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The article aims to link the contents of the latest collection of essays by Giorgio Chittolini, La Chiesa lombarda. Ricerche sulla storia ecclesiastica dell’Italia padana (secoli XIV-XVI) (2021), to the research routes promoted by the author during the past decades, thanks to the work of a large contingent of scholars. A massive campaign, in fact, was undertaken to characterize the late-medieval phase of Italian Church’s history, without reducing its character from the viewpoint of the Counter-Reformation, or the failed Reformation, and above all renouncing the abused category of decline. Therefore, the specific functioning of ecclesiastical institutions and the close relationship established in this period between the Church, the Italian lords and the social elites were studied. The careers of ecclesiastics, studied with a prosopographical approach, the activity of the diocesan curias – with inputs into the issues of documentary systems and judicial settlement of disputes –, the territorial structures of the Church are some areas of this research. The polycentric feature of Lombardy was thus outlined: able to intervene variously on the wealth and offices of the Church were the papal court, the duke and his entourage, the elites of Milan, and of the other cities and towns. This polycentric framework was further articulated thanks to the attention dedicated to the ability of even the smaller communities to construct their own identity by acting for the founding and smooth running of the parish. More recently scholars’ attention has broadened to the religious culture, not only of the elites, in which a large part had an experience of the supernatural based on ritual efficacy, but in which even more intense devotional impulses were active. From this perspective, it was possible to go beyond the stereotypes and shortcomings already denounced by contemporaries (the institutional uncertainties, the lay hoarding of Church’s goods and rights, the ignorance of the lower secular clergy and the fall of monastic ideals, the lukewarm faith of worshipers and so on), and thus understand how this ecclesiastical world was capable of responding to a peculiar sense of the sacred., L’articolo si propone di raccordare i contenuti dell’ultima raccolta di saggi di Giorgio Chittolini, La Chiesa lombarda. Ricerche sulla storia ecclesiastica dell’Italia padana (secoli XIV-XVI) (2021), alle linee fondamentali delle ricerche promosse dall’autore nel corso dei decenni passati e che hanno visto attivo un nutrito gruppo di studiose e studiosi. Un’estesa campagna di studi, infatti, si è impegnata a caratterizzare in modo specifico la fase tardo-medievale della storia della Chiesa italiana, senza appiattirla sugli esiti della Controriforma, o della mancata Riforma, e soprattutto rinunciando all’abusata categoria del declino. Si sono quindi approfonditi i funzionamenti propri delle istituzioni ecclesiastiche e la vicinanza che in questo periodo si è stabilita fra la Chiesa, i principati italiani e le posizioni dell’eminenza sociale. Le carriere degli ecclesiastici, studiate con approccio prosopografico, l’attività delle curie diocesane – con aperture sui temi dei sistemi di scrittura e della mediazione giudiziaria dei conflitti –, le istituzioni territoriali della chiesa sono stati alcuni dei campi di questa ricerca. Per la Lombardia si è così delineato un quadro policentrico – in grado di intervenire a vario titolo sulle ricchezze e le cariche della Chiesa erano la curia romana, l’autorità ducale, la corte, le élites della capitale, delle città e dei borghi –, che si è ulteriormente articolato grazie all’attenzione dedicata alla capacità anche delle realtà minori di costruire la propria identità mobilitandosi per la costituzione e il buon andamento della parrocchia. Più recentemente lo sguardo si è allargato alla cultura religiosa, non solo delle élites, in cui larga parte aveva un’esperienza del sovrannaturale fondata sull’efficacia sacramentale, ma in cui non sono mancati anche più intensi impulsi devozionali. Da questa prospettiva, è stato possibile approfondire il modo in cui, al di là degli stereotipi e delle carenze già avvertite dai contemporanei – le incertezze istituzionali, l’accaparramento laicale dei beni e dei diritti degli enti, l’impreparazione del basso clero secolare e la caduta degli ideali monastici, la tiepidezza dei fedeli e così via –, questo mondo ecclesiastico era capace di rispondere ad una peculiare domanda di sacro.

