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Cyberbullying has been a difficult problem for policy makers and observers to define. For some, cyberbullying is understood as a public health problem, while others view it largely as an education issue, and still others see it as a justice problem. In Canada, while the definition of cyberbullying continues to evolve, a nascent approach assumes that it is similar to traditional face-to-face bullying with computer-mediated communication as a new element. This definition is at odds with recent research on cyberbullying, which may have significant implications for policy makers seeking to design effective interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is strong evidence that gender mainstreaming (GM), a gender equality governance strategy, is performing poorly across jurisdictions. While many national and regional governments have adopted gender equality policy tools, developing and implementing an integrated GM strategy requires substantive reforms to existing procedures and institutional settings. The goal of the article is to demonstrate that, in Canada, current gender equality policy using a gender-based analysis (GBA) approach does not feature the same governance arrangement as the alternative GM approach would entail. Using the Canadian federal government as a case study, the gender equality policy instrument mix is examined to demonstrate how different problem definitions result in suboptimal performance. The article concludes that Canada’s current gender equality policy regime only advances the mainstreaming of GBA, and not the mainstreaming of gender equality in general. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Like other policy subsectors, power generation has been affected by the governance changes of the last two decades, including a shift to more collaborative state-society relations. Collaborative governance implies new kinds of public engagement designed to provide both input legitimacy, through the involvement of a broader range of actors in policy design, and output legitimacy, through enhanced feedback and policy learning. This paper compares the impact of “governance-driven engagement” in the power generation subsectors in Nova Scotia and Saskatchewan, arguing that engagement increased the complexity of the policy mix in the subsector without succeeding in providing better feedback and learning. The paper notes a recent trend towards more expert-driven and less collaborative processes, as both provinces struggled to rationalize and simplify power generation policy goals and instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While social media has become a mainstay of communication in the twenty-first century, many organizations still struggle to include it in their operations. This is no less the case for organizations in the third sector. However, evidence-based practices tying social media activity to social media success are still elusive in the field. Examining the Facebook and Twitter presence of 45 Canadian organizations concerned with education, disaster relief, and environmental advocacy, the authors evaluate social media practices used by third sector organizations. Borrowing from Mark Granovetter's (1973) work on the strength of social ties, the authors found that disaster relief organizations tended toward activities to build emotionally intense, or "strong," relationships, while educational organizations offered more informational means to build "weak" relationships based on common interests. Environmental organizations used both strategies, but were less likely to broaden their activities beyond Facebook and Twitter. The authors propose identifying organizations' weak-tie/strong-tie strategies as a tool for evaluating social media activity in the not-for-profit sector. They argue that co-ordinating both types of strategies is necessary for successful social media campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how social collaborative technologies have changed the nature and scope of e-participation, showcasing several popular modes of engagement. It argues that the main implementation barriers to social media adoption are not technological, but rather organizational, cultural, and administrative. While there is enormous potential for Web 2.0 and associated social media tools to expand public engagement, the design of such initiatives must recognize that in digital environments influence is earned through social reputation, not bureaucratic authority. Sommaire Cet article examine comment les technologies de collaboration sociale ont changé la nature et l'envergure de la participation en ligne, en mettant en valeur plusieurs modes populaires de mobilisation. Il fait valoir que les principaux obstacles à l'adoption des médias sociaux ne sont pas technologiques, mais plutôt organisationnels, culturels et administratifs. Alors que le Web 2.0 et les outils de médias sociaux connexes présentent un énorme potentiel d'accroître la mobilisation du public, la conception de telles initiatives doit reconnaître que dans les environnements numériques, on acquiert de l'influence grâce à sa réputation sociale et non à son autorité bureaucratique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutional and institutional legacies were combined to create a very decentralized forest policy sector in Canada. Where coherent policy requires a national response-as is the case with adaptation to climate change-the critical challenge is to locate the relevant decentralized policy capacity and steer it toward meeting national objectives. While there is some evidence that significant policy capacity exists in provincial forest and resource management departments, climate change adaptation has led to an expansion of departmental mandates that is not being addressed by better coordination of the available policy capacity. The relevant federal agencies are not well represented in information networks and forest policy workers report lower levels of internal and external networking than workers in related policy subsectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines policy capacity in relation to climate change adaptation in the Canadian finance sector. Through a meso-level analysis focused on the level of integration of the finance policy network and a survey of policy professionals in the area regarding climate change issues, the article illustrates both challenges to operationalizing the concept of 'policy capacity' and limitations to effective policy capacity on climate change in this policy domain. Though a central concern for governments, improvements in policy capacity require more attention to network integration and governance arrangements if governments are to effectively respond to the unique challenges posed by climate change adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government capacity on the Web is based on external-facing e-government's online presence. The external face of e-government is what citizens, clients, customers, and partners see when they visit government Web sites. Government Web sites expand the state's capacity to collect information and affect behavior, providing opportunities to