Search

The lobbying strategies of the food industry, which seek to undermine the development of regulatory measures intended to improve public health, are increasingly well documented and associated with slow progress in addressing diet-related diseases at national, regional and global levels. These strategies include the creation and dissemination of biased research findings in order to skew evidence in the favour of the industry, and to cast doubt about the harms stemming from its products and practices. Front-of-pack nutrition labelling (FoPNL) provides fertile ground for industry opposition, which we discuss in this commentary.

Abstract Background Despite widespread use of the short-video social media platform TikTok©, limited research investigates how alcohol is portrayed on the platform. Previous research suggests that a driver of alcohol content on TikTok©, in part, comes from bartenders demonstrating how to make drinks. This study aims to explore the characterizing patterns of how bartender influencers on TikTok© feature and incorporate alcohol in their videos. Methods We identified the global top 15 most followed bartenders on TikTok© in 2021 (cumulative 29.7 million subscribers) and the videos they posted in November and December 2021, the period just before Christmas and New Year, when alcohol tends to be more marketed than in other periods. The videos were coded based on five criteria: (1) the presence of alcohol or not; (2) alcohol categories; (3); alcohol brand(s) if visible; (4) the presence of candies and other sweet products; (5) presence of cues that refer to young people’s interests. Results In total, we identified 345 videos, which received 270,325,600 views in total, with an average of 18,021,707 views per video. Among these 345 videos, 92% (n = 317) displayed alcohol in their cocktail recipes (249,275,600 views, with an average of 786,358 views). The most common types of alcohol present in videos were liquor, vodka, rum, and whiskey, all of which are high-ABV beverages. 73% (n = 230) displayed or mentioned an alcohol brand. 17% (n = 55) associated alcohol with sweet products such as different types of candy (53,957,900 views, with an average of 981,053 views per video). 13% (n = 43) contained cues appealing to young people (e.g., cartoons, characters) (15,763,300 views, with an average of 366,588 views per video). Conclusions Our findings suggest a large presence of positively framed alcohol content posted by popular bartenders on TikTok©. As exposure to digital marketing is related to an increase in alcohol consumption, particularly among young people, regulations are needed to protect the public from alcohol-related harms.

Abstract Background The exploitative marketing of commercial milk formula (CMF) reduces breastfeeding, and harms child and maternal health globally. Yet forty years after the International Code of Marketing of Breast-Milk Substitutes (The Code) was adopted by WHO member states, many countries are still to fully implement its provisions into national law. Furthermore, despite The Code, worldwide CMF markets have markedly expanded. In this paper, we adopt Brazil as a case study to understand the power of the baby food industry’s marketing and corporate political activity, and how this influences the country’s ‘first-food system’ in ways that promote and sustain CMF consumption. Methods We used a case study design, drawing data from from documents and key informant interviews (N = 10). Results Breastfeeding rates plummeted in Brazil to a historic low in the 1970s. A resurgence in breastfeeding from the mid-1980s onwards reflected strengthening political commitment for a national policy framework and breastfeeding protection law, resulting in-turn, from collective actions by breastfeeding coalitions, advocates, and mothers. Yet more recently, improvements in breastfeeding have plateaued in Brazil, while the industry grew CMF sales in Brazil by 750% between 2006 and 20. As regulations tightened, the industry has more aggressively promoted CMF for older infants and young children, as well as specialised formulas. The baby food industry is empowered through association with powerful industry groups, and employs lobbyists with good access to policymakers. The industry has captured the pediatric profession in Brazil through its long-standing association with the Brazilian Society of Pediatrics. Conclusion Brazil illustrates how the baby food industry uses marketing and political activity to promote and sustain CMF markets, to the detriment of breastfeeding. Our results demonstrate that this industry requires much greater scrutiny by regulators.

IntroductionWe analyzed the bio-food industry’s corporate political activity (CPA) during the revisions of Canada’s food guide between 2016 and 2019. MethodsWe undertook a content analysis of the websites of 11 bio-food industry organizations and of the briefs that 10 of them submitted to the Canadian House of Commons Standing Committee on Health, as part of this Committee’s review of the food guide. Data were classified according to an existing conceptual framework. ResultsWe identified 366 examples of CPA used by the bio-food industry during and immediately after the development of the food guide. Most of the industry actors opposed the guide’s recommendations. The most common CPA strategies were information management (n = 197), used to create and disseminate information in industry’s favour, and discursive strategies (n = 108), used to defend food products and promote the industry’s position regarding the food guide. Influencing public policy (n = 40), by gaining indirect access to policy makers (e.g. through lobbying) and becoming active in government decision-making, as well as coalition management (n = 21), by establishing relationships with opinion leaders and health organizations, were also common strategies. ConclusionBio-food industry actors used many different CPA strategies during the revisions of the food guide. It is important to continue to document the bio-food industry’s CPA to understand whether and how this is shaping public policy development in Canada and elsewhere.