Il saggio intende indagare le relazioni politiche fra il ducato di Milano e i signori dei Grigioni e delle terre circostanti nella seconda metà del XV secolo, sullo sfondo di lealtà plurali che legavano questi signori anche al duca d’Austria e agli svizzeri. La fonte privilegiata è il carteggio sforzesco, che consente uno specifico esercizio prospettico, quello cioè di osservare il potere locale non nelle sue strutture interne, bensì nelle interazioni con una «potenza» confinante. L’analisi della realtà politica della frontiera che correva fra lo stato regionale italiano governato dagli Sforza e una complessa formazione costituzionale di signorie autonome, feudi imperiali, comunità, labilmente coordinata da un principato vescovile (Coira), intende innanzitutto contribuire alla rivisitazione delle relazioni interstatali premoderne, da alcuni decenni intesa a valorizzare il peso di protagonisti ulteriori rispetto ai governi centrali. Ne emergono infatti dinamiche che consentono di riconoscere l’efficacia dell’iniziativa locale e la molteplicità dei canali anche informali delle relazioni internazionali, nel nostro caso quelli aperti dalle alleanze matrimoniali, dalle pratiche del conflitto, dagli obblighi d’onore, dagli scatti autonomistici di una grande aristocrazia. In secondo luogo, la ricerca consente di approfondire le ragioni di forza e di debolezza della signoria dell’area grigione, dotata di notevoli capacità di reclutamento militare e di mediazione politica fra società locali e più poli statuali, potenzialmente competitivi, ma d’altra parte indebolita dagli ingenti costi economici e dai rischi politici cui esponeva il mantenimento stesso dei ruoli di dominio, e dall’erosione del consenso dal basso. In particolare, quando le fonti consentono di avvicinare alcune realtà di valle fino a scomporne le polarità insediative e le tensioni cetuali, si può cogliere più concretamente l’incipiente processo di crescita delle comunità e delle loro élites, anch’esse in grado di intervenire sulla scena internazionale e di ricavarne le risorse legittimanti che le aiuteranno a promuovere forme nuove di integrazione politica, impostate sulle leghe territoriali. This essay investigates the political relations between the Duchy of Milan and the lords of the Grisons and surrounding areas in the second half of the 15th century, in the context of the multiple loyalties that also linked these lords to the Duke of Austria and the Swiss. The privileged source is the Carteggio sforzesco, a political correspondence which allows us to adopt a specific perspective, that is to observe local power not through its internal structures, but through its interactions with a neighboring state. The political analysis of the boundaries between the Italian regional state governed by the Sforza and a complex constitutional reality of autonomous lordships, imperial fiefdoms, and communities, loosely coordinated by a bishopric (Chur), intends first of all to contribute to the critical revision of pre-modern international relations. For some decades, in fact, we have interpreted international relations as a field of actions which many local subjects (and not just states) promoted. In this Alpine region we can confirm the effectiveness of local initiatives and the multiplicity of channels, formal and informal, through which international relations took place. In our case, marriage alliances, conflicts and especially feud practices, obligations of honor, and the autonomist initiatives of the great aristocracy all developed crucial international consequences. Secondly, this research has permitted us to investigate the reasons for the strengths and weaknesses of the lordship in the Grisons. On one hand, the lords exercised a considerable capacity for the military recruitment and political mediation between local societies and multiple state authorities, which were potentially competitive. On the other hand, they were weakened by the huge economic costs and political risks to which the maintenance of the role of domination was exposed, and by the erosion of consensus from below. In particular, when the sources allow us to go in depth into the political reality of some valleys and to understand the specific patterns of the local tensions there, we can grasp more concretely the development of communities and their elites, which were also able to intervene on the international scene and to obtain the legitimizing resources that would help them to promote new forms of political integration, based on territorial leagues.

Problematyka krajów autonomicznych przykładowo za sprawą Szkocji jest aktualnym tematem badań o charakterze politologicznym. Wdzięcznym polem do pogłębionych badań jest Zjednoczone Królestwo Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej. Analiza adaptowanych w ZK rozwiązań instytucjonalno-prawnych dozwala na sformułowanie hipotezy badawczej, która zakłada klasyfikację Szkocji, Walii oraz Irlandii Północnej jako krajów autonomicznych, w rezultacie kompetencji uzyskanych w ramach procesu dewolucji. W artykule, autorka ustosunkowuje się również do postawionych pytania badawczego, jakie cechy mogą świadczyć o pozycji devolved regions jako krajów autonomicznych, a jakie nie pozwalają na zaliczenie ich do tej kategorii? The issue of autonomous countries, for example through Scotland, is an interesting topic in the field of political research. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is an absorbing field for the deeper research. The analysis of the institutional and legal solutions adopted in the United Kingdom allows for the formulation of a research hypothesis that classifies Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland as autonomous countries, as a result of the competences obtained as part of the devolution process. In the article, the author also responds to the research questions posed which features may indicate the position of the devolved regions as autonomous countries, and which do not allow them to be included in this category?

