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Pacifism and anarchism share some territory and have cross-pollinated across historical contexts, but are also distinct traditions and movements, with voices in each holding serious reservations and criticisms of the other. Identifying and critically discussing these reservations helps correct widespread misunderstandings in the scholarship and the wider public, thereby also presenting arguments for those outside either tradition to reevaluate their own assumptions and analyses. Anarchist qualms about pacifism and nonviolence include: disputes about the effectiveness of nonviolence; a distrust of the origins and compromises of pacifism and nonviolence; and complaints about the censoring effects of nonviolence in social movements. Pacifist qualms about anarchism include: its support for violence; and its radicality. Each accusation is nuanced or countered with arguments grounded in the indicted tradition. Shared concerns and mutually resonating themes that emerge in the process include: critiques of state violence, militarism and structural violence; and arguments about means as ends-in-the-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

War is an absurd social practice. It ought to be abolished. Indeed, as I show in the paper, a number of prominent pacifists have argued in support of war abolition. War abolitionism is connected to what I call “the whole war critique.” The whole war critique has been explored by Robert Holmes. But war abolition and the whole war critique have been under‐thematized in the philosophical literature on pacifism and just war theory. This paper seeks to remedy that neglect. Holmes distinguishes between just war theory and the broader critique of war as a whole, what he calls “whole war.” Holmes concludes that “No actual, probable or possible whole wars in the modern world are morally permissible.” He argues that the entire social, cultural, economic, and political practice of war is immoral. This claim and the comprehensive critical project of war abolition is much broader than the narrow set of judgments found in just war theory. The just war theory does not ask about the morality of war as a whole—as a social, cultural, economic, and political practice. Nor does it focus on suggestions for how we might prevent or abolish war. This paper will explain and elucidate the whole war critique and how it contributes to war abolitionist pacifism. It will also clarify how this critical standpoint is an ideal theory that is nonetheless not utopian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wars that ravaged Europe during the Modern Age awakened numerous consciences, particularly among Enlightenment philosophers, some of whom became peace activists. Kant and Saint-Pierre stood out in this effort, though Rousseau and Voltaire were not far behind. Kant was convinced that governments are morally obligated to pursue peace. He regarded states as "moral persons," which, however, did not eliminate the possibility of one state fearing another--a fear that could potentially lead to war. In his quest for perpetual peace, he proposed the creation of a Federation of States, equipped with the authority and tools necessary to resolve conflicts. This essay explores these ideas and assesses the influence of Kantian ideals on the League of Nations and the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although common, the identity-policy discrepancy has yet to be systematically theorised in the Identity Constructivist literature. This article bridges this gap, leveraging insights from Historical and Sociological Institutionalism, Norm Constructivism, and Post-structuralism to explore the theoretical and empirical weight of such discrepancies. I argue that discrepancies tied to a nation's hegemonic narratives can spark crises, engender compelling expectations upon recognition, and drive third-order changes as actors endeavour to address these discrepancies. The article illuminates the significant role that discrepancies played in molding the foreign policies of China and Japan, with a focus on regional institution-building in Northeast Asia. The article emphasises the stark contrast between Hu Jintao's Peaceful Riser identity and his assertive policy actions, alongside the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) Pacifist State identity juxtaposed with policies akin to those of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). These discrepancies significantly shaped the policy approaches and identity construction of their successors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1962, a Japanese delegation of peace activists visited Auschwitz-Birkenau where they participated in the annual ceremony commemorating the liberation of the camp. As part of the ceremony, the delegation engaged in an exchange of Hiroshima and Auschwitz "memontos," receiving from the Polish side, amongst others, an urn containing ashes of the victims of the camp. The exchange was the first of several that included Holocaust urns, most of which are now in Japan, and a part of a much broader phenomenon of material dispersal of human remains instituted by Polish museums established at the former Nazi camps. In this paper, we take a critical look at this practice, its development, directionalities and meanings. Tracing the journey of the urns and their various uses, we argue, reveals the complex politics and cultural landscape of the transnational