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Faced with the challenges of modernization, Turkish society has experienced significant cultural changes since the late Ottoman Empire period. To achieve faster and smoother modernization, the government has embraced the creation and implementation of cultural policies. The principles of the conservative modernization program in the Ottoman Empire were based on gradually and partially adopting Western culture. While aiming to introduce unfamiliar ideas to society and create a transition between the Western world and society without causing significant harm to the cultural fabric, the state acted quite cautiously. Instead of directly copying and adopting Western norms, it aimed to introduce a new “modus vivendi” to the public by presenting a system that is reasonable to adopt in its own way against extreme examples that may provoke a reaction. Theater has become an important source of entertainment and cultural enrichment for Turkish people, reaching various parts of the country and attracting more viewers every day. After 1985, many theaters faced challenges in filling their seats, with performances often attended by only a few rows of spectators. This change resulted in a range of venues, from alternative spaces to traditional theaters. Alternative theaters, hosting smaller audiences of 30-50 people and often featuring amateur actors, have become platforms for recent graduates or current students of conservatories to showcase their talent. These "small theaters" resemble mini-schools with their semi-educational atmosphere. State and City (Municipality) Theaters follow a certain tradition, receiving funding to ensure high-quality performances in terms of actors, stage design, costumes, and music. Turkish-funded theaters, occasionally representing Turkish theater abroad, excel in style, acting, and bold performances compared to many subsidized theaters in other countries. They also put on plays which are highly political and it seems subsidized theaters will continue to be the most "political" theater groups in the country, alongside the declining number of political-social theater companies [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberalism is getting more intense in line with the increasing democratization of Indonesia's post-Reformation political economy. The discourse of neoliberal freedom that positions individuals as a commodity and an object of administration leads to a process of depoliticization of the subject which is increasingly becoming a serious challenge for the Indonesian norm of collectivity. In moving toward an answer to this challenge, this experience-based article presents the spirit of Laku Aktor in the Indonesian theatrical acting system as a form of political subject category that can be positioned as a counter-discourse to the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article titled "Acting Funny on the Catalan Stage. El teatre còmic en català (1900-2016)", professors John London and Gabriel Sansano present a collection of contributions about humor in Catalan theater. The book examines the influence and reception of humor, the humorous strategies used in writing, and the interpretation techniques used in Catalan theater. The inheritance of the codes of Commedia dell'Arte and the militant and contestatory projection of humor in Catalan theater are highlighted. The editors argue for the relevance of this publication in the context of the pandemic and war, where humor becomes a balm to face uncertain times. The article discusses the law of comedy that explains how the more opposed the elements in conflict are and the more dislocated the situation is, the more comedic the result will be. The laughability of Commedia dell'Arte is mentioned, and how the masks in this form of theater arise from the comic opposition of the characters. The historical journey of comic theater in Catalonia is also discussed, from jesters and fools to political theater. Some notable actors and companies are mentioned, such as Joaquim Moreno i Delgado, Els Joglars, and Xavi Castillo. [Extracted from the article]

The White Card (2018) and Fairview (2018), two recent plays by contemporary Black female playwrights Claudia Rankine and Jackie Sibblies Drury, raise questions about how overcoming socially constructed racial categories presupposes the idea of a (theatrical) community as the conceptual framework that informs theater's political efficacy. As such, The White Card and Fairview register the inherent fissures and cleavages that result from various processes of racialization structuring the theatrical performance itself. This article suggests that the plays by Rankine and Drury create a form of theatrical dissensus that fundamentally disrupts how issues of race and racism are rendered tangible in theatrical performances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article focuses on the tension arising from Pavel Katenin's aesthetic and literary vision for the reception of Antiquity in Russian mythological drama: his avid support of Classical purism and his denunciation of dramatists, for whom ancient myths served merely as a resource of historical parallels, is challenging to reconcile with the revolutionary conception of his play Andromache. The paper argues that Katenin regarded antiquity as an idealized universe from which numerous motifs could be drawn for inspiration. Semantic and structural means employed in the tragedy are analyzed as shedding light on the extent of Katenin's transformation of the ancient myth to reflect the ideology of his time. The paper suggests that Classical antiquity served as a "mask," allowing contemporary Decembrist circles to apply ancient models and situational resolutions to their own political crises. The dramatist's conflation of masked political ideology with extreme innovation and intricate intertextual allusion is put forward as a cause of the brevity of the stage life that Katenin's Andromache was allowed in St. Petersburg's Bolshoi Theater. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-truth is one of the trendy concepts of the modern-day in the fields of social sciences, as well as the actual politics. It simply indicates the strengthening importance of emotions and personal beliefs in the shaping of ideas, rather than the objective facts. In this study, it is analyzed whether neo-Ergenekon debate in Turkey may be seen as an example of post-truth politics. Neo-Ergenekon thesis, which has been persistently expressed in certain intellectual circles for the last a few years, asserts that President Erdoğan or his party cannot actually govern Turkey because the old deep state staff called "Ergenekon" have regained control of the state and forced him to submit to them. This study defends that assumptions, political past and the current intellectual chamber of those people who voice this thesis are compatible with some key conditions of the post-truth politics, especially with the effects of cognitive bias and groupthink. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s, a network of politicians, media, businesspeople, clergy, expatriates, and activists coalesced on Canada's political right wing to provide tangible support to white minority regimes in southern Africa. But what did white minority rule represent to these individuals and groups, and why were they willing to endure reputational costs and other penalties on behalf of Pretoria and Salisbury? Drawing on newly declassified material from Canadian, British, and South African archives, this article argues that white South Africans and Rhodesians were designated as part of the Canadian political right's in-group, or "moral circle of concern," seen to be combating the same existential threat posed by the advance of "liberalism" in other political theaters. Mapping this network of support for white minority rule not only offers insight into the history of conservatism in Canada but reveals much about the spread of norms of racial equality in the late 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Olivia Cheung's book "Factional‐Ideological Conflicts in Chinese Politics: To the Left or to the Right?" offers a comprehensive analysis of ideological struggles among China's leaders from the 1960s to the present. The book focuses on elite power struggles between left and right factions by examining local-level models used to challenge the party line and shape China's future. Cheung's study highlights the role of factions in shaping major policy areas over the last six decades, emphasizing the importance of ideological commitment in elite politics. The book also discusses the impact of Xi Jinping's centralization of power on factional conflicts and policy-making processes in China. [Extracted from the article]

This essay discusses how productions of Shakespeare’s plays that transcend various geographical, national, and linguistic boundaries have influenced the theatrical-political discourse in East-Central Europe in the twenty-first century. It focuses primarily on the work of four internationally-established directors: Andrei Şerban (Romania), Jan Klata (Poland), David Jařab (Czech Republic), and Matei Vișniec (Romania), whose works have facilitated interregional cultural exchange, promoting artistic innovation and experimentation in the region and beyond. Among the boundary-crossing productions analysed in detail are Vișniec’s Richard III will not Take Place, Jařab’s Macbeth – Too Much Blood, Klata’s Measure for Measure, and Serban’s Richard III. The essay also notes that while there has been a relative scarcity of Shakespearean productions in this region engaging closely with gender and race inequalities, productions such as Klata’s African Tales or Vladimír Morávek’s Othello manage to work with these politically charged topics in subtler but still productive ways. The essay concludes that the region’s shared historical experience of totalitarian regimes followed by the struggles of nascent democracies, provides a fertile ground for a diverse and internationally ambitious Shakespearean theatre. The publication of the article was supported by the International Visegrad Fund, project no. 22210007, titled “Crossing Borders with Shakespeare since 1945: Central and Eastern European Roots and Routes.” The project is co-financed by the Governments of the Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia through Visegrad Grants. The mission of the Fund is to advance ideas for sustainable regional cooperation in Central Europe.