Sovyetler Birliği dağıldıktan sonra yeni kurulan Orta Asya devletlerinin kendi aralarında ya da dış aktörlerle ne türden siyasi ve ekonomik entegrasyon kuracağı konusu günümüze dek tartışılagelmiştir. Avrasya bölgesi ve özellikle Orta Asya ile etkileşimini arttırmak isteyen Rusya, Çin, ABD, Avrupa devletleri, Türkiye ve İran gibi dış aktörler bölgeyle entegrasyon konusunda birbirlerine rakip haline gelmiştir. Bu rekabet bölgedeki entegrasyon projelerini çeşitlendirmiş, bu projelerin önemini arttırmış ve Rusya'nın öncekilere nazaran daha iddialı bir kurum olan Avrasya Ekonomik Birliği'ni kurmasının itici gücünü oluşturmuştur. Entegrasyon sürecinde Avrasya bölgesinin geldiği noktayı, entegrasyonun türünü ve onu etkileyen dinamikleri anlamak için bu tez çalışmasında; Avrasya'daki bölgeselleşme, bölgecilik ve bölgeyle etkileşim kuran başlıca aktörlerin ilişkisi incelenmiş ve Ernst B. Haas ve Philippe C. Schmitter'ın entegrasyon koşulları Avrasya Ekonomik Birliği'ne uyarlanarak uygulanmıştır. Bu çalışma ile Orta Asya'da bölgeselleşme ve bölgecilik süreçleri ele alındığında en çok ön plana çıkan entegrasyon projesinin Rusya liderliğindeki Avrasya Ekonomik Birliği olduğu ortaya çıkarılmıştır. Bu entegrasyon süreci ulus üstü özelliklerden çok hükümetlerarası entegrasyon özelliklerine sahiptir ve entegrasyonun temel karar alıcıları entegrasyon kurumları değil siyasi liderlerdir. Ayrıca bu çalışmada uygulanan entegrasyon koşullarını yüksek derece karşılayamadığı için Avrasya Ekonomik Birliği'nin ekonomik entegrasyon kurumundan siyasi bir entegrasyon kurumuna dönüşme potansiyelinin yüksek olmadığı sonucu çıkarılmıştır. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, political and economic integration establishing issue of newly-established Central Asian states and the issue of whether this integration will be among themselves or with external actors are still a matter of discussion. External actors who want to increase their interaction with the Eurasian region and especially Central Asia like Russia, China, the USA, European countries, Turkey and Iran have become competitors with each other in the matter of integration with the region. This competition has diversified regional integration projects, increased the significance of these projects, and become the driving force behind Russia's establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union which has been more assertive institution when compared to previous ones. In order to understand the current situation of the Eurasian integration, the type of this integration and integration dynamics which affect it, regionalization and regionalism processes and inter-relation of leading foreign actors were examined in this thesis. And then, Ernst B. Haas and Philippe C. Schmitter's integration conditions were adopted and applied to the Eurasian Economic Union. When the regionalization and regionalism processes of Central Asia was handled, it was concluded that the most forefront integration project is the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union. In this integration, the decision-making process includes more intergovernmental features than supranational ones and major decision makers of the integration are political leaders, not integration institutions. In addition, the Eurasian Economic Union is not likely to transform into a political integration institution from an economic integration institution due to the fact that the low ranking of integration conditions which has been applied in this study. 195

International audience; Die italienischen Inseln konnten, entgegen der oben erwähnten sezessionistischen Forderung, nach der Befreiung mit dem Zentralstaat einen besonderen Status aushandeln, der ihnen ein sehr hohes Maß an Autonomie garantiert und ihre Besonderheit kennzeichnet. Sizilien ist das paradigmatische Beispiel. Der Wunsch nach Unabhängigkeit war jedoch nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg stark ausgeprägt. Der Pragmatismus der politischen Führer der Insel, der mit dem der nationalen Führer geteilt wurde, konnte nach dem Beispiel der spanischen Autonomien einen Mittelweg schaffen, der zwar beruhigend, aber zukünftige nationalistische Impulse nicht ausschließend ist.; The Italian islands, contrary to the secessionist demand mentioned above, were able, after the Liberation, to negotiate with the central state a specific status guaranteeing them a very large degree of autonomy, marking their specificity. Sicily is the paradigmatic example. However, the desire for independence was strong in the aftermath of the Second World War. The pragmatism of the island's political leaders, shared with that of the national leaders, was able to create, following the example of the Spanish autonomies, a middle way, pacifying, but not excluding, however, future nationalist