influence policy outcomes. Governments seek to be the most popular Web sites online in subject areas where the state has authority, spends money, provides information, or organizes partnerships. However, competition over users' attention diminishes government capacity, as the state must compete with global actors. This study examined government nodality on the Wed to evaluate the external face of e-government in five different Canadian policy fields: agriculture, climate change, equalization, heathcare, and women. It is argued that government Web site nodality is higher in sectors with low levels of internationalization and thus, are centralized, are more visible, and thus have a greater impact on policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public sector reform is a key policy area, driven by global public policy networks. Research on these networks has been inductive, highlighting organizations like the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). This article examines 'virtual policy networks' (VPNs) on the Web. Using IssueCrawler, we conduct a hyperlink analysis that permits us to map seven VPNs. The first network mapped the hyperlinks of 91 organizations identified through inductive methods. The hypothesis that the virtual network would include all actors identified in the inductive approach was refuted. The other six networks focused on: market mechanisms, open government, performance, public employment, reform, and restructuring. Among the findings, the U.S. government is prominent in the first three, while international organizations dominate the others. VPN rankings show that the World Bank dominates the OECD. When the inductive research is blended with the VPN research, the OECD's prominence increases, and we see the importance of market mechanisms and reform VPNs as pillars of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public sector websites are heavily invested in influencing policy outcomes through information provisioning and dissemination. Traditionally e-government research has focused on the internal functions of e-government studying service delivery, horizontal information processing integration and levels of implementation maturity. This paper shifts the analytical focus to external-facing e-government to consider the macro presentation of state-sponsored sites on the Web. To evaluate the external face of Canadian e-government this project measures the web-based impact of public sector websites in virtual policy networks. Virtual policy networks are web-based issues networks containing content on a specific policy topic and connected through hyperlinks. It is argued that government's online nodality in these networks is an indicator of public sector websites' authority and influence on the Web. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There is a significant body of literature assessing the influence of think tanks; however, there has been relatively little research on the online impact of think tanks' research activity. Differentiating the popularity of a policy think tank from its policy relevance is an important consideration in evaluating the impact of policy institutes on the Web. This study measures the perceived reliability of information as defined by web-based users. To measure the impact of think tanks' web-based popularity and policy relevance, think tank participation in five separate policy domains including social policy, equalization, climate change, clean energy, and peacemaking/peace building is studied using hyperlink analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canadian welfare state has changed significantly in the last decade with the federal devolution of policy responsibilities creating opportunities for some provinces to adopt American social policy ideas. Given the expectations of resilience and non-convergence, in the welfare state literature, this article addresses the issues of policy change by demonstrating that the movement of British Columbia's labour and social policy towards international neoliberal norms, including policy examples set in many US jurisdictions, have produced limited convergence. We suggest that this indicates that more change has occurred and is occurring in the Canadian welfare state than the resilience model or comparative public policy literature would indicate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Internet, operating as a technologically embedded laboratory of human activity, provides social scientists with a new set of analytical tools by which to test and replicate models of social and political behaviour, with data extrapolated from the regularities of online activity, organization and information exchange. This research note demonstrates that virtual policy networks, arrangements of public interaction between mutually supporting actors that form around policy activities, exist on the Web. In addition, the note considers whether or not Canadian virtual policy networks are mimicking their respective national policy communities through the application of a methodological approach referred to as link structure analysis. Four sectorally based networks, including Aboriginal policy, agriculture, banking and women-centred policy, are analyzed to assess the extent of virtual policy networks' replication of real world policy dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the infrastructure policy sector's capacity to respond to climate change adaptation through an analysis of the Canadian case. It includes a three-level examination of capacity: at the macro level through a virtual policy network analysis; at the meso level through examination of the lead department's evolving mandate and resources; and at the micro level through analysis of survey data related to departmental workers policy tasks and attitudes. Four hypotheses across these three levels are set out and tested at the national and subnational levels. Together, the findings suggest that the policy capacity in the Canadian infrastructure sector will be unable to meet the demands placed upon the sector to respond to the increasing challenges of climate change adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When pursuing change, legacies of policy goals and instruments from an established paradigm often present constraints on fully embracing a newer paradigm, resulting in the layering of new policy goals and instruments on top of the existing base. In this article, we investigate the effect of layered paradigms on policy capacity at three different levels of policy making in the Canadian transportation sector. Using analysis of government publications and budget data, virtual policy network analysis, quantitative analysis of data from a survey of Canadian policy analysts, and direct interviews with policy managers in two provinces, we demonstrate how this layering of legacy goals (and consequent policy incapacity) is occurring at the macro, meso, and micro levels of policy making. We conclude that the layering of a new policy paradigm for climate change on top of the established paradigm for transportation development constrains policy capacity in this subsystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]