This article is a review of the book "Poe and Women: Recognition and Revision," which explores the relationship between Edgar Allan Poe and women. The book examines how Poe's portrayal of women characters influenced women writers and artists. It includes essays by various women critics who analyze Poe's themes and characters from different perspectives, as well as the contributions of women scholars from foreign countries. The book also explores cinematic and comic book adaptations of Poe's stories, as well as his influence on female pulp writers and contemporary horror writers. Overall, the book highlights the importance of women's influence on Poe's life and the lasting impact of his work on women creators. [Extracted from the article]

The Italian classicist Ettore Romagnoli (1871–938) is mostly remembered as a popularizer of ancient drama through his work as a translator for and artistic director of classical performances at the Greek theatre of Syracuse (1914–27). His theatrical productions were inspired by a programmatic aesthetic approach to the study of classical culture called 'artistic Hellenism', which aimed at making the Graeco-Roman classics accessible to a broader audience, as well as renewing Italian prose theatre by referring to the example of the ancient chorodidaskalos. This article aims to describe Romagnoli's attempt to promote his aesthetics in the staging of Greek drama within the cultural framework of Fascism. Even after his dismissal from the artistic direction of the National Institute of Ancient Drama, which he helped to establish in 1925, Romagnoli strove to find the financial support for his project of a 'Fascist Institute of Classical Drama'. This Institute never became a reality and was probably intended to compete with the classical productions staged at Syracuse, which in the thirties were undergoing a shift in terms of aesthetics and production management according to the new Fascist politics about theatre matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain the two concepts that characterize the two stages of Angélica Liddell’s production in the 21st century: the «poetic violence» is related with politically oriented texts and shows that directly attack capitalist social organization and Western immigration management policies. Since 2008 until nowadays, however, Liddell conceive her work as an act of «poetic sacrifice» whose ultimate function is to integrate the dark aspects of our «nature» into the identity of the human being without any political implication.

In this paper we analyze the break down in the political agencement of a theater workshop, carried out during 2019 and early 2020 in the neighborhood "Pozo de Cañada", a rural settlement on the outskirts of a city in the interior of the Province of Córdoba, within the framework of a political-social organization of the Confederation of Workers of the Popular Economy (CTEP). For this purpose, we use the systematization of experience in conjunction with ethnography, from a slow description. The political agencement of this organization was composed of a socialist and anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, anti-colonialist and antipatriarchal ideology, and daily practices, in which we participated as workshop participants. We identified in the territorial work the predominance of a top-down interventionist logic, instead of a bottom-up community action, characteristic of Latin American community psychology, as well as contradictions between what we said and what we did, between the political ideology and the daily micro-politics. We can think of these tensions in the counterpoint between a classic militant ethos and a new militant ethos, between neoliberal capitalism and popular economy, between a still structural reticularity of patriarchy and feminisms. Situated in the midst of these tensions, as the days went by, amidst gossip, vacuums, silences and hurtful oversights, something broke down, opening ethical-political and affective differences that dissolved the theater workshop. We believe it is valuable to recognize the ruptures left by territorial experiences in order to continue cultivating strategies and tactics as fertile casuistry to fertilize the seeds of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an interview with theatre director Gábor Tompa, who discusses his fascination with the works of Molière and his approach to staging them. Tompa believes that Molière's plays still hold relevance today due to their exploration of hypocrisy and political intrigue. He approaches these thematically complex plays from an aesthetic perspective, incorporating contemporary elements to highlight their enduring themes. Tompa also discusses his interpretation of "The Misanthrope" as part of a trilogy with "Tartuffe" and "Dom Juan." [Extracted from the article]

One of the most spectacular characteristics of English Renaissance theatre is the propensity for battle scenes. Between 1576 and 1616, battle scenes appear in a third of all surviving plays and, judging from the titles, the frequency may have been even higher in the lost plays. The popularity of battle scenes is indicative both of early modern fascination with history as spectacle and of the imminence of contemporary warfare, especially in the final decades of the reign of Elizabeth I. Based on quantitative studies, this paper offers a survey of the evolution and proliferation of battle scenes in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and I will critically assess the general assumption that battle scenes eventually waned from the early modern stage as a consequence of the ascent to the throne of the peace‐seeking James I. For reasons to be discussed, it is quite unlikely that James's doctrine on foreign politics had any significant effect on the staging of war in