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The article identifies and seeks to abridge a gap in the literature consisting of the problem of relations between military expenditure and democracy, especially the consequences of the first for the second. It specifically investigates the consequences that military expenditure produces for democracy among contemporary Western and comparable societies such as OECD countries during 2006–2017. It first surveys the relevant pertinent literature about the relationship of military expenditure and militaristic processes with democracy and political, civil and individual liberties. Then it proposes a theoretical sociological framework for approaching the problem of military expenditure and democracy, focusing on the consequences of the first for the second variable. It develops this framework by formulating testable hypotheses regarding the nature of consequences that military expenditure has for democracy. Next, it specifies data and their sources, the method and variables that the study uses. It reports empirical findings such as descriptive and proximately causal (regression) results. It infers that these findings for the most part support the theory and hypotheses that large and increasing military expenditure has adverse consequence for liberal democracy in general, and in OECD countries in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a negotiated decolonisation and a steadfast friendship between Félix Houphouët-Boigny and General Charles de Gaulle, Côte d'Ivoire, which had become independent, maintained excellent relations with France, its former colonial power. These close relations allowed it to benefit, within the framework of the Franco-Ivorian cooperation agreements, from French military assistance in setting up its armed forces. With this help, the Ivorian Army and Gendarmerie were thus taking their first steps under France's military leadership. But divergences appeared at certain levels and the question of extra-military tasks or, more precisely, the importance granted to them in the missions of the Ivorian Armed Forces was the subject of heated debates between the two partners. The crux of the issue was the establishment and development of the Ivorian Civic Service, for which Abidjan had turned to Israel in the belief that this would not jeopardise French influence in the Ivorian defence establishment. This article revisits this issue by highlighting the intricacies and challenges in the creation of the Ivorian Civic Service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document titled "Table of Contents" is from the International Journal of Military History & Historiography. It provides a list of articles and books related to various topics in military history. Some of the topics covered include artillery handbooks of the 16th century, US intervention in the Russian Civil War, Mao's version of "Manufacturing Consent," Franco-Ivorian military relations, the militarization of politics in Zimbabwe, and more. The document also includes bibliographical records of books on military strategy, wars, and conflicts from different time periods. [Extracted from the article]

What influence does the digital diplomacy of the post 9/11 world have on our understanding of counter-terrorism (CT) diplomacy during the Cold War? This article explores this question and the intersection between intelligence, counterterrorism diplomacy and the digital transformation long overlooked by scholars of Israeli–Turkish relations, Cold War history and terrorism studies. Diplomacy in crisis situations usually operates in an uncertain reality triggered by conflict. Turkey's domestic crises, specifically its energy crisis between 1978 and 1980, served to shift the country's foreign policy toward the more anti-Israeli stance of the Arab nations and their demands that Turkey boycott Israel in return for supplying Turkey's energy needs. This came in the context of a regional wave of contentious politics in the Middle East after the 1979 Iranian revolution, when Israel had just lost three decades of massive investment in Iran under the Shah. I argue that knowing the Turkish military junta's primary goals centered on the fight against the far left and right political violence at home and on Armenian terror attacks against Turkish diplomats abroad, Israeli diplomats employed a very selective CT policy focusing on the cooperation between Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Public diplomacy was key to conveying this message, and attempts to plant information about the Armenian-Palestinian cooperation in Turkish news outlets and national television were made. Israel's goal was to influence Turkey's public emotions and convey to Turkey's military junta that Jerusalem was a true ally, working to confront the mutual regional threat of Armenian-Palestinian terrorists arising from Lebanese training camps. This case study highlights the paradox that Ministries of Foreign Affairs and diplomats enjoyed an unparalleled monopoly of power during the Cold War over the use of means of public diplomacy, while at the time having very limited capacity, and a frequent need for third party mediators to engage with foreign public audiences. It is thus unlikely that the conveyed messages would have been as visible and disseminated as easily as they could be in the post 9/11 via means of digital diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of policy alone often means domestic policy, of interest to generalist sociologists interested in how political ideas are turned into domestic legislation, executive action, and/or court litigation. Foreign policy, as the financial, commercial, diplomatic and military relations of a state with foreign states, remains a niche subfield. But foreign relations should be conceived of as the broader set of entanglements between societies, encompassing transnational movements, expert networks, and fields. Then, sociological theories of foreign relations can interest generalist sociologists. In this review, we illustrate how this broad view of foreign relations applies to the study of the United States in the world today (USitWT) by first surveying how sociologists of the world society and world system have focused on transnational relations and the place of the United States in their dynamics, and how they have engaged