group favors the use of military power to expand the country's peacekeeping duties while another group limits such power to pursue national interests., In the six years following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war, the United States has dispatched troops to foreign soil five times - [...]

Modernisation theory argues that the liberal institutions of the industrialised or Core nations have taken root in underdeveloped or Periphery ones and produced the pacific flowers of political development. Critics of the theory, however, are less sanguine, suggesting that Core institutions represent foreign imports into the Periphery and are viable only when closely managed by Core authorities. The study tracks election riots in the Periphery between 1874 and 1985. An upward trend in rioting is observable. Further, riots occur more frequently during periods of loose control by the Core. The implications for global liberalism are then discussed., Liberal institutions, especially elections, are grounded in the normative premise that it is better to count heads than to crack them. In practice, however, these institutions have had a mixed [...]

L'article compare de facon systematique les ecrits de Tocqueville sur l'Algerie et le rapport Durham sur le Canada. Cette comparaison fait ressortir la parente de pensee entre les deux grands colonialistes liberaux, lesquels, pourtant, reflechissaient sur deux contextes extremement differents, l'Algerie arabe, musulmane et nomade et le Canada francais, catholique et rural. En tentant de justifier d'un point de vue politique et moral l'assimilation du peuple colonise, Tocqueville et Durham on cherche a concilier l'entreprise coloniale avec les valeurs du liberalisme universel. The paper systematically compares Tocqueville's writings about Algeria and Durham's report on Canada. Such a comparison stresses the similarity of ideas that the two famous liberal colonialists shared in spite of the very different contexts, one Arabic, moslem and nomadic Algerian, the other French, Catholic and rural Canadian. Trying to justify, from a political as well as a moral point of view, the assimilation of the colonized people, Tocqueville and Durham sought to conciliate colonial enterprise with the values of universal liberalism.

The twentieth century has certainly been among the most - if not the most - grand and dramatic centuries in the history of international relations. In the military sphere, there [...]

The al-Qaida's attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001 and the subsequent war on terrorism have forced the United States to embrace illiberal policies in the recent years. The war on terrorism is a deadly type of conflict that can be won only by employing illiberal tactics.

Most analysts who write on US-China relations deploy arguments derived from the three main camps in contemporary international relations theorizing, such as realism, liberalism and constructivism. Although the future of the US-China relations is unknown, it is possible to identify realists who believe that the relationship will basically be stable, liberals who expect confrontation and conflict and constructivists who think that things could go either way.