theatre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout Atlantic modernity, maroon and buccaneer encounters have generated long-lasting legacies that remain largely unexplored. In this essay I trace how these encounters included various forms of mutual recognition among Saint-Domingue's black and white clandestine people. This history of mutual recognition sheds fresh light on the cultural and ideological context informing the role maroon societies were playing in fomenting slave insurrection in the events leading up to the Haitian Revolution. I also argue that it contributed to the development of Haiti's postcolonial identity, folklore, politics, and popular theater. My main sources are colonial records, place names, Vodou mythology, and Haitian intellectual and literary history. I focus on the emergence of zombie and pirate lore as it became one of the most enduring legacies of mutual maroon and buccaneer recognition in Haiti and the Atlantic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Onscreen/Offscreen" by Constantine V. Nakassis is a monograph that provides an in-depth exploration of the politics within the Tamil film industry in India. The book examines the gendered politics in Tamil commercial cinema, highlighting the discrimination faced by actresses and the cultural norms that discourage them from playing the role of the heroine. It also delves into the ontological politics that occur in theaters, film sets, and everyday sociocultural lives in the region. Nakassis's analysis of the Tamil film industry contributes to fields such as linguistic anthropology, film studies, and South Asian studies, making it a valuable resource for researchers and students in these areas. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ERAS: European Review of Artistic Studies is the property of European Review of Artistic Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the hardest things to convey to present-day readers of modernist drama is the power it had to shock turn-of-the-century audiences. Defining shock as a "structure of feeling" (Raymond Williams) that was pursued in especially teachable ways by the modernist "play of ideas," this essay shares a set of pedagogical strategies for helping students to feel this shock while also reflecting on the political implications of an art committed to shock. Among these teaching strategies are two attempts to set this "terrible art" (G. B. Shaw) in new, revealing contexts: (1) comparing the modernist theater to non-theatrical practices that attach ideas to structures of feeling besides shock, and (2) pairing modernist plays that "shock" their audience in pursuit of a feminist politics with contemporary plays that "destroy the audience" (Young Jean Lee) in pursuit of an anti-racist politics. The result is not to lionize shock as a universal ideal, but to explore it as a tactic—useful in some settings, harmful in others; always distributing its benefits and its costs unevenly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Post-Independence era, the prolific playwrights of India started using the aesthetic form of theater to contest authoritarian structures, and to voice their antiestablishment dissent. Utpal Dutt, a pioneering figure in Modern Indian Theater, used the medium of drama for propaganda and political conscientization of the oppressed. The indefatigable thespian contributed significantly towards the formation of modern Bengali theater, as his plays voiced his intransigent protest against the authoritarian government and concurrently, showed his impressive experimentation with different dramatic techniques, theatrical devices and theatrical genres. Dutt's anti-establishment play, Nightmare City presents a fastidious account of the turbulent years of late-1960s and early-1970s Bengal gripped by Naxalite violence and police brutalism. Set against the backdrop of Naxalite insurgency, the play savagely exposes the ideological hypocrisy of the autocratic government leaders of the time and their violent hooliganism. However, the playwright, in sync with his earlier plays, has not only portrayed the tumultuous sociopolitical ambiance of the 70s Calcutta, but has also constructed a soul-shattering voice of resistance to the political oppressions perpetuated by the state apparatuses. The objective of this paper is to study the revolutionary propaganda of Dutt and redefine his concept of "political theater" with special reference to his intricately structured political satire, Nightmare City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of this scientific paper is the indispensable connection between politics and theater, their interdependence in social and political relations. In a given country, without people, or more precisely, without actors who represent them in a theatrical performance, there is no history, no politics, no culture, no theater, and no political events in a certain time, space and territory. Political events from the recent or distant past are often the subject of staged plays. Such theater becomes political theater. Through the performance, the theater can perceive certain subjects, in specific situations, and solve their problems in their own way, as well as critically explain and interpret them, from the aspect of results, effects and consequences. In the paper, the authors indicate the distinction between Aristotle's theater and Brecht's theater, which is manifested in their different function and relationship to the state. Namely, Aristotle's theater supports the existing state order as a divine order, while Brecht destroys the state order through theater. Brecht's theater becomes a political theater, its role is to awaken and change the consciousness of the audience and to convert it in the direction of an ideology, which as such will make its contribution to the state.