IntroductionNous avons analysé les activités politiques corporatives de l’industrie bioalimentaire pendant le processus de révision du guide alimentaire canadien entre 2016 et 2019. MéthodologieNous avons entrepris une analyse du contenu du site Web de 11 organisations de l’industrie bioalimentaire et des mémoires que 10 d’entre elles ont présentés au Comité permanent de la santé de la Chambre des communes du Canada dans le cadre de la révision du guide alimentaire canadien par le Comité. Les données ont été classées selon un cadre conceptuel préexistant. RésultatsNous avons relevé 366 exemples d’activités politiques utilisées par des organisations de l’industrie bioalimentaire pendant et immédiatement après l’élaboration du guide alimentaire canadien. La plupart des acteurs de l’industrie se sont opposés aux recommandations du guide. Les stratégies les plus utilisées étaient la gestion de l’information (n = 197), pour créer et diffuser de l’information en faveur des positions de l’industrie, et des stratégies discursives (n = 108), pour défendre certains produits alimentaires et promouvoir la position de l’industrie à l’égard du guide alimentaire. Parmi les autres stratégies couramment employées, citons les activités visant à influencer les politiques publiques (n = 40), en obtenant un accès indirect aux décideurs (par exemple par le lobbying) et en participant activement au processus décisionnel du gouvernement, et les activités de gestion de coalition (n = 21), qui consistaient à établir des relations avec des leaders d’opinion et des organisations oeuvrant dans le domaine de la santé. ConclusionLes acteurs de l’industrie bioalimentaire ont utilisé de nombreuses stratégies pour mener des activités politiques corporatives pendant la révision du guide alimentaire canadien. Il est important de continuer à documenter les activités politiques menées par les organisations de l’industrie bioalimentaire pour comprendre si et comment elles façonnent l’élaboration des politiques publiques au Canada et ailleurs.

Background In recent years, interactions between nutrition professionals (NPs) and the food industry, such as sponsorship arrangements, have raised concerns, particularly as these may negatively impact the trustworthiness and credibility of the nutrition profession. This study aimed to map the literature and identify knowledge gaps regarding interactions between NPs and industry. We sought to examine the nature of such interactions and NPs perspectives about these, as well as the risks and solutions.Methods We conducted a scoping review according to a pre-registered protocol, searching eight electronic databases and grey literature sources in March 2021 to identify documents for inclusion. Two independent reviewers screened citations for inclusion and conducted data extraction. Quantitative and qualitative syntheses were conducted.Results We identified 115 documents for analysis, published between 1980 to 2021, with a majority from the United States (n = 59, 51%). Only 32% (n = 37) were empirical studies. The food industry was the most frequent industry type discussed (n = 91, 79%). We identified 32 types of interactions between NPs and industry, such as continuing education provided by industry and sponsorship of professional bodies and health and nutrition organizations. The financial survival of nutrition organizations and continuing education access for NPs were the most frequently cited advantages of industry-NPs interactions. On the other hand, undermining public trust, NPs credibility and public health nutrition recommendations were pointed out as risks of these interactions. Following a code of ethics, policies, or guidelines was the most frequently proposed solution for managing these interactions.Conclusion Despite the increasing attention given to this issue, few empirical papers have been published to date. There is a need for more research to better and systematically document industry interactions with NPs and the impacts associated with these, as well as more research on effective management strategies.

Abstract Background In recent decades there has been a global rise in consumption of ultra-processed foods (UPFs) to the detriment of population health and the environment. Large corporations that have focused heavily on low-cost manufacturing and extensive marketing of UPFs to maximise profits have driven this dietary transition. The same corporations claim to serve the interests of multiple ‘stakeholders’, and that they are contributing to sustainable development. This paper aimed to test these claims by examining the degree to which UPF corporations have become ‘financialised’, focusing on the extent to which they have prioritised the financial interests of their shareholders relative to other actors, as well as the role that various types of investors have played in influencing their governance. Findings were used to inform discussion on policy responses to improve the healthiness of population diets. Methods We adopted an exploratory research design using multiple methods. We conducted quantitative analysis of the financial data of U.S. listed food and agricultural corporations between 1962 and 2021, share ownership data of a selection of UPF corporations, and proxy voting data of a selection of investors between 2012 and 2022. We also conducted targeted narrative reviews using structured and branching searches of academic and grey literature. Results Since the 1980s, corporations that depend heavily on manufacturing and marketing UPFs to generate profits have been increasingly transferring money to their shareholders relative to their total revenue, and at a level considerably higher than other food and agricultural sectors. In recent years, large hedge fund managers have had a substantial influence on the governance of major UPF corporations in their pursuit of maximising short-term returns. In comparison, shareholders seeking to take steps to improve population diets have had limited influence, in part because large asset managers mostly oppose public health-related shareholder proposals. Conclusions The operationalisation of ‘shareholder primacy’ by major UPF corporations has driven inequity and undermines their claims that they are creating ‘value’ for diverse actors. Measures that protect population diets and food systems from the extractive forces of financialisation are likely needed as part of efforts to improve the healthiness of population diets.

Abstract Objectives: To measure incidence of conflicts of interest (COI) with food and pharmaceutical industry actors on the advisory committee for the 2020–2025 US Dietary Guidelines for Americans (DGA) and assess the adequacy of current mechanisms to disclose and manage COI among the committee’s members. Design: We compiled longitudinal data from archival sources on connections between members of the DGA’s advisory committee and actors. We hypothesised that these committee members, who oversee the science for the most influential dietary policy in the USA, might have significant COI that would be relevant to their decision making. Disclosure of COI on this committee was recommended in 2017 by the National Academies of Sciences in order to increase transparency and manage bias, but public disclosure of the committee’s COI does not appear to have taken place. Setting: The committee was composed of twenty experts. Participants: None. Results: Our analysis found that 95 % of the committee members had COI with the food and/or pharmaceutical industries and that particular actors, including Kellogg, Abbott, Kraft, Mead Johnson, General Mills, Dannon and the International Life Sciences, had connections with multiple members. Research funding and membership of an advisory/executive board jointly accounted for more than 60 % of the total number of COI documented. Conclusions: Trustworthy dietary guidelines result from a transparent, objective and science-based, process. Our analysis has shown that the significant and widespread COI on the committee prevent the DGA from achieving the recommended standard for transparency without mechanisms in place to make this information publicly available.