commemoration of World War II in its very local meanings in Poland, Japan and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2015, the UN Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS), formalizing an agenda for positive youth participation in peace and security. However, youth peace activists have been leading peacebuilding long before this institutional recognition. This article explores the dynamics of how advocates and institutional actors conceptualize and negotiate compromise. To do this, it draws on in-depth interviews with youth and adult YPS advocates, a critical analysis of documents related to the agenda, and extended participant observation. It explores and develops a notion of a field of youth-oriented peacebuilding, drawing on Bourdieu. This makes visible a more complex field of struggle, showing how compromise can help explain how youth actively negotiate their participation in formalized agendas and persist in their own peacebuilding ambitions. It argues for a more nuanced understanding of compromise to understand the affordances and limitations of youth agency and institutional agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The specter of new global conflicts has brought up old questions about dark tourism: is it ever appropriate to visit recent ruins? Can ruins, and places where violence has occurred, teach lessons about peace and cooperation? Or is it merely war voyeurism? This piece considers the ruins of Varosha (a beachfront district of Famagusta, or Gazimağusa, in Turkish) a once thriving tourism hub which has been walled off from visitors since the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974. The invasion, and the creation of the largely-unrecognized state of Northern Cyprus, was preceded by years of interethnic tension between Turkish- and Greek-Cypriot communities. Recently, the government has reopened the destroyed city, forcing peace activists and urbanists to consider what role these ruins play in conflict resolution and in claims for space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carlism has been a militaristic force, which has participated in successive armed conflicts of our time. But already since 1970 the Carlist Party positioned itself against the American bases in Spain and in the eigthier it was part of the moviement against NATO. Futhermore, in this context, the Carlist Partu was one of the co-founders of Izquierda Unida. The objetive of this research is to study the participation of the Carlist Party in the anti-NATO movement and to analyze the antimilitarist and pacifist arguments of this political movement so accustomed to weapons and war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the various ways in which pacificists and socialists in France responded to the 'yellow peril' from the beginning of the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895) to the end of the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). I identify and examine four different attitudes they developed towards the 'yellow peril'. On the one hand, some pacificists and socialists perceived it as a reality and used it as a means of exposing the problems of expansionism but differed on their views of what Asia would become for the West: whereas pacifists like Paul d'Estournelles de Constant invoked Asia as a potential existential threat, certain socialists welcomed 'yellow' workers as future comrades. On the other hand, there were people who viewed the 'yellow peril' as a myth or some sort of ideological smokescreen. Roughly speaking, they fell into two groups: socialists who treated it as a set of false ideas created to justify Tsarist imperialism, which practically led them to embrace Japanese imperialism, and revolutionary syndicalists who, opposing capitalist exploitation and expansionism in general, dismissed it as part of bourgeois ideology. Thus, I ultimately argue that the 'yellow peril' was less of an imperialist ideology consisting of negative racial stereotypes about East Asians than a versatile concept that was used against as well as for racial stereotyping and expansionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to unearth why change in Japanese security policy tradition prevails over continuity. Japan's recent change, evident in security objectives, military capabilities, defense expenditure, and institutional and legal transformations, connotes a departure from the original principles of the peace constitution and Japan's defense-oriented policies, transforming Japan from a "peace nation" to a "normal power." Moreover, Japanese political elites have willingly tried to exploit the opportunity structure to change Japanese security policy. I argue that the multivariate approach, incorporating structural, motivational, cognitive, and temporal dimensions, can serve as a 'tool kit' to understand this change in Japanese pacifist tradition and elites' willingness to seize the opportunity structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article recounts the life and work of Cecily Cook, a leader of the working class pacifists and general secretary of the Women's Co-operative Guild (WCG) during World War II. Information is provided about Cook's participation in Labour and trade union politics, the challenges she faced when she became WCG general secretary such as the dilemma of undertaking humanitarian work and maintaining pacifism during the war, and her leadership of a knitting project that provided clothing and blankets.