Copyright of Reflexão & Ação is the property of Universidade de Santa Cruz do Sul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reflexão & Ação is the property of Universidade de Santa Cruz do Sul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay examines the origins and implications of Martin's Month's Mind (1589), a piece attributed to Thomas Nashe, and written as part of the Anglican establishment's response to the Martin Marprelate pamphlets (1588–1589). It makes three related arguments. First, it highlights Nashe's engagement with strategies of early Tudor drama in writing this polemical prose work, such as allegorical purgation of evil, vice antics, the deathbed confession, and the mock testament. Second, it draws connections between this pamphlet and theater companies and their patrons to which it alludes, examining the role of theater as a political weapon to expose faction and to attack patrons of political opponents. It explores what it was meant to achieve and to whom and under what circumstances it created a proto-public sphere. Finally, it shows the power of drama to insert itself into a late sixteenth-century pamphlet war, where earlier Tudor polemical dramatic conventions worked as powerful tools, instruments known for their effective management of political causes. With those dramatic appropriations, Martin's Month's Mind made a case for publicly canvassed argument, offering its audience a sense of political awareness and of their own authority as questioning and engaged citizens. [J.I.] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab Political Theater and the Manifestations of the Revolt: The Case of the Diwan Al-Zinj Play of Azzeddine Al-Madani ABSTRACT: The Arab political theater emerged as a result of the Arab revolutions and political fluctuations in the Arab This happened especially when Arabs were shaken by the humiliating news of the setback. In fact, this was a strong motivation for the movement of Arab playwrights towards political theater and towards adopting revolutionary dimensions. This motivation is played by striking the strings of popular consciousness and enlightening the Arab mind in order to reach the desired goal of political theater. The present article tries to reach the nature of the relationship between Arab political theater and the revolutionary dimensions in the work of Azzeddine Al-Madani, Diwan Al-Zinj. It also seeks to uncover the nature of the artistic, social and cultural interaction between theater and Arab political reality. RÉSUMÉ : Le théâtre politique arabe est apparu à la suite des révolutions et des fluctuations politiques dans la région du monde arabe, et notamment lorsque le peuple arabe a été secoué par l’humiliante nouvelle du revers. Ceci a donné un fort motif aux dramaturges arabes d’aborder le théâtre politique et adopter ses dimensions en jouant sur l’illumination des esprits et l’élévation des consciences dans l’espoir d’atteindre l’objectif escompté du théâtre politique. À la lumière de ce qui précède, notre article tente d’explorer la nature de la relation entre le théâtre politique arabe et ses dimensions révolutionnaires dans le discours de la pièce théâtrale Diwan Al-Zinj du dramaturge tunisien Azzeddine Al-Madani, ainsi que la révélation de la nature des chevauchements artistico-politico-culturels entre le théâtre et la réalité politique dans le monde arabe.