with the question of power. We then demonstrate how field theorists' study of transnational fields can allow sociologists to reconceptualize the historical role of the USitWT by highlighting continuities between European colonial governmentalities and current US transnational practices. This field perspective can allow sociologists to understand the USitWT as transnational, postcolonial, or neo-colonial governmentality, depending on the sociological and historical depth and range of its relation with different parts of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influx of populism in Europe revived the values of illiberal, authoritarian government. This affects the democratic character of Civil–Military Relations (CMR) in the post-communist countries in particular. We analyzed the development of CMR in Czechia (1992–2022) under the influence of populism (2010–2022). Applying the CMR concept of the shared-democratic-values-perspective, our study provides empirical evidence that persistent shortcomings in formal institutional and informal socialization of Czech officers by values of democracy open a dangerous back door for spreading the values of military populism in the Czech Armed Forces. We argue that such development in the last 10 years has resulted into a formation of illiberal alliances between populist leaders and the military elite and poses a risk of the army being misused to politically support the authoritarian populist government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military organizations are generally defined by a "cult of the offensive." For cyberspace, this gives rise to an empirical puzzle, at least in the United States. What accounts for the early restraint and skepticism about cyber offense publicly expressed by many US military cyber leaders? In this article, I explore the US military's approach to cyberspace as a theory-developing case study. I examine more than a decade of public discourse among senior military leaders about when and how the military should employ cyber force. I argue that, in the formative years of US military cyber organization, the military's predisposition to the offense was challenged by other cultural and institutional influences, especially from the signals intelligence and strategic nuclear communities. Moreover, this influence shaped the public discourse even after US military cyber organizations gained greater autonomy and turned toward more objectively offensive strategies. This suggests implications for theory and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four centuries of precolonial diplomatic, economic, and military African–European relations have been neglected in international relations. Refuting common presumptions about European dominance, before, during, and after the heyday of the Atlantic slave trade, African rulers and merchants were generally in a position of equality or superiority in their relations with Europeans. Contrary to expectations that long-term interaction promotes homogenization via institutional diffusion from core to periphery, Africans generally eschewed European political, economic, and military models such as the Westphalian state, the corporation, and the salaried standing army. Instead, they utilized external opportunities in ways that reinforced evolving local differences, or adopted institutions from the Islamic world; Europeans in Africa were more likely to adopt African models than vice versa. That African polities held out against European dominance longer than larger, richer, and more militarily powerful Asian polities, and that stateless African societies held out longest of all, brings into question fundamental assumptions about survival under international anarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 French military operation in Mali presented daunting challenges in West Africa. Critical among these are the resurgence of coup d'états and the growing intervention of Russia, which is eclipsing France's credibility in the Sahelian region. In light of the unfolding scenario, this study makes three arguments: First, the failure of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) to combat the jihadi insurgency in the country reignited France's military intervention in Mali in disregard for the Africanised security initiative, which Paris had previously vowed to preserve. Secondly, the study contends that the failure of the French military operations in Mali created a conducive environment for a military coup, a trend that has continued to gain traction in the Sahel. Finally, the paper argues that the growing Russian-linked Wagner forces in Mali, ostensibly to stabilise Mali, fight insurgents in the Sahel, and end 'French neo-colonialism' in West Africa, pose a graver risk to the region. Drawing on qualitative methods sourced through contextual-descriptive reviews, the findings showed that the resurgence of military coups was partly caused by the failure of the African Union/ECOWAS and France to uphold their defence policies in Mali. It concludes that the resurgence of military coups, the failure of AU/ECOWAS and France, as well as the growing influence of Russia, have had devastating effects on democracy, security, and good governance in Mali. It recommends that lines of communication be opened to the Malian junta for the transition to democratic governance and that the AU, ECOWAS, and Western allies deepen their diplomatic ties with allies who are fighting for democracy and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Universal History Studies is the property of Sabit Dokuyan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In reorienting its foreign policy to counter China, the United States must grasp China's ambitions deeply. Understanding the historical roots and driving forces behind Chinese actions is vital. Previous research analyzed the global ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its strategic means to realize them, with a focus on Southeast Asia. It highlighted the CCP's pursuit of hegemony and its use of malign influence, avoiding actions that might provoke a US military response. This second installment of research proposes a revised US strategy, emphasizing partnerships in Southeast Asia to limit China's ability to act against US interests. Relevant to foreign relations experts and military operations, this research