Abstract Objective: To gain insight into the experiences and perspectives of registered dietitians (RD) in Canada regarding their interactions with commercial actors and actions undertaken to manage these interactions. Design: Qualitative study using semi-structured interviews combined with a document analysis. Setting: Quebec, Canada Participants: RD aged ≥ 18 years (n 18) Results: All participants reported interacting with commercial actors during their careers, such as receiving continuing education provided or sponsored by food companies. RD in Quebec perceive these interactions as either trivial or acceptable, depending on the commercial actor or interaction type. Participants discussed how certain interactions could represent a threat to the credibility and public trust in dietitians, among other risks. They also discussed the benefits of these interactions, such as the possibility for professionals to improve the food supply and public health by sharing their knowledge and expertise. Participants reported ten mechanisms used to manage interactions with commercial actors, such as following a code of ethics (individual level) and policies such as partnerships policy (institutional level). Finally, RD also stressed the need for training and more explicit and specific tools for managing interactions with commercial actors. Conclusions: RD in Quebec, Canada, may engage with commercial actors in their profession and hold nuanced perspectives on this matter. While some measures are in place to regulate these interactions, they are neither standardised nor evaluated for their effectiveness. To maintain the public’s trust in RD, promoting awareness and developing training on this issue is essential.

As evidence mounts that corporate actor engagement in United Nations (UN) policy- making processes leads to weaker and shallower public health commitments, greater attention is being paid to how to minimise undue interference and manage conflicts of interest (CoI). While we welcome efforts to develop normative guidance on managing such conflicts, we argue that there is the need to go further. In particular, we propose that an index be developed that would assess the health impacts of individual corporate actors, and those actors who fail to achieve a set benchmark would not have engagement privileges. We further propose the establishment of an independent panel of experts to advise on corporate actor engagement as well as on ambiguous and potentially health- harming commitments in text under negotiation in the UN. Recognising that the implementation of such measures will be contested, we recommend a number of practical steps to make their implementation more politically palatable.

The aim of this paper is to contribute to global discussion on public health policies for protecting and promoting healthy diets, as it is advancing in the U.S. This discussion assesses specific cases of successful policy making from several countries across the world, often against industry resistance. We discuss five key public policies and interventions: i) food labeling; ii) marketing restrictions and healthy school food policies; iii) fiscal policies; iv) models for classifying the (un)healthiness of a product; v) interventions to address food industry influence and conflicts of interest in public health policy. The paper also argues how the U.S can adapt or adopt some of these public policies, while also preparing for the challenges from the ultra-processed food industry that may perceive these advances as threats to its business. We conclude the discussion by postulating that the U.S. is primed to advance several of these initiatives that have already been espoused in law and evaluated to be effective in other countries. The U.S. will have unique challenges, as many of the food industry actors have deep political influence on American politics and markets, although these global lessons can enable the legislative, policy, and civil society ecosystems with additional tools and strategies to progress policy movement toward defending people’s health and wellbeing over industry’s influence and profit.

IntroductionIn 2020, Brazil approved the introduction of a new front-of-package nutrition labeling (FoPNL) in the format of a magnifying glass (MG) after years of discussion. There is currently a lack of understanding of the role of the food industry in that process. This study aimed to describe the corporate political activity (CPA) of the food industry and conflicts of interest situations, as they happened during the development and approval of a new FoPNL system in Brazil.Materials and methodsWe undertook bibliographical and documentary searches using material from food companies, trade associations and front groups involved in the regulatory process. We (1) collected information about the case study context, (2) collected data from documentary sources, and (3) prepared a synthesis of the results and a timeline of key events.Results/DiscussionDuring the FoPNL regulatory process in Brazil, the food industry opposed the introduction of warning labels, a model supported by health authorities and implemented with success in other countries in Latin America. The food industry rather promoted a traffic-light labeling system, known to be less effective at guiding individuals to make healthier food choices. Later in the process, when it was evident that its preferred model would not be used, and a MG would rather be introduced, the food industry argued for the use of a different version of this FoPNL model. We found that the food industry, all along the process, was directly involved in and influenced the development of the FoPNL, by providing technical support, advising and lobbying policymakers. The food industry also established relationships with a consumer non-governmental organization and nutrition professional societies. The food industry also produced and disseminated information supporting its position in order to influence public opinion and high-level decision makers, and used the legal system to delay the process.ConclusionThe FoPNL in Brazil is neither aligned with the recommendations of international health organizations nor with existing independent scientific evidence. The new FoPNL, as adopted in Brazil, reflects some of the preferences of the industry; it is likely that the influence of that sector during the legislative process was pivotal, even if its initial proposal was not adopted.

The recent concerns raised about commercial determinants of health (CDoH) are not new. Numerous organizations around the world are working on these issues. These groups have emerged in response to specific issues and contexts and bring with them a diversity of interests, worldviews and strategies for change. In creating the ‘Governance, Ethics and Conflicts of Interest in Public Health’ network in 2018, our hope was to broaden our engagement with other actors advocating for change and strengthen our collective efforts. For academics, this requires moving further beyond the collective comfort zone of peer-reviewed publications, working with the media and those with political expertise, and learning from and supporting other stakeholders with a common vision.