The anonymous tragedy Arden of Faversham has long been recognized as a play that explores the intersection of the public and private spheres of early modern English life, an intersection articulated through the use of violence as a means of political dissent against oppressive patriarchal and class structures. This essay reconsiders the efficacy of the play’s revolutionary violence, arguing that it fails to produce coherent dissent and instead replicates the preexisting systems of relational violence in early modern culture. Close inspection of violent events and characters reveals that the various early modern groups represented in the conspiracy are not as effectively aligned as they seem, and even the counterviolence of state authorities is tainted by equivocality and instability. In this play, violence ultimately fails either to carve out a space for empowerment for the conspirators or to consolidate completely the power of the state to exercise legitimate violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For myriad legitimate reasons professional wrestling is often regarded as antithetical to sport. Despite the sporting tropes used by wrestlers, the spectacular characterization and fictionalized storylines mean this form is better categorized alongside contemporary performance practice. However, it sits oddly alongside theatre too as its athleticism undoubtedly resembles sport; in addition, its history of dubious taste and associations with reactionary politics counter the stage's typical progressive associations. This article does not try to solve wrestling's composite identity. Rather, it accepts and uses its unique liminal lexicon to unsettle typical understandings of sport and performance art. Unpacking the wrestling notion of blading through a famous match and an infamous sporting event, it rereads a specific moment in sports history, a moment when blood appears as a visual signifier as it might do on a stage. It connects this to the blood-letting of contemporary performance practice, using wrestling as a bridge. If read alongside a history of professional wrestling, the blood of the stage and the field are imbued with new meaning, destabilizing straightforward historiographies and disciplinary definitions, and the bodies that take part in them. This approach uses professional wrestling to question the easy demarcation of sport and performance art, engendering new, often disturbing, associations. It demands a reading of blood less as an unfortunate by-product of sporting endeavour and more as a striking, performative image that erases the typical barrier between sport and art. This article proposes, then, that understanding this (and comparable moments) through the lens of professional wrestling muddies definitions of sport and performance, opening up new cross-disciplinary dialogues and methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this collaboration, we provide clear evidence of how Antonio García Gutiérrez's political theater serves as a platform to present his liberal political thought to the public and to urge citizens to mobilize against abuses of power. Drawing inspiration from past warlike events, García Gutiérrez crafts the plots of El Trovador (1836) and Juan Lorenzo (1865) to allow the audience to interpret them as relevant to the present. Amid the turmoil of military pronouncements and revolutions in Spain, our author takes the side of the liberal cause and declares himself a defender against abuses of power. Through his dramas, he promotes patriotic theater and contributes to the political socialization of Spaniards, as well as to the reinforcement of patriotic and nationalist sentiments. Beyond the confines of the theater of confrontation between absolutists and liberals, García Gutiérrez's plays aim to reject dogmatic thinking and defend freedom of speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the institution of dramaturgy in theatre as an agency of mediation. The term »dramaturgy« still has a double meaning in most European languages. In many situations, it continues to designate the art of writing plays, and a dramaturge in French or Spanish is also a playwright. However, a few years ago, the originally German notion of the dramaturge also started spreading into other European languages and into theatre in Europe and around the world. This article traces the evolution of dramaturgy from its first appearance in the works of Gotthold Ephraim Lessing to its use in contemporary independent theatre – especially in the sector that is referred to as the Freie Szene in German. Dramaturgy came into existence during the transition from the episteme of »representation« to the episteme of »man« diagnosed by Michel Foucault (2003). Once the sovereign had exited the stages of theatre and politics, Lessing, the first dramaturge in history, searched for another affective bond between the isolated »subjects of interest« (Foucault 2004b) in civil society. Lessing translated Denis Diderot's treatise on a theatre of intimate scenes into German; these scenes, hidden behind an invisible fourth wall, were to be watched by a public consisting of mere »witnesses one does not know about« (Diderot 1996, 336). It is especially remarkable how Lessing's interpretation of Diderot as well as his own work as a dramaturge was shaped by Protestantism. His theatre was supposed to mediate a clear message that concerned each of the individuals assembling in the theatre directly. A comparison between Lessing's reading of Aristotle's Poetics and Luther's brief notes on Protestant liturgy shows that both understood the proceedings – the performance of a play or service – not as a ritual that is temporally structured by poetics or liturgy but as an event that conveys a certain message. For Luther, the clear reading of the translated bible and the sermon were central to the service; Lessing, who fiercely fought Johann Christoph Gottsched's attempts to write a new poetics of the theatre, translated and reinterpreted Aristotle's concept of kátharsis into a concept centered on feeling pity for human beings »of the same stamp and grain« (Lessing 1988, 422). Theatre, like the service, became an event that concerns each visitor directly. Dramaturges exercise what Foucault calls »pastoral power« (cf. Foucault 2004a, 173–200, and passim) and become the herdsmen of the spectators assembled to cry