advocates for shaping the regional environment to constrain China's power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Nadkarni's theoretical framework, this study argues that Türkiye has been unable to raise its relations with Indonesia to the level of strategic partnership. This study examines the reasons for this in two separate layers: First, as a rising middle power, Indonesia is a country where the role of the leader in the foreign policymaking process is relatively in- fluential. This situation shows that Turkish policymakers should take into consideration the leaders' foreign policy orientations in their relations with Indonesia. Secondly, Turkish decision-makers need to carefully analyze internal factors such as culture and domestic politics when developing relations with middle-power countries. In this context, although this study finds that military and commercial relations between Türkiye and Indonesia have reached a significant level, it argues that this is still not sufficient for a strategic partnership. Finally, this study suggests that Indonesia and Türkiye should build their relations by thoroughly considering the internal dynamics in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, summits have gained great importance in developing relations with African countries and they have become useful tools to understand intersecting roadmaps on the continent. China, India, Japan, the United States, European countries and Russia conducted various summits and business forums targeting to develop their political, economic and military relations with Africa. In this vein, FOCAC (Forum on China–Africa Cooperation), European Union–Africa Business and Investment Summits, Japan's Africa Development Summits and Russia–Africa Summit provide some details of these powers' Africa policy. Turkey has also emerged as a new actor and summit organizer in Africa since it opened a new page for Africa in its foreign policy in 2005. After being a strategic partner to the African Union in 2008, Turkey has conducted three Turkey–Africa summits, Istanbul (2008), Malabo (2014) and Istanbul (2021), to form its roadmap in Africa. This work aims to analyse the role of Africa–Turkey summits in the development of Turkey's Africa policy and its relationship with African countries. The paper looks at all declarations comprehensively to evaluate Turkey's foreign policy discourse on Africa. Moreover, it examines Turkey's Africa policy implementations and achievements on the continent through the lens of summits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the experience of other countries, in the current context of regional security, the enhanced relations with NATO, and the status of candidate country for EU membership, the Republic of Moldova has to pay increased attention to its security and defence. It includes not only increasing budget allocations for the defence sector, professionalizing the armed forces or participating with troops alongside other European countries in various theatres of operations, but also ensuring institutional transparency and rigorous implementation of EU standards of civilian democratic control over the armed forces. The effectiveness of democratic civilian control will contribute to enhancing national security and will bring the Republic of Moldova closer to the European community. This article briefly discusses the evolution of democratic civilian control over the armed forces of the Republic of Moldova from a theoretical and practical point of view and sets up some recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contact experiences with women in senior leadership roles are important for creating acceptance of women in organizations dominated by men, such as the military, as leadership roles are considered demanding, requiring numerous agentic qualities that are often ascribed to men. The military lacks women in leadership levels within its organization. We wished to determine whether quality and quantity contact with women in leadership positions reduces intergroup anxiety, increases empathy and perspective-taking, and subsequently creates more favorable attitudes toward women in the military. This was examined in three studies, one with a military sample consisting of men (n = 95), another with a civilian sample of men (n = 367), and a third study with a civilian sample of women (n = 374). Our findings revealed that quality contact was related to attitudes toward women in the military for all three samples. Results from the indirect effects tests conducted for the civilian male and female samples revealed that for civilian men, intergroup anxiety demonstrated a significant indirect effect between quantity contact and attitudes toward women in the military, while both intergroup anxiety and perspective-taking demonstrated significant indirect effects between quality contact and attitudes toward women in the military. Furthermore, both quantity and quality contact demonstrated significant direct effects. On the other hand, results revealed that for civilian women the only significant relation was the direct effect between quality contact and attitudes toward women in the military. Intergroup anxiety, perspectivetaking, and empathy did not demonstrate any indirect effects for the civilian women sample. Thus, given that interactions with women in leadership positions are related to views of women in the military, research should further explore the role of contact for women in non-traditional work roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Battle of Harran was the first military encounter between the Parthians and the Romans in the first century BC. Despite the advantages that the Romans had in terms of military experience, equipment, techniques and personnel, they suffered a heavy defeat because this failure in the future political and military relations between the Romans and The Parthians were very influential, the sociological study of this war becomes important. As sociologists of war in their researches about wars examine the underlying factors of war, the phenomenon of war and the consequences of war, this research aims to analyze the phenomenon of Harran war by relying on the opinions of some sociologists in the field of war and with descriptive and analytical method. examine. The findings of this research show that according to