Background: There is evidence that corporations try to delay, weaken, and avoid the adoption of measures that would protect and improve population health. This is particularly true and problematic for health harming industries, such as those producing ultra-processed foods, alcohol, and cigarettes. Financial conflicts of interest (COI) are also problematic in policy-making because they may compromise decision-makers’ loyalty and independent judgment. Public opinion is in favor of preventing and mitigating that influence from corporations and COI on public health policy. A scoping review recently identified twenty-three mechanisms that could be adopted with that purpose and which principally cover: i) transparency and disclosure; ii) identification, monitoring, and education; iii) management; iv) prohibition of interactions with the industry and/or COI. There is, however, limited knowledge on the adoption of such mechanisms by governments. We therefore propose new methods for evaluating that progress at the country level. Methods and expected results: The proposed evaluation comprises five steps: 1) Gathering information about the national context; 2) Gathering evidence on the implementation of mechanisms by national governments; 3) Verification of step 2 by government officials and policy experts and local public health experts; 4) Identification and prioritization of actions in a workshop; 5) Supporting the translation of findings into policy actions. Conclusions: The evaluation of progress made by governments in their implementation of mechanisms for preventing and mitigating the influence of corporations and COI in public health policy could help countries systematize their efforts, benchmark their progress internationally, and give perspective on particular weaknesses, approaches, and investment gaps needed for change. We will implement and validate our methods in Ireland, as a first case-study.

Abstract Background There is evidence that food industry actors try to shape science on nutrition and physical activity. But they are also involved in influencing the principles of scientific integrity. Our research objective was to study the extent of that involvement, with a case study of ILSI as a key actor in that space. We conducted a qualitative document analysis, triangulating data from an existing scoping review, publicly available information, internal industry documents, and existing freedom of information requests. Results Food companies have joined forces through ILSI to shape the development of scientific integrity principles. These activities started in 2007, in direct response to the growing criticism of the food industry’s funding of research. ILSI first built a niche literature on COI in food science and nutrition at the individual and study levels. Because the literature was scarce on that topic, these publications were used and cited in ILSI’s and others’ further work on COI, scientific integrity, and PPP, beyond the fields of nutrition and food science. In the past few years, ILSI started to shape the very principles of scientific integrity then and to propose that government agencies, professional associations, non-for-profits, and others, adopt these principles. In the process, ILSI built a reputation in the scientific integrity space. ILSI’s work on scientific integrity ignores the risks of accepting corporate funding and fails to provide guidelines to protect from these risks. Conclusions The activities developed by ILSI on scientific integrity principles are part of a broader set of political practices of industry actors to influence public health policy, research, and practice. It is important to learn about and counter these practices as they risk shaping scientific standards to suit the industry’s interests rather than public health ones.

Abstract Background In the business literature, the term “corporate political activity” (CPA) refers to the political strategies undertaken by corporations to protect or expend their markets, by influencing, directly or indirectly, the policy process. There is evidence that food industry actors use such political practices, which poses a significant threat to public health. Our study objective was to identify the political practices of the food industry in Chile. Results In Chile, food industry actors supported community initiatives, particularly those targeted at children and those focused on environmental sustainability. Food industry actors also funded research through prizes, scholarships, and by supporting scientific events. Food industry actors lobbied against the development and implementation of a front-of-pack nutrition labelling policy, including with support from the Ministries of Economy, Agriculture and Foreign Affairs. Food industry actors, for example, claimed that there would be unintended negative consequences for society and the economy, and that the policy would breach trade agreements. The same arguments were used against a proposed tax increase on sugar-sweetened beverages. Food industry actors stressed their crucial role in the Chilean economy and claimed to be part of the solution in the prevention and control of obesity, with a particular focus on their efforts to reformulate food products, and their support of physical activity initiatives. Interviewees noted that the political influence of the food industry is often facilitated by the neo-liberal and market-driven economy of Chile. Nevertheless, this system was questioned through social protests that started in the country during data collection. Conclusions In Chile, food industry actors used numerous action- and argument-based CPA practices which may influence public health policy, research, and practice. Despite strong influence from the food industry, Chile adopted a front-of-pack nutrition labelling policy. While the country has some measures in place to manage the interactions between government officials or public health professionals, and the industry, there is still a need to develop robust mechanisms to address undue influence from corporations.

Abstract Background The UN system’s shift towards multistakeholder governance, now embedded in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), invites a broad range of actors, including the private sector, to the policymaking table. Although the tobacco industry is formally excluded from engagement, this approach provides opportunities for other unhealthy commodity industries to influence the World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) non-communicable disease (NCD) agenda. Focusing on the food industry, this research maps which actors engaged with WHO consultations, and critically examines actors’ policy and governance preferences as well as the framing they employ to promote these preferences in the global context. Methods All written responses from food industry actors to publicly available NCD-relevant WHO consultations held between September 2015 and September 2018 were identified, totalling forty-five responses across five consultations. A qualitative frame analysis was conducted to identify policy positions expressed by respondents, as well as arguments and frames used to do so. Results Though no individual companies responded to the consultations, the majority of participating business associations had some of the largest multinational food corporations as members. Respondents overarchingly promoted non-statutory approaches and opposed statutory regulation and conflict of interest safeguards. To this purpose, they framed the food industry as a legitimate and necessary partner in policymaking, differentiating themselves from the tobacco industry and referencing a history of successful collaboration, while also invoking multistakeholder norms and good governance principles to portray collaboration as required. Respondents contrasted this with the limits of WHO’s mandate, portraying it as out of step with the SDGs and framing NCD decision-making as a matter of national sovereignty. Conclusion We observed that the UN’s call for partnerships to support the SDGs is invoked to defend corporate access to NCD policy. This highlights the need for more cautious approaches which are mindful of the commercial determinants of health. Systematic opposition to regulation and to governance approaches which may compromise commercial actors’ insider role in global health by food industry actors shown here, and the strategic use of the Sustainable Development agenda to this purpose, raises questions about the value of collaboration from the perspective of international health agencies such as WHO.