for their own kind. Their regulative position is thus related to that of the police (Schiller 1982; Vogl 2006; 2008; Müller-Schöll 2020). But the post-sovereign and – not just in Lessing's case – eminently Protestant governance of affects is again and again confronted by the persistence of the representation of sovereignty despite the epistemic transformation to »man« analyzed by Foucault, not only in the colonies of European states (Spivak 2008) but also in a playful, but not always harmless way in state and city theatres, where it takes the form of (artistic) directors acting as eccentric and intrusive »berserks«. The dramaturge is assigned to those sovereigns as a consultant and mediator who has the rehearsal schedule at hand and communicates with the media und the public. Due to his or her knowledge of post-sovereign techniques of government, the dramaturge can escape the tyrannic rule of the berserk directors. In his analysis of the German baroque Trauerspiel, Walter Benjamin finds that the Janus-headed, double figure of the sovereign and martyr is always assigned an intriguer, who he analyzes as the »forerunner of the ballet master« – and thus also of the dramaturge, who does not decide himself, but mediates and plays the »human affects as creature's calculable mechanism« (Benjamin 1997, 274). After discussing the historical definition of dramaturgy as a means to mediate civil society to itself, this text addresses the textual infrastructures of contemporary independent theatre in Germany, where the scene, due to sizeable public funding, is somewhat different to similar scenes in most other countries. The notion of infrastructure is put forth to designate the persistent dispositions that furnish environments (Peters 2015) and constitute what can and cannot be perceived. Hence, as long as infrastructure functions, it tends to escape perceptibility. Theatre depends on electricity, a water supply, streets, and the like, but as Jean-Jacques Rousseau already remarks in his long letter to Jean Le Rond d'Alembert, it does not just require infrastructure but also generates it (Rousseau 1978). However, in this text, the notion of infrastructure will not only be limited to technological facilities but will also be used to describe the modes of subjectivation, the basic assumptions, and the silent convictions that keep the theatre business going. As one example of textual infrastructure, the text will examine tender offers for independent theatre projects. This money handed out by cities, regions, or the state is essential for their funding. The proposals and applications generally written by dramaturges are required to be essentially new and innovative, but should also run to schedule (cf. Klug 2021). Textual practices of reading, revising, copyediting, and translating inscribe artistic work into the discourses of the funding institutions and the underlying models of artistic subjectivity. Again, dramaturgy serves to mediate civil society to itself. All these practices address the isolated individuum with its competences of communication, innovation, and commiseration. The outlook given at the end tries to sketch other dramaturgical practices that acknowledge the fragility of all mediation. On the one hand, aesthetic experience can never be fully mediated. On the other hand – and maybe more importantly – not all Earth inhabitants are members of civil society or can be approached by means of the regulating arts of governance that pastoral dramaturgy practices: the question of who can be a member of Western civil societies and appear on their not only theatrical but also political and juridical stages is determined by the harsh and brutal politics of exclusion that neither enable nor require mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Community Connections: Studies on Education, Culture / Közösségi Kapcsolódások: Tanulmányok Kultúráról és Oktatásról is the property of Szeged University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Emblematic of the ubiquitous wet markets in China, the live‐poultry trade has far‐reaching influences on Chinese people's diet, culinary art, social interactions, and cultural identities. Since the COVID‐19 pandemic began, the live‐poultry trade has also borne the brunt of this public health crisis due to its notorious history of spreading avian flu and its association with the spread of coronavirus. There have been serious consequences—successive open‐ended bans on live poultry trade at urban markets have been announced by several cities, Wuxi, China, included. Based on seven‐week field research on a conventional live‐poultry stall at a major wet market in Wuxi, this article examines the live‐poultry stall's work setting, interactions between live‐poultry vendors and consumers in building and practicing culinary values (including food qualities and cooking mastery), ethical issues around live‐poultry slaughtering, and how the local Wuxi government contrives to rehabilitate the city from an "endemic" business via an epidemic. We argue that there are underlying political agendas relating to cravings for modernity and urbanization behind a seemingly radical hygienic discourse, which tends to proselytize cultural customs and suppress the social functions of public space. The live‐poultry stall thus undergoes intersectional framing as a "culinary oasis" versus a "petri dish," and a "social courtyard" versus a "political theater," in this national anti‐epidemic movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The War of Independence led to the appearance of a new musical genre, the patriotic anthem, which served to ignite popular resistance against the French occupation. This patriotic musical literature adopted a new functionality during the regency of María Cristina de Borbón favoring the renewal of the national identity, in accordance with the new model of parliamentary monarchy, through the celebration of progress in the Cortes. This study will reconstruct the political story of the regency of María Cristina de Borbón through the hymns composed by Ramón Carnicer, master and director of the theaters of Madrid, making known and analyzing, within this corpus of works, the hymn Grito santo de paz y contento, in order to appreciate how the composer puts music to some verses that place his hopes in the new parliamentary model and that are a plea for peace and freedom.