the theories of sociologists of war, the weak morale of the Roman forces caused by factors such as the influence of Roman soldiers from influence groups outside the army, some otherworldly beliefs and beliefs of the Romans and individual mistakes of the commander led to their defeat. The strength of the command of the Parthian army in using the strategy of psychological warfare with tactics or strategies such as destroying the will and ability of the Romans to fight, depriving the Romans of the support of their allies and obtaining military information through the use of infiltrators, became the basis for the victory of the Parthians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Militaries have consistently struggled to integrate women into the profession of arms despite concerted, decades‐long attempts at reform. We argue that this patchy progress is due in part to a conceptualization of gender as "category", which has limited power to explain gendered inequalities. We propose that gender as process approaches must also be used to understand the current state of gender relations within militaries. A gender as process approach recognizes the dynamic, enduring, and complex set of gendered practices and systems that affect everyday interactions and social relations. Using this frame, militaries can develop an understanding of how these processes operate—particularly, as a form of resistance to gender equality in these "extremely gendered organizations"—and can develop improved strategies for change. We use the Australian Defence Force as our case study to illustrate how gender as category approaches dominate reform attempts and how the gender as process approach offers new insights on how to promote gender equality in the military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relationship between civil–military relations and professional military education (PME) in Türkiye before the 2016 coup attempt. Its main argument is that an effective PME system could not be realized due to the problematic nature of civil–military relations. The dominant role of the military in politics turned PME into a domain reserved solely for soldiers; however, this autonomy did not help the officer corps to create an effective PME system. Based on historical analyses, this article concludes that civil–military cooperation is necessary for developing a successful PME system, and it endorses Mukherjee's integrated model. Moreover, it shows that civil–military cooperation for the development of PME is a requirement regardless of the nature of civil–military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This is the concluding essay of a special issue of Early American Studies guest-edited by Kevin Butterfield and Bertrand Van Ruymbeke based on the proceedings of a conference hosted by George Washington's Mount Vernon in Paris, France, in 2019 exploring the diverse approaches of present-day French scholars to the history of the American War for Independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 19 October 1781, at the surrender of Yorktown, the Comte de Rochambeau replied to the British general Charles O'Hara, who wanted to give his sword to Rochambeau rather than George Washington, that the French army was only auxiliary on this continent. This reply corresponded exactly to the mission defined at Versailles the previous year. But it is surprising: how can a great military power take orders from a smaller one? The answer lies in the evolution of the practical arrangements for Franco-American military cooperation between 1778 and 1781. France sent large naval and land forces across the Atlantic. But for success to be possible, the French and Americans had to be able to act together, and French sailors and soldiers had to be able to master combined operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay looks at the activities of the Bavarian, Saxon, and Württemberg military plenipotentiaries stationed at German General Headquarters during the First World War. Prior to unification, Germany's most powerful monarchs signed a series of agreements that created a contingent-based army. Managing relations between the army's contingents thereafter became the responsibility of the military plenipotentiaries. Examining their activities reveals that the wartime German army, despite the centralizing pressures created by a multi-front war of attrition, remained a federal institution in which sub-national interests could at times be marginalized, but never altogether ignored. Germany's military federalism remained alive and well, at least until the empire's "de-crowning" in the autumn of 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With its geopolitical location and underground resources, the South Caucasus region has turned into a competitive field for regional and global powers, especially since the 19th century. Three Caucasian countries (Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia) gained independence in the region where Soviet domination had been effective for many years. In the first years of their independence, these countries, on the one hand, faced political and economic crises and, on the other hand, sought ways to integrate into the international system. These crises had negative consequences for Azerbaijan, which has been at war with Armenia, and the lack of military capacity led to the loss of the First Karabakh War. The history of military cooperation between Türkiye and Azerbaijan, which built their relations on the discourse of “one nation, two states”, dates to the Caucasian Islamic Army’s liberation of Baku in 1918. Military relations, which ended soon after Azerbaijan went under Soviet domination, were re-established after its independence in 1991. Cooperation in the field of military and defence, which continues in many areas from training and technical issues to exercises, has expanded especially in the last decade. This study claims that Azerbaijan’s military cooperation with Türkiye was decisive in winning the Second Karabakh War. In this context, Türkiye-Azerbaijan military relations, which date back 100 years, will be discussed from a historical perspective, and Azerbaijan’s military capacity will be evaluated. In addition, the study will include the cooperation opportunities that have deepened with the Second Karabakh War and the future expectations.