impulses.; Las islas italianas, contrariamente a la reivindicación secesionista antes mencionada, pudieron, después de la Liberación, negociar con el Estado central un estatuto específico que les garantizaba un grado muy amplio de autonomía, marcando su especificidad. Sicilia es el ejemplo paradigmático. Sin embargo, el deseo de independencia fue muy fuerte después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El pragmatismo de los dirigentes políticos de la isla, compartido con el de los dirigentes nacionales, fue capaz de crear, siguiendo el ejemplo de las autonomías españolas, un camino intermedio, pacificando, pero no excluyendo, sin embargo, futuros impulsos nacionalistas.; Les îles italiennes, à rebours de la revendication sécessionniste évoquée précédemment, ont pu, au lendemain de la Libération, négocier avec l’Etat central un statut spécifique leur assurant une très large autonomie marquant leur spécificité. La Sicile en est l’exemple paradigmatique. Pourtant, les velléités indépendantistes étaient prégnantes au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre. Le pragmatisme des responsables politiques îliens, partagé avec celui des dirigeants nationaux, a su créer, à l’instar des autonomies espagnoles, une voie médiane, pacificatrice, non exclusive cependant de poussées nationalistes à venir.; Le isole italiane sono state in grado, all'indomani della Liberazione, di negoziare con lo Stato centrale uno statuto specifico garantendo loro un'autonomia molto ampia che ne caratterizza la specificità. La Sicilia ne è un esempio paradigmatico. Tuttavia, la spinta all'indipendenza è stata forte all'indomani della seconda guerra mondiale. Il pragmatismo dei politici isolani, condiviso con quello dei leader nazionali, ha creato, come le autonomie spagnole, una via di mezzo, pacifica, ma non esclusiva delle future pressioni nazionaliste.

Bu tez çalışmasının amacı, `Bölgeli Devlet Modeli` adı verilen siyasi teşkilatlanma tipini İtalya, İspanya, Portekiz ve Finlandiya ülke örnekleri ve böylece toplamda dört anayasa ile kırk özerklik statüsü üzerinden ortaya koymaktır. Bunun için, öncelikle bir kavram çerçevesi meydana getirilmeye çalışılmış ve söz konusu modelin ortaya çıkışıyla yapısı ve işleyiş şekli bu çerçeve içerisinde ele alınmıştır. Ayrıca, modelin `devlet şekilleri şeması` içerisindeki yeri, Üniter ve Federal Devlet Modelleri ile mukayese etmek suretiyle tespit edilmiştir. Buna göre Bölgeli Devlet Modeli ile ilgili olarak, genellikle azınlık meselelerini çözüme kavuşturmak üzere bir devletin kendi içerisinde siyasi anlamda özerkliği ve bunu teminen bir statüyü haiz bulunan bölgeleri anayasası vasıtasıyla kurup birtakım yetkilerle donattığı ve bu yapının `devlet şekilleri şemasında` bahsi geçen karakteristik özellikleri itibariyle Üniter ve Federal Devlet Modellerinden bağımsız bir mevki işgal ettiği söylenebilecektir. The aim of this thesis is to reveal the type of political organization called `Regional State Model` through examples of Italy, Spain, Portugal and Finland and thus four constitutions with forty autonomy status in total. For this purpose, a conceptual framework is first tried to be set off, and the way of come into being and functioning of the model is handled within this framework. Moreover, the position of the model in the `scheme of state forms` is determined by comparison with the Unitary and the Federal State models. Accordingly, it can be enunciated about the Regional State Model that a state, in order to solve the minority issues in general, establishes and entrusts the regions having political autonomy and status with a number of competences by means of its constitution, and in the `scheme of state forms`, this structure holds an independent position from the Unitary and the Federal State models in respect of characteristic features in question. 219

Досліджена методологічна проблематика суверенітету як чиннику диференціації форми державно-територіального устрою у контексті теорії держави і права – загальнотеоретичної юриспруденції. Зокрема, розглядається методологічний вплив суверенітету на унітарну та регіональну держави, федерацію та імперію. Исследована методологическая проблематика суверенитета как фактора дифференциации формы государственно-территориального устройства в контексте теории государства и права – общетеоретической юриспруденции. В частности, рассматривается методологическое влияние суверенитета на унитарное и региональное государства, федерацию и империю. The article is devoted to methodological problems of sovereignty as a differentiating factor of forms of state and territorial structure within the context of the theory of state and law – general theoretical law. In particular, it is considered methodological influence in the sovereignty of the unitary and regional states, the federation and empire.