Ercüment Behzat Lav was born in the first years of twentieth century and witnessed the historical process from the Ottoman Empire to the new Turkish state. The artist, who saw and heard the wars, political conflicts and exiles that broke out one after another in his own family, had always been in politics as an artist with the contributions of the education he had received. The artist, who witnessed the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the establishment of the new Turkish state, the Atatürk years and the political events that followed, created a research ground in the context of literature, politics and social relations with his attitude that looks at recent Turkish history from the focus of politics and literature. Since the early ages, the relationship of art with the state, power and society has been discussed, and accepted that art and literature enter into close interactions with the material and spiritual institutions of society and power to a certain extent in the process of producing a work. In this context by evaluating Ercüment Behzat Lav’s theater play titled Karagöz Stepte (1940) in the sense of interaction with the elements of politics, and the artist's theatrical writing aspect, which has been brought to the forefront in terms of poetry in the history of literature, by evaluating the close bond that the artist created with the social structure of the period and the political elements has been dealt with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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On the whole, the editors envision their new conception of theatre and politics to shape up as a "dramaturgy of cultural activism" (1). Another aspect is illuminated by the discussion of the German-Swiss theatre collective Rimini Protokoll (ch. 13) and their exploration of a "post-democratic theatre" that foregrounds the politics of controversy over consensus (54). This encompassing volume is best read along the lines of the editors' stated aim to "rethink the critical, creative and activist perspectives on questions of politics and theatre" (1), as its main focus is on a contemporary and international perspective. [Extracted from the article]

This paper investigates Jordanian playwright Nader Omran's adaptation of Shakespeare's Hamlet. It examines Omran's dramatization of the struggle of Arab youths in a region ruled by corrupt leaders. In particular, the paper focuses on how Omran transforms Shakespeare's Ophelia into an assertive and dynamic character to reflect the contemporaneous circumstances and conditions of the Arab World in A Theatre Company Found a Theatre and Theatred Hamlet (1984). In Omran's adaptation, Ophelia's suicide is an act of self-immolation which anticipates Tunisian fruit and vegetable vendor Mohammed Bouazizi's act of burning himself in December 2010 since both acts awaken dormant hopes for change and trigger a process of transformation as an inevitable result of years of political oppression and marginalization. In this respect, Omran's play anticipates and predicts recent Arab uprisings that were initiated and led by Arab youths in protest against years of social injustice and exclusion from the political life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article it is analyzed the presence of peasants in the Brazilian theater, in a historical perspective from the pre-coup of 1964 until the recent period, in which connections were established between social movements like MST and political theater collectives and grassroots video. It is object of analysis in this paper the MST relations with these collectives and the places that the theatrical language started to occupy on MST, as well as the influences of several theatrical forms and the relation of this language with the audiovisual. The research seeks to highlight that the relation mediated by the socialization of the artistic means of production can replace the terms of the debate between theme and form: if the land can belong to everyone, art is also an inherent element of the human condition, not only relegated to those who specialized in the craft.

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Copyright of Samuel Beckett Today / Aujourd'hui is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)