The importance of civil society to the military is well documented in UK Defence and Army policy, doctrine, and concepts. Civilian and military analyses commonly focus on the policy dimensions of the relationship whereby British civil society is deemed important for the legitimacy of campaigns. This research paper draws together less-common references from across the literature about a more direct impact that societal perspectives can have on deployed land operations and extends them through new archival research. It uses the military's experience in Helmand to propose a model of "societal operational influence." In this model tactical behaviours across the conceptual, physical, and moral components of Task Force Helmand's fighting power altered in response to the military's interpretation of public opinion about soldiers, which arguably resulted in changes to its culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military Strategy is the process of matching the resources provided to military power according to the threat. Threat is about the future rather than the present and involves an assessment based on the predictions. In a sense, it is perception. When perception is far from reality, it leads to unnecessary waste of resources or, conversely, to increased risks for countries. This study aims to explain the impact of threat perception on military strategy during the Cold War period through the case of Türkiye. The findings obtained through document analysis are supported by interviews with retired military officers specialized in military strategy. According to the main argument of the article, Türkiye’s threat perception during the Cold War was determined by the United States (US) and Türkiye’s defence design was based on this threat created by the US. Questioning the dimensions and accuracy of the threat revealed that the threat was overestimated. One of the reasons why the US overestimated the Soviet threat was its need to appropriate its resources by distributing the need for conventional power among its allies, and another reason was its desire to keep the Alliance under control. However, countries like Türkiye had to spend more strategic resources on military power than necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With its geopolitical location and underground resources, the South Caucasus region has turned into a competitive field for regional and global powers, especially since the 19th century. Three Caucasian countries (Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia) gained independence in the region where Soviet domination had been effective for many years. In the first years of their independence, these countries, on the one hand, faced political and economic crises and, on the other hand, sought ways to integrate into the international system. These crises had negative consequences for Azerbaijan, which has been at war with Armenia, and the lack of military capacity led to the loss of the First Karabakh War. The history of military cooperation between Türkiye and Azerbaijan, which built their relations on the discourse of “one nation, two states”, dates to the Caucasian Islamic Army’s liberation of Baku in 1918. Military relations, which ended soon after Azerbaijan went under Soviet domination, were re-established after its independence in 1991. Cooperation in the field of military and defence, which continues in many areas from training and technical issues to exercises, has expanded especially in the last decade. This study claims that Azerbaijan’s military cooperation with Türkiye was decisive in winning the Second Karabakh War. In this context, Türkiye-Azerbaijan military relations, which date back 100 years, will be discussed from a historical perspective, and Azerbaijan’s military capacity will be evaluated. In addition, the study will include the cooperation opportunities that have deepened with the Second Karabakh War and the future expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the nature of the political relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan states. The various forms of dependency led to varied limitations on the functioning of these states, espe- cially in the field of their international politics. The Ottoman Empire's relations with weaker, allied, vassal and subordinate states were shaped by the following factors: the historical period, the political and legal nature of the mutual relations, religion, the current political and military situation. On the basis of analysis of the sources and scientific literature, it has been shown that the Ottoman Empire was unable to prevent more or less official poli- cy by its subordinate centres, as long as they had any state structures (even if they were only of a self-governing nature). In the 14th century, most of the Balkan states found themselves as allies and tributaries of the Ottoman Empire. The alliance with the Ottomans did not limit political relations with countries uncommitted against the Ottomans. In the 15th century there was a process of more and more clearly political subordination of the Balkan states which added two important elements to earlier financial and military obligations — investment and obe- dience. In the 16th century, it was extremely important to surrender to the King of Hungary John Zápolya un- der the authority of Sultan Suleiman. It also resulted in the Ottoman Empire taking over direct political control of the Romanian principalities: Wallachia and Moldavia. The Sultan was not able to fully control them, they of- ten carried out independent political activities, connected with