This paper narrates the concept of Sustainable Peace Leadership and examines how three prominent Peace Activists from South and Southeast Asia measure up to the concept. The article will consider the works and ideas of Mohandas K. Gandhi (Mahatma Gandhi), Lhamo Thondup (The 14th Dalai Lama), and Nguyen Xuan Bao (Thich Nhat Hanh). Mahatma Gandhi was instrumental in achieving Indian independence from the British Empire. The Dalai Lama is the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people and has managed a difficult relationship with the Chinese government following the occupation of Tibet. Thich Nhat Hanh was a Vietnamese Buddhist monk, peace activist and is known as the 'father of mindfulness'. The paper identified several characteristics of Peace Leaders. These include being a charismatic leader who motivates their followers to achieve their goals in a non-violent and inclusive manner. Peace leaders meditate and spend time developing inner peace which then leads to outer peace. The paper also asserts that peace leaders are capable of recognizing the humanity in their opponents and seek a mutually beneficial solution. The three chosen individuals are all recognised as being charismatic leaders who were prominent peace leaders. All were deeply spiritual and practiced meditation and other inner work on a regular basis. They stressed the humanity in their opponents, based on their religious beliefs and the concepts of non-duality and interdependence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After reviewing the pacifist tradition of German foreign policy, this article explores the shock of the Russian unleashing of a war on European soil. The article then proceeds to explain the various dimensions of German support for Ukraine, especially in increased military spending and energy uncoupling from Moscow. While conceding that German help often arrived slowly, the article nonetheless depicts the dramatic shift in German policy, which has ushered in a new period in defending democracy with military force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian Dayé provides an important history of RAND and its scientists/experts during the Cold War period. He lifts the veil off of a Cold War effort whose history is not well known. Given the cultural insecurities in America in the aftermath of dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki to end the war and the developed nuclear capacities of the Soviet Union, he takes us into the 1950s and the terrain of RAND. We receive a deep, quite granular analysis of a select group of natural and social scientists who contend with the issue of Cold War cultural insecurity and the future. What does the future portend? The answers become bound up in a methodological journey articulated by Dayé that has implications for today. Given this, I pivot from Dayé's groundings in a generalized cultural insecurity in America about the Bomb to a grounding that situates white male expert knowledge as not innocent of the U.S. racial order and racism. This narrative centering racism and the Cold War is fueled by radical Black Peace activists W.E.B. Du Bois, Paul Robeson, Claudia Jones and others who struggled intensely against the racialized realities of the Cold War. Their interrogations and activism shed light on the nature of knowledge production in a race based society. Indeed, the epistemological issues embedded in white expert knowledge production have implications for today. Claudia Jones provides a theory and practice during the Cold War period centering Black women and peace. Her triple jeopardy framework makes explicit the plight of Black women under racial capitalism. Contemporary Black feminists continue to pose hard questions about what it means to deploy a critical epistemological stance and the nature of expert knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the challenge of transcending partisan and ideological attachments in the work of peace activism through the Buddhist hermeneutic of nonduality. The Diamond Sutra as well as the witness and teaching of Thich Nhat Ha.nh form the foundation of the paper's argument. It first recalls Nhat Ha.nh's contribution to peace activism, especially his radical stance of neutrality and peace at any cost, which caused him to be marginalized by the American peace movement during the Vietnam War. It then presents the teaching of the Diamond Sutra, where the Buddha challenges the bodhisattva to practice acts of generosity without being attached to the signs of self, person, living being, and life span. Nhat Ha.nh's teaching of interbeing is invoked to help explain the dialectical logic of the Diamond Sutra. Finally, the same bodhisattva ideal is shown to be found in the teaching and example of Jesus in the New Testament. The paper concludes with the belief that both Christianity and Buddhism demand from their followers a radical transformation of consciousness that transcends egoism and dualism. KEYWORDS: nonduality, peace activism, Thich Nhat Ha.nh, Sermon on the Mount, Jesus as bodhisattva, INTRODUCTION The past few years have witnessed an aggravation of polarization in American domestic affairs and world politics. On critical issues such as racial justice, the Covid vaccine reception, the [...]