Abstract Most babies in France are fed with infant formula and then commercial complementary foods, many of which are ultra‐processed and harmful to health. Internationally, there is opposition by the baby food industry to the introduction of public health policies that would limit the marketing and consumption of such products. Our aim was to identify the key baby food industry actors, describe their history and corporate political activity (CPA) in France. We sourced publicly available information, which we triangulated with data from 10 semi‐structured interviews. Qualitative thematic analysis was undertaken simultaneously to data collection, guided by an existing classification of the CPA of the food industry. The baby food industry in France has shaped the science on infant and young child nutrition and nurtured long‐established relationships with health professionals. This corporate science and these relationships helped baby food companies to portray themselves as experts on child‐related topics. The baby food industry has also engaged with a broad range of civil society organisations, particularly through the concept of the first 1000 days of life, and during the covid‐19 pandemic. We found evidence, although limited, that the baby food industry directly lobbied the French government. Since its early development in France in the 19th century, the baby food industry used its CPA to promote its products and protect and sustain its market. Our findings can be used to recognise, anticipate and address the CPA of this industry, and to minimise any negative influence it may have on babies' and mother's health.

Introduction: The study's objective was to identify and analyse the responses of food industry actors in Brazil to the COVID-19 pandemic. We conducted a qualitative analysis of information available in the public domain and published between 1 March and 30 September 2020. Results: The actions of the food industry in Brazil during the first few months of the COVID-19 pandemic primarily focused on the donation of medical equipment, hygiene and food products, including ultra-processed foods, and the provision of advice and information about COVID-19, with no oversight from health bodies. Food industry actors also promoted their actions to care for their workers' health and other needs. Conclusions: In the context of a global crisis causing enormous disruption in people's lives, the involvement of different actors in the response to the pandemic may have been helpful in the short term. However, these actions could also have resulted in negative public health consequences if they were, in reality, driven by a search for profits.

The NOVA classification is based on the extent and purpose of industrial processing of foods and beverages. It is increasingly used by health authorities as an effective proxy for the healthiness of these products. In particular, the consumption of ultra-processed food and beverage products (UPP) is associated with an increased risk of developing non-communicable diseases. NOVA has also been criticised. In this paper, our hypothesis was that this criticism came from individuals who had relationships with the UPP industry, one way or another. Between August and December 2018, we undertook a series of searches on PubMed, Google and Web of Science, to map the relationships between these individuals and the UPP industry. In total, we identified thirty-two materials criticising the NOVA classification, most of which were non-peer-reviewed. We identified 38 individuals as authors of these documents, among which we found 33 who had relationships with the UPP industry. Among the five individuals for whom we found no relationships with the industry, two were recent graduates and one had no known affiliation. During our analysis, we identified three types of relationships. The first one was when these individuals directly worked with the industry. The second type of relationship was conflicts of interest that individuals declared in their publications, or that they did not declare, but that we found online. The third type of relationship was when the organisations that hosted or presented the criticism of NOVA had relationships with the UPP industry. This study showed that there is currently a need for greater transparency in research and scientific reviews, as many of these relationships were not declared in the materials criticising NOVA.

In October 2017 in France, the government recognized the Nutri-Score front-of-pack labelling system as the only official system to be used on food products. As of July 2018, a total of 70 companies had implemented it voluntarily. There is ample evidence to support its use, and multiple expected benefits in terms of public health. We present here an essay discussing about the Nutri-Score saga. A policy dystopia model, from the literature on tobacco industry tactics, was adapted to classify the corporate political activity of the food industry during the development and implementation of the Nutri-Score. We conclude that, despite public commitments made by some industry actors to implement this system, the food industry is still strongly trying to influence policy and public opinion in the country. There are and will be many hurdles along the way, with food industry members trying to influence regulation at the European level, and building alliances with the media, among others, in France. Hopefully, public health objectives will prevail over commercial interests, in France and abroad.

Background Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) kill 41 million people a year. The products and services of unhealthy commodity industries (UCIs) such as tobacco, alcohol, ultra-processed foods and beverages and gambling are responsible for much of this health burden. While effective public health policies are available to address this, UCIs have consistently sought to stop governments and global organisations adopting such policies through what is known as corporate political activity (CPA). We aimed to contribute to the study of CPA and development of effective countermeasures by formulating a model and evidence-informed taxonomies of UCI political activity.Methods We used five complementary methods: critical interpretive synthesis of the conceptual CPA literature; brief interviews; expert co-author knowledge; stakeholder workshops; testing against the literature.Results We found 11 original conceptualisations of CPA; four had been used by other researchers and reported in 24 additional review papers. Combining an interpretive synthesis of all these papers and feedback from users, we developed two taxonomies – one on framing strategies and one on action strategies. The former identified three frames (policy actors, problem, and solutions) and the latter six strategies (access and influence policy-making, use the law, manufacture support for industry, shape evidence to manufacture doubt, displace, and usurp public health, manage reputations to industry’s advantage). We also offer an analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of UCI strategies and a model that situates industry CPA in the wider social, political, and economic context.Conclusion Our work confirms the similarity of CPA across UCIs and demonstrates its extensive and multi-faceted nature, the disproportionate power of corporations in policy spaces and the unacceptable conflicts of interest that characterise their engagement with policy-making. We suggest that industry CPA is recognised as a corruption of democracy, not an element of participatory democracy. Our taxonomies and model provide a starting point for developing effective solutions.