the Poland-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Holy Empire, and Transylvania. In the 18th century the process of building the Balkan nation states launched, albeit very slowly. In the 19th century, any independence, even very limited, was conducive to the rapid formation of their own independent statehood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that military aggressions by the Kremlin in the Black Sea region, including the wars in Georgia (2008) and ongoing conflict in Ukraine since 2014, stem from Russia's enduring imperial ambitions rather than being reactive measures. The author argues that these actions pose a significant threat to global stability and highlights the historical context of Russia's expansionist tendencies, emphasizing the potential collapse of the existing world order if not addressed promptly.

The European Union's decision to deepen and develop the military mobility from a logistical and organisational point of view represents a logical step in its natural evolution. The implementation of the EU Action Plan on Military Mobility, presented by the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy in 2018, represents a main act in achieving the generic purpose of the European Union, i.e., a European Defence Union. This article aims to highlight these military mobility measures proposed to be implemented, but also to emphasise the outcome from the integrated management of defence resources point of view. This article will try to link the causes to the results concerning the implementation of European military mobility. A synthetic documentary analysis, taken mainly from a qualitative point of view and with an additional quantitative support, will try to highlight the causal element and the effects on European military mobility related to the integrated management of defence resources. The research hypothesis is related to the utility of measures taken for the development and operationalisation of European military mobility in relation to the actual impact on defence resource management, respectively the coherence of defence planning in member states and resource optimisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper， an ontology-based knowledge graph construction method for military terminology is proposed, which is used to obtain semantic information in military terminology corpus and construct military terminology knowledge graph. Then the ontology of military terminology is built firstly based on the analysis of military terminology corpus. In this method, the rule based method and the pre-trained model based method are used to extract the relation of military terminology and the knowledge of military terminology is stored in the graph database at last. This method can construct high quality knowledge graph of military terminology for intelligent applications such as semantic search， intelligent question and answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did Afghanistan falter as a U.S. partner? America's war in Afghanistan was lost for many reasons, but the U.S. military contributed to its downfall in two ways. First, U.S. combat units, trained to fight conventional battles, conducted counterterrorism operations (aka "search and destroy" missions) against guerilla forces that resulted in hardening the resolve of the enemy while causing widespread and senseless civilian casualties. Second, the Afghan military could not exist without U.S. logistical and material support. Because the Afghan Army was trained and equipped to fight a conventional-type war, they were incapable of operating independent of U.S. support, and could not survive on their own against guerrilla forces in a protracted civil war. Therefore, the Afghan security forces were not properly trained and equipped, demonstrating that the U.S. military repeated mistakes of the Vietnam War. It is argued that the United States must temper its conventional warfare mindset and re-direct resources toward improved ways to conduct limited wars against irregular adversaries. The constabulary forces concept described by Morris Janowitz is a feasible way to improve the chances that U.S. forces will succeed in such limited wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article traces concerns about entrapment in Chinese thinking about foreign relations and how these concerns have resulted in a general rejection of alliances. The People's Republic of China was born with entrapment dilemmas vis-à-vis the Soviet Union that became real when Beijing was drawn into the Korean War at a time that did not suit Beijing's strategic interests. During the post-Cold War era, China's dialogue and coordination with NATO has given its leadership greater knowledge of the alliance's strengths and weaknesses and confirmed Beijing in its scepticism towards formal alliances. Instead, China has set out to build more flexible partnerships, particularly with Russia, that allow both sides of the arrangement to avoid entrapment in each other's different geopolitical security agendas. In an era of strategic competition with the United States, Beijing's partnership with Moscow has become the cornerstone of Chinese efforts to protect its global power and influence. At the same time, China's leadership has sought to avoid new entrapments by expanding its security engagement with countries in the "Global South". Besides commitments to limited cooperation such as joint exercises and training, protection of Chinese overseas interests in arms sales, in countering Western strategic aims, and in establishing a strategic military presence are at