The year 2024 marks the 100th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Turkiye and Japan. The Republic of Turkiye and Japan established diplomatic relations on August 6, 1924. The legacy of the Ertugrul incident was firmly entrenched between the two countries. On the other hand, although there is no conflict between Turkiye and Japan due to their geographical distance, it is also difficult to foster a concrete cooperative relationship. For this reason, the relationship between the two countries was often referred to as 'romanticism.' Furthermore, to take a deeper look at the relationship between Turkiye and Japan, it is essential to better understand the issues that each other faces. This article looks back at the past relationship between the two countries, in which it was difficult to see a concrete cooperative relationship despite the good relationship, and examines the diplomatic constraints and public opinion that Japan faces and what areas the two countries will pursue in more concrete ways in the future. The study considers whether such cooperation is possible, mainly from Japan's perspective. Keywords: Japan, Turkiye, Pacifist State, Human Security, Natural Disaster, Introduction The year 2024 marks the 100th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Turkiye and Japan. The Republic of Turkiye and Japan established diplomatic relations [...]

As in any historical context, the evolution of strategies for legitimizing war mirrors a more inclusive evolution of the dominant political, legal, and even ethical criteria. Notably, despite the persistence of a generically pacifist culture the past three decades have witnessed a progressive re-legitimization of the use of force. This shift has been underpinned by a diverse and heterogeneous set of justifications: the defense of international law, first and foremost, the progressive extension (almost indefinitely) of the right to self-defense, the right or duty of humanitarian interventions, and, at its most extreme, the imperative to eliminate criminal or antisocial actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to comprehensively analyze and evaluate the contributions of Thich Nhat Hanh, a prominent Buddhist monk, poet, and peace activist, in the field of mindfulness. By examining relevant literature, including scholarly articles, books, and interviews, this review synthesizes and discusses Thich Nhat Hanh's impact on the understanding, practice, and application of mindfulness. The findings highlight his pioneering efforts in popularizing mindfulness, promoting engaged Buddhism, and shaping mindfulness-based interventions. Thich Nhat Hanh's invaluable contributions continue to inspire individuals and professionals in the field, fostering personal well-being, social transformation, and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document "From the 'old internationalist' to the author of Nach Paris! - Louis Dumur collaborator of the European Courier" from the Cahiers Louis Dumur traces the journey of Louis Dumur, writer and journalist, from his beginnings in left-wing magazines to his collaboration with the European Courier. Dumur, former director of L'Européen, then founded Le Courrier Européen in 1904. He was involved in pacifist, religious, and artistic causes, while criticizing religion and defending internationalist ideas. His work was marked by passionate debates and controversies, particularly on the issues of pacifism and religion. The main focus of the article is the critique of the play "Kismet" by Dumur, highlighting the machinations plotted by Lucien Guitry before the play's premiere. Dumur denounces the resounding failure of the play and points the finger at those responsible, especially Mr. Guitry. Dumur also discusses the political situation in Russia, particularly the tensions between the Duma and the Throne, emphasizing the political and social issues of the time. Finally, Dumur addresses the issue of anti-Semitism in Finland, denouncing the discrimination faced by the Jewish community in the Grand Duchy. [Extracted from the article]

With the global proliferation of the liberal peace agenda, there has been an increase in attention to the participation of non-governmental organizations (NGO s) in the development and support of national peace agendas. However, with the rise of authoritarian states around the world, and the closing of civic spaces, NGO s have become constrained and limited in their actions. We often see autocratic and repressive regimes not welcoming the implementation of any initiatives that fall outside the scope of their official negotiation platforms, and therefore, limiting the participation of their citizens in unofficial peacebuilding initiatives. Through the application of the authoritarian conflict management framework, this article discusses the challenges of carrying out peacebuilding work in such non-permissive environments in the context of the South Caucasus and points out ways that local peacebuilding organizations and peace activists work around these restrictions to negotiate the reconciliation space that they are attempting to create. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses primarily on the observations and insights of Reinhold Niebuhr, Paul Ramsey, and Stanley Hauerwas regarding violence, just war, peace, and justice. Niebuhr emphasized the proximity of justice to agape ; however, due to the hindrance of sin, it is impossible for humanity to realize this moral ideal in history, and it thus requires the power to seek justice and peace. Ramsey expanded on Niebuhr's political realism and considered a "statecraft" that seeks to maintain a rightful order of justice. Hauerwas has expressed his criticism of political realism and the concept of just war, expounding on his pacifist thoughts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The perspective that we can classify all violence as inherently unethical is complicated by the reality that in certain contexts, violence stands to be the most viable way to minimize harm or overcome grave injustices and violations of human freedom. But if nonviolence isn't always successful on its own, and political violence seems incomplete without pacifist ideals, where do we draw the line? The conversation surrounding the morality of violence has been a subject of much debate and academic inquiry. On one end of the spectrum exists absolute pacifists, who maintain that violence is inherently immoral and therefore impermissible in all cases. While contingent pacifists deviate from this extreme by allowing for exceptions where violence may be deemed ethical, there is significant disagreement over what conditions could justify such exceptions. By drawing from Simone de Beauvoir's Existentialist work titled "The Ethics of Ambiguity," this paper proposes a new approach to defining the conditions where violence may be morally justifiable within a contingent pacifist framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hayim Jeshurun Katsman, a brilliant academic, intellectual, educator, musician, mechanic, gardener, and peace activist, was tragically murdered in 2023. He was an expert in the study of religious Zionism, the extreme right, and the ultra-Orthodox movement in Israel. His research focused on the tension between religion and modernity within the religious Zionist sector, and he highlighted the heterogeneity of the movement. Katsman was actively involved in academia, teaching courses on politics, society, and culture, and he also engaged in political activism and shared his passion for music. Despite his left-wing alignment, he earned widespread respect for his nuanced perspective and deep understanding of religious Zionism. Hayim embodied principles of humanism and liberalism and ultimately sacrificed himself while shielding others during a terrorist attack. [Extracted from the article]

T.H. White, an acclaimed author and one of the representatives of Fantasy and the Matter of Britain in the twentieth century, explores the topic of war in Arthurian society in the novel The Once and Future King (1958). In this article, I will demonstrate the central conundrum of this political allegory as the opposition of "Might versus Right" and Arthur's endeavours toward solutions against violence and warfare. T. H. White and (by extension) Arthur are trying to find an "antidote to war" by exploring types of governing to pinpoint which one is the most pacifist, inspired by the horrors of the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to comprehend China's foreign policy as the nation takes on the status of a great power. By adopting the Chinese concept of "face" as an analytical tool, my paper illustrates why face as a cultural expression of desire for collective "self-esteem" has been increasingly important to China's current foreign policy, and how the cultural mandate of face informs China's interactions with other nations in order to strive for national self-esteem. It reveals the motivational, cognitive, and behavioural logic behind China's decision to participate in global governance and partnership diplomacy, as well as its use of coercion. The article suggests that China as a great power is neither innately pacifist in maintaining the status quo nor hardwired with revisionist aims to overthrow the existing international order. Instead, its behavioural tendencies largely depend on how other parties can fulfil its desire for face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article in the magazine "Tiempo de Paz" commemorates the 40th anniversary of the publication, highlighting its importance in promoting peace and reflecting on conflicts and human values. The magazine addresses topics such as the pacifist movement, the culture of peace, current conflicts, and the need to revitalize the United Nations to promote peace. The collaboration of individuals such as Francisca Sauquillo and Teresa Rodríguez de Lecea in the direction of the magazine is highlighted. [Extracted from the article]

The article in the magazine "WeltTrends" is an obituary for Wilfried Schreiber, who passed away in November 2024 at the age of eighty-seven. Schreiber was a dedicated peace activist and author who advocated for a dialogue-oriented policy of détente. He was a significant participant in the peace movement and made extraordinary contributions to peace research. His commitment and ideas are preserved in honorable memory. [Extracted from the article]