N/a.

Compounding humanitarian and political crises within and across countries have been met with shrinking public resources for coordination, recovery, and mitigation. This resource constrained humanitarian environment presents opportunities for multinational corporations to supplement budgets and actively participate in new markets through connecting with humanitarian work. Given the well-established influence of corporations on public health, an assessment of industry funding to humanitarian assistance is necessary especially in the fragile context of Lebanon with a substantial refugee population and multiple compounding crises. This paper examines three aspects of corporate assistance in humanitarian crises in Lebanon. It investigates the modality of corporate assistance to humanitarian agencies, the extent to which humanitarian agency staff are aware of implications of this assistance along with any ethical considerations related to it, and both the risks and benefits for corporations and people. This study explores the views of 14 local and international humanitarian agencies in Lebanon) through in-depth interviews conducted between 2020 and 2022. Interviews were recorded, transcribed and subject to thematic analysis. All agencies participating in the study provided social and health assistance as well as education, vocational training, and other services to refugees or Lebanese. Findings indicate that the majority of them receive corporate funding in varying amounts and in-kind contributions to support various projects. Despite imposed conditions by the corporations, such as posting logos and stories, the agencies perceived the benefits of partnering, mentioning financial assistance in time of need, and flexible agendas that outweigh the risks of conflicts of interest of corporate branding on the populations they serve. Benefits to the corporations themselves relate to corporate social responsibility, increased market reach and visibility. Challenges in partnering with for-profits include ethical considerations and programmatic issues, however no guidelines were reported to exist to detect corporate conflicts of interest, instead most of the agencies rely on their value systems for screening.

Abstract Background The aggressive marketing of breastmilk substitutes (BMS) reduces breastfeeding, and harms child and maternal health globally. Yet forty years after the World Health Assembly adopted the International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes (The Code), many countries are still to fully implement its provisions into national law. Furthermore, despite The Code, commercial milk formula (CMF) markets have markedly expanded. In this paper, we adopt the Philippines as a case study to understand the battle for national Code implementation. In particular, we investigate the market and political strategies used by the baby food industry to shape the country’s ‘first-food system’, and in doing so, promote and sustain CMF consumption. We further investigate how breastfeeding coalitions and advocates have resisted these strategies, and generated political commitment for a world-leading breastfeeding policy framework and protection law (the ‘Milk Code’). We used a case study design and process tracing method, drawing from documentary and interview data. Results The decline in breastfeeding in the Philippines in the mid-twentieth Century associated with intensive BMS marketing via health systems and consumer advertising. As regulations tightened, the industry more aggressively promoted CMFs for older infants and young children, thereby ‘marketing around’ the Milk Code. It established front groups to implement political strategies intended to weaken the country’s breastfeeding policy framework while also fostering a favourable image. This included lobbying government officials and international organizations, emphasising its economic importance and threats to foreign investment and trade, direct litigation against the government, messaging that framed marketing in terms of women’s choice and empowerment, and forging partnerships. A resurgence in breastfeeding from the mid-1980s onwards reflected strengthening political commitment for a national breastfeeding policy framework and Milk Code, resulting in-turn, from collective actions by breastfeeding coalitions, advocates and mothers. Conclusion The Philippines illustrates the continuing battle for worldwide Code implementation, and in particular, how the baby food industry uses and adapts its market and political practices to promote and sustain CMF markets. Our results demonstrate that this industry’s political practices require much greater scrutiny. Furthermore, that mobilizing breastfeeding coalitions, advocacy groups and mothers is crucial to continually strengthen and protect national breastfeeding policy frameworks and Code implementation.

Abstract Background The global milk formula market has ‘boomed’ in recent decades, raising serious concerns for breastfeeding, and child and maternal health. Despite these developments, few studies have investigated the global expansion of the baby food industry, nor the market and political practices corporations have used to grow and sustain their markets. In this paper, our aim is to understand the strategies used by the baby food industry to shape ‘first-foods systems’ across its diverse markets, and in doing so, drive milk formula consumption on a global scale. We used a theoretically guided synthesis review method, which integrated diverse qualitative and quantitative data sources. Results Global milk formula sales grew from ~US$1.5 billion in 1978 to US$55.6 billion in 2019. This remarkable expansion has occurred along two main historical axes. First, the widening geographical reach of the baby food industry and its marketing practices, both globally and within countries, as corporations have pursued new growth opportunities, especially in the Global South. Second, the broadening of product ranges beyond infant formula, to include an array of follow-up, toddler and specialized formulas for a wider range of age groups and conditions, thereby widening the scope of mother-child populations subject to commodification. Sophisticated marketing techniques have been used to grow and sustain milk formula consumption, including marketing through health systems, mass-media and digital advertising, and novel product innovations backed by corporate science. To enable and sustain this marketing, the industry has engaged in diverse political practices to foster favourable policy, regulatory and knowledge environments. This has included lobbying international and national policy-makers, generating and deploying favourable science, leveraging global trade rules and adopting corporate policies to counter regulatory action by governments. Conclusion The baby food industry uses integrated market and political strategies to shape first-foods systems in ways that drive and sustain milk formula market expansion, on a global scale. Such practices are a major impediment to global implementation of the International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes, and other policy actions to protect, promote and support breastfeeding. New modalities of public health action are needed to negate the political practices of the industry in particular, and ultimately to constrain corporate power over the mother-child breastfeeding dyad.