the centre of such engagements. Far-reaching commitments to protect the security interests of other countries and close integration of Chinese and foreign military forces are not on the cards. Such agreements would come at the cost of flexible partnerships and Beijing's freedom of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cabinet governments are the most prevalent form of democratic rule and studies of cabinet government duration are common. These studies tend to focus on the domestic influences associated with cabinet longevity, not the impact that foreign policy decisions may have. We begin to address this gap in the literature by analyzing the effect that one particularly visible foreign policy decision, the initiation of a foreign military intervention, has on cabinet duration. We argue that the consequential decision to send troops abroad and possibly into harm's way holds the potential to reset a country's policy agenda. Such a reset can, in turn, prove beneficial for cabinet longevity. In Cox proportional survival analyses of 563 cabinets from 26 European countries between 1946 and 2008, we find that foreign military intervention does have a significant impact on government duration. Governments that dispatched soldiers overseas on supportive or neutral missions lasted significantly longer than those that did not, even after controlling for numerous alternative explanations of cabinet duration. Research on cabinet stability would thus benefit from looking beyond the domestic conditions commonly associated with longevity. The impact of foreign policy decisions should be considered as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan continues to face multiple sources of internal and external conflicts. Its all-powerful military is engaged in a subterranean battle to maintain its power. Economically, the country persisted in troubled waters as it has been for most of its recent history. In domestic politics, the failed experiment of a hybrid regime under Ex-Prime Minister Imran Khan forced the military to part ways with Mr Khan and install a coalition government of 13 political parties through a no-confidence vote in parliament in April 2022. Mr Khan's political party is facing a severe crackdown in Pakistan after he accused the powerful military of his ouster from power. At the regional level, a favourable outcome in Afghanistan in the shape of the Taliban's takeover has not yielded any significant positive results for Pakistan. After concluding the Afghan conflict on a favourable note, paradoxically, the military establishment hints at a desire to shift away from geo-security to geo-economics in its foreign policy goals. At the extra-regional level, the military is walking a tightrope to balance its ties between the USA and China to offset any adverse consequences arising from its strategic partnerships with China over China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). In this article, we explain a series of issues confronting Pakistan currently—including a deep economic crisis, political paralysis, and a resurgent terror threat—focusing on the military's ambitions in the region and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1932 and 1933 invitations to Generals Gamelin and Petin to visit Bucharest were declined on the basis of more or less objective reasons1, this was not the case from 1934 onwards, when the frequency of such French visits to Bucharest increased. There was also a clear change in the level of representation, culminating in the visits of Generals Pétin, Mittelhauser, Georges, Gamelin and Weygand. Another significant moment for the development of the French-Romanian military relations was the presence in Bucharest of General Victor Pétin. It took place in a different context from that of General Gouraud's arrival, with different dimensions and connotations. The consequences of the visits, based primarily on the growing convergence of French and Romanian interests at that time, were felt. On the 8th of June, the Europe Sub- Directorate of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs affirmed the need to accept Romanian arms requests by means of a commitment to supply on credit and with annual instalments. One of the arguments put forward was that: 'As a faithful ally, Romania, like Yugoslavia, is part of the Small Alliance and the Balkan Alliance, whose policy tends to be in line with the direction of action decidedly favourable to the preservation of the established order, cannot but receive the approval of the Government of the Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Romanian-French military relations were enhanced during this period too by many actions and events that referred both to the present and to the most fruitful periods of the collaboration between the two armies. The friendship associations established during the interwar period, both in France and Romania, contributed greatly to the development of relations between the Romanians and the French, between the two armies. During the period 1930-1936 there are also other manifestations of the gratitude of the Romanian authorities towards the French soldiers who contributed to the good relations between the two armies. We can mention an incomplete list, of course, of those who were decorated with orders and medals for such merits. Among those decorated were the names of participants in the 1916-1918 campaign in the French Military Mission in Romania, led by General Berthelot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a dossier on economic elites and political power in Latin America. It emphasizes the importance of understanding the nature and dynamics of these elites in their specific spatiotemporal context. It is mentioned that Latin American elites have attempted to appropriate the wealth produced in the region, but have been conditioned by economic, political, and military relations with the major centers of accumulation. Additionally, it is noted that these elites have had a high capacity to pressure and take control of state apparatuses in their respective countries. The article also mentions the different dimensions of power exercised by these elites, such as economic, ideological, political, military, and transnational networks. Although information on elites in Latin America is limited, the growing academic interest in studying these elites in recent years is highlighted. The article presents different lines of study on economic elites and their relationship with the state, the right-wing, and the political space in Latin America. It also addresses resistance to tax payment and corporate capture of the state. Two specific articles are mentioned that analyze the trajectories of agents in the Mexican leadership elite and the connections of agents who financed the Center for Public Studies in Chile. Other articles explore the relationship between economic guilds and bureaucracies in Colombia, as well as the perceptions of the business community in Córdoba regarding taxes in Argentina. Finally, the statuary crisis of the elites in Chile is highlighted. [Extracted from the article]

Attila, the ruler of the European Hun Empire, like his predecessor Hun rulers, established political and military relations with both Eastern and Western Roman empires. In the context of this article, Attila's relations with the Western Roman Empire were initially built on the basis of friendship and military alliance but later evolved into a process that would lead to the occupation of Gaul and Italy. Attila's invasion of Italy also included the plan to besiege the ancient capital Rome. This article deals with the historical course of Attila's relations with the Western Roman Empire based on available sources and tries to reveal the reasons behind Attila's invasion of Gaul and Italy and the consequences of these invasions for the Western Roman Empire and European history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper extends discussions of military and post-military landscapes, and prior theorisation of the prison-military complex. In so doing it highlights as-yet unresearched synergies between the prison and the military which take form through the repurposing of former military bases as prisons, the creation of carceral landscapes of military memorial, and the imprint left by generations of ex-military personnel occupying the prison (both as prisoners and prison staff) during the post-military phases of their lives. Consideration of these circumstances unveils prisons as postmilitary landscapes and enables a reconceptualization of the potential scope of military and post-military landscapes in general. It concludes by outlining a potential research agenda for carceral and military geographers in relation to military, post-military and postmilitary landscapes, and the prison-military complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The normalization of relations between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel under the Abraham Accords is part of a long-standing security cooperation between the two regimes to monopolize regional power. Indeed, with the rapidly changing political and security landscape in the Arab world, the Abraham Accords have become central to understanding alliance formation in the region. The Accords have significantly enhanced the already existing security and military relations between Israel and the UAE, with heavy Emirati investment in advanced Israeli weapons systems and security technologies, military and intelligence sharing, as well as -economic partnerships in strategic sectors. While the alliance is often portrayed as a defensive security arrangement aimed at countering the "Iranian threat," a closer examination reveals that it is much more than that. Sponsored by the United States, the alliance entrenches Israeli settler colonialism and Arab authoritarianism as mutually inclusive pillars for the region, with the ultimate objective of reproducing US hegemony in the face of changing global dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic overview of France’s involvement into the Indo-Pacific region, in the context of the protection of important national interests related to the possession of overseas territories. This article analyses impact of the French-Chinese bilateral cooperation on relations with Taiwan. The author points out that France has recognized the government of the PRC as the only representative of China since 1964 and does not maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, emphasizing that this is a permanent position, initiated by General de Gaulle, and cooperation between Paris and Taipei is developed in accordance with the “one China policy.” The second aspect of the analysis of France’s policy and strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region was embedded in the broader framework of political, economic relations and military alliances with Asian countries as an element of promoting a multipolar order and stopping Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific area and strengthening its own geopolitical position against the background of China’s rivalry with United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]