Abstract Efforts to adopt public health policies that would limit the consumption of unhealthy commodities, such as tobacco, alcohol and ultra-processed food products, are often undermined by private sector actors whose profits depend on the sales of such products. There is ample evidence showing that these corporations not only try to influence public health policy; they also shape research, practice and public opinion. Globalization, trade and investment agreements, and privatization, amongst other factors, have facilitated the growing influence of private sector actors on public health at both national and global levels. Protecting and promoting public health from the undue influence of private sector actors is thus an urgent task. With this backdrop in mind, we launched the “Governance, Ethics, and Conflicts of Interest in Public Health” Network (GECI-PH Network) in 2018. Our network seeks to share, collate, promote and foster knowledge on governance, ethical, and conflicts of interest that arise in the interactions between private sectors actors and those in public health, and within multi-stakeholder mechanisms where dividing lines between different actors are often blurred. We call for strong guidance to address and manage the influence of private sector actors on public health policy, research and practice, and for dialogue on this important topic. Our network recently reached 119 members. Membership is diverse in composition and expertise, location, and institutions. We invite colleagues with a common interest to join our network.

Abstract Background In Colombia, public health policies to improve food environments, including front-of-pack nutrition labelling and marketing restrictions for unhealthy products, are currently under development. Opposition to these policies by the food industry is currently delaying and weakening these efforts. This opposition is commonly known as ‘corporate political activity’ (CPA) and includes instrumental (action-based) strategies and discursive (argument-based) strategies. Our aim was to identify the CPA of the food industry in Colombia. Methods We conducted a document analysis of information available in the public domain published between January–July 2019. We triangulated this data with interviews with 17 key informants. We used a deductive approach to data analysis, based on an existing framework for the CPA of the food industry. Results We identified 275 occurrences of CPA through our analysis of publicly available information. There were 197 examples of instrumental strategies and 138 examples of discursive strategies (these categories are not mutually exclusive, 60 examples belong to both categories). Interview participants also shared information about the CPA in the country. The industry used its discursive strategies to portray the industry in a ‘better light’, demonstrating its efforts in improving food environments and its role in the economic development of the country. The food industry was involved in several community programmes, including through public private initiatives. The industry also captured the media and tried to influence the science on nutrition and non-communicable diseases. Food industry actors were highly prominent in the policy sphere, through their lobbying, close relationships with high ranking officials and their support for self-regulation in the country. Conclusions The proximity between the industry, government and the media is particularly evident and remains largely unquestioned in Colombia. The influence of vulnerable populations in communities and feeling of insecurity by public health advocates is also worrisome. In Colombia, the CPA of the food industry has the potential to weaken and delay efforts to develop and implement public health policies that could improve the healthiness of food environments. It is urgent that mechanisms to prevent and manage the influence of the food industry are developed in the country.

Abstract Background Different terms are described in the literature that refer to commercial determinants as drivers of ill-health. The aim of the present review was to provide an overview of the commercial determinants of health, through a review of the literature on this subject. The review was conducted in December 2019 and updated in February 2020. Searches were conducted from peer-reviewed scientific articles, commentaries, books, and books chapters, with no restriction in their publication dates and languages. Main body The commercial determinants of health cover three areas. First, they relate to unhealthy commodities that are contributing to ill-health. Secondly, they include business, market and political practices that are harmful to health and used to sell these commodities and secure a favourable policy environment. Finally, they include the global drivers of ill-health, such as market-driven economies and globalisation, that have facilitated the use of such harmful practices. Short conclusion The discussion on the commercial determinants of health offers a unique opportunity to shift the dominant paradigm in public health, where individual behaviours are considered to be driven by inadequate environments. Ill-health, damages to the environment, and health and social inequalities, might be better understood through a commercial determinant lens.

Abstract Background The marketing practices of the breastmilk substitutes industry have been known for decades, but little is known about the influence of the baby food industry, more generally, on public health policy, research and practice, also known as ‘corporate political activity’ (CPA). In this study, the baby food industry refers to for-profit companies that manufacture, market or distribute breastmilk substitutes and food products for infants and young children under two years. In addition, trade associations, public relations firms, marketing agencies and individuals or groups affiliated with the baby food industry are also considered to be part of the baby food industry. The aim of the current study was to systematically identify and monitor the CPA of the baby food industry in the USA, shown by the activities of Nestlé, the largest industry actor in this sector in the country. Methods The case study consisted of an analysis of publicly available information for data published between January and November 2018. We included documents from the industry, the government and other sources, including professional organisations, charities and consumer associations. We analysed data using an existing framework to classify the CPA of the food industry. Results During the period of data collection, Nestlé employed a list of action-based ‘instrumental strategies’. The most prominent strategy was ‘information strategy’, used to fund, produce and disseminate industry-preferred information. Nestlé was further found to ‘establish relationships with key opinion leaders and health organisations, and the media’, ‘seek involvement in community’ and directly influence policies and programs through indirect access and the placement of actors in government policy settings. The company also used argument-based ‘discursive strategies’ to frame the debate on diet- and public health-related issues. Conclusion This study showed that Nestlé used various CPA strategies which may have influenced public health policy, research and practice in ways favourable to the baby food industry. These results could be used to further recognise and pre-empt the influence of corporations on health, in order to ensure that commercial interests do not prevail over public health goals.

In the past, food industry actors tried to delay and weaken public health efforts to promote adequate and healthy diets in Brazil. This study aimed to identify the political strategies used by food industry actors in Brazil. We undertook a document analysis of publicly available information and interviews with eighteen key informants in public health nutrition. Data collection and analysis were carried between October 2018 and January 2019. In Brazil, food industry actors interacted with health organizations, communities, and the media. They disseminated information on nutrition and physical activity by scientific events and schools. The food industry also had allies within the government and lobbied high ranking officials. Finally, food industry actors intimidated some public health professionals, including by threats of litigation, which had the effect of silencing them. These strategies were facilitated by the use of arguments, such as the crucial role that the food industry plays in the economy and its support to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. Personal responsibility, moderation, and education were cited as solutions to the obesity epidemic, and there was little discussion on the broader issue of inadequate and unhealthy diets. Food industry actors in Brazil used a diverse range of political strategies, which have the potential of negatively influencing public policy, research, and practice in the country. Learning about these strategies is an essential first step, and in response, it is crucial to develop robust mechanisms to address undue influence from corporations.

Objective We identified mechanisms for addressing and/or managing the influence of corporations on public health policy, research and practice, as well as examples of where these mechanisms have been adopted from across the globe.Design We conducted a scoping review. We conducted searches in five databases on 4 June 2019. Twenty-eight relevant institutions and networks were contacted to identify additional mechanisms and examples. In addition, we identified mechanisms and examples from our collective experience working on the influence of corporations on public health policy, research and practice.Setting We identified mechanisms at the national, regional and global levels.Results Thirty-one documents were included in our review. Eight were peer-reviewed scientific articles. Nine discussed mechanisms to address and/or manage the influence of different types of industries; while other documents targeted specific industries. In total, we identified 49 mechanisms for addressing and/or managing the influence of corporations on public health policy, research and practice, and 43 of these were adopted at the national, regional or global level. We identified four main types of mechanisms: transparency; management of interactions with industry and of conflicts of interest; identification, monitoring and education about the practices of corporations and associated risks to public health; prohibition of interactions with industry. Mechanisms for governments (n=17) and academia (n=13) were most frequently identified, with fewer for the media and civil society.Conclusions We identified several mechanisms that could help address and/or manage the negative influence of corporations on public health policy, research and practice. If adopted and evaluated more widely, many of the mechanisms described in this manuscript could contribute to efforts to prevent and control non-communicable diseases.Trial registration details The protocol was registered with the Open Science Framework on 27 May 2019 (https://osf.io/xc2vp).

Abstract Objective: To gain deeper insight into the corporate political activity (CPA) of the Australian food industry from a public health perspective. Methods: Fifteen interviews with a purposive sample of current and former policy makers, public health advocates and academics who have closely interacted with food industry representatives or observed food industry behaviours. Results: All participants reported having directly experienced the CPA of the food industry during their careers, with the ‘information and messaging’ and ‘constituency building’ strategies most prominent. Participants expressed concern that food industry CPA strategies resulted in weakened policy responses to addressing diet‐related disease. Conclusions: This study provides direct evidence of food industry practices that have the potential to shape public health‐related policies and programs in Australia in ways that favour business interests at the expense of population health. Implications for public health: This evidence can inform policy makers and public health advocates and be used to adopt measures to ensure that public interests are put at the forefront as part of the policy development and implementation process.

IntroductionThere is emerging evidence that food industry involvement in nutrition research may bias research findings and/or research agendas. However, the extent of food industry involvement in nutrition research has not been systematically explored. This study aimed to identify the extent of food industry involvement in peer-reviewed articles from a sample of leading nutrition-related journals, and to examine the extent to which findings from research involving the food industry support industry interests.MethodsAll original research articles published in 2018 in the top 10 most-cited nutrition- and dietetics-related journals were analysed. We evaluated the proportion of articles that disclosed involvement from the food industry, including through author affiliations, funding sources, declarations of interest or other acknowledgments. Principal research findings from articles with food industry involvement, and a random sample of articles without food industry involvement, were categorised according to the extent to which they supported relevant food industry interests.Results196/1,461 (13.4%) articles reported food industry involvement. The extent of food industry involvement varied by journal, with The Journal of Nutrition (28.3%) having the highest and Paediatric Obesity (3.8%) having the lowest proportion of industry involvement. Processed food manufacturers were involved in the most articles (77/196, 39.3%). Of articles with food industry involvement, 55.6% reported findings favourable to relevant food industry interests, compared to 9.7% of articles without food industry involvement.ConclusionFood industry involvement in peer-reviewed research in leading nutrition-related journals is commonplace. In line with previous literature, this study has shown that a greater proportion of peer-reviewed studies involving the food industry have results that favour relevant food industry interests than peer-reviewed studies without food industry involvement. Given the potential competing interests of the food industry, it is important to explore mechanisms that can safeguard the integrity and public relevance of nutrition research.

We are a group of researchers and academics with decades of experience in the protection and promotion of public health. We are writing to raise our concerns about how conflicts of interest are reported in public health nutrition research. We highlight examples of why it is important to accurately declare such conflicts, as well as providing examples of situations in which conflicts of interest have been inadequately reported. We call on researchers, and others, to be transparent about conflicts of interest in research. Journal editors in particular have an important responsibility in fully understanding how conflicts of interest can impact on research findings and interpretations. They need to agree and adopt clear guidelines on conflicts of interest and ensure that authors abide by these to facilitate trust in the scientific process and the credibility of published articles.