Bu çalışmada bölgeli devlet modeli, devlet modellerinden biri olarak incelenmiştir.Öncelikle bölgeye ilişkin kavramlar genel bir perspetktifte ele alındıktan sonra bölgelidevletin diğer devlet modelleri olan federal ve üniter devletten farklılıkları belirtilerekbağımsız bir kategori olduğu ortaya konmaktadır. Bu farklı devlet modeli kategorisininXX. yüzyılda meydana gelme sebepleri irdelenmekte ve daha sonra bölgeli devletintemel ilkeleri/unsurları bölgeli devlet örnekleri çerçevesinde tespit edilmektedir. Venihayetinde bölgeli devlet ile ulus arasındaki ilişki incelenmektedir. In this study, regionalized state was examined as a state model. Primarily, afterconcepts in regard to region is aproached in general perspective, regionalized state isrevealed as a independent category by indicating differences with other state modelswhich is federal state/government and unitary state. Occurrence, which is in XX.Century, reasons of this different state model category is scrutinised and after that basicprinciples/elements of regionalized state is determined under regionalized stateexamples. And ultimately relation between regionalized state and nation is analysed. 393

Bu tez, esasen disiplinler arası bir çalışma olarak düşünüldü. Pozitif hukukun dar sınırlarına bağlı kalmadan, siyaset bilimi, genel kamu hukuku- devlet teorisi ve idare hukuku üçgeninde disiplinler arası bir çalışmanın hem daha özgün, hem daha işlevsel olacağını düşündüm. Bu minvalde, çalışmamızda öncelikle ulus devlet, tarihsel bağlam içerisinde ele alınıp tanımlanacak, dünya sistemi içerisindeki yeri belirlenecek ve ulus devlet sisteminin esasen bir kriz rejimi olduğu iddiasından hareketle, bu krizi aşmanın bir aracı olarak İsviçre Modeli temel tez olarak savunulacaktır. Çalışmamızda metodolojik olarak şöyle bir yöntem izlenmiştir: Birinci bölümde kuramsal tartışmalar çerçevesinde ulus devlet olgusunun tarihsel bağlamda kapsamlı bir analizi yapılacak, güncel bir kriz içerisinde olduğu tespit edilecektir. Bu bağlamda, çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde, krizi aşmanın bir aracı olarak alternatif iddiasındaki iki tez karşılaştırılacaktır. Bunlar; radikal demokrasi tezi ve liberal demokratik tez olarak belirlenmiş olup radikal demokrasi tezinin savunucuları olarak anarşist teorisyen Murray Bookchin'in 'Komünalist Proje- Özgürlükçü Belediyecilik- tezi temel izlek olarak incelenecektir. Bu kapsamda Atina demokrasisi, Paris komünü, Sovyet devriminin ilk yılları ve İspanyol iç savaşındaki doğrudan demokrasi deneyimleri ele alınacak, liberal demokratik çözüm modeli olarak da Avrupa Birliği modeli ele alınacaktır. Ayrıca Fransız ve Amerikan Devrimlerine de bu başlık altında değinilecektir. Çalışmanın üçüncü bölümü, İsviçre Konfederasyonu'nun analizine ayrılmıştır. İsviçre Konfederasyonu, hem sahip olduğu doğrudan demokrasi araçlarıyla radikal demokrasi modeline yakın, hem de Avrupa Birliği değerlerine sahip olduğu için liberal demokratik teze yakın olması dolayısıyla iki tezin sentezi olarak değerlendirilmesi mümkündür. Anahtar Kelimeler Ulus Devlet, Komünalist Proje, Liberteryen (Özgürlükçü) Belediyecilik Teorisi, Avrupa Birliği, İsviçre Kanton Modeli, Bölgesel Demokrasi This thesis is mainly considered as an interdisciplinary study. Without adhering to the narrow boundaries of positive law, I thought that an interdisciplinary work in political science, general public-state theory and administrative law triangle would be more original and more functional as well In this way, in our work, firstly the nation state will be handled in the historical context and its place in the world system will be determined and Swiss Model will be defended as a basic thesis that means overcoming this crisis, with the view that the nation-state system is essentially a crisis regime Methodologically such a procedure is followed: In the first part, a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of the nation state in the historical context will be made within the theoretical debates and it will be determined that it is in a current crisis. In this context, in the second part of the study, two theses that claim to be alternative as a means of overcoming the crisis will be compared. These; radical democracy has been identified as a thesis and a liberal democratic thesis and will be examined as the basis of anarchist theorist Murray Bookchin's "Communist Project-Libertarian Municipalism" as an advocate of radical democracy thesis. In this context, the democracy of Athens, the Paris commune, the early years of the Soviet revolution and the experience of direct democracy in the Spanish civil war will be discussed, and the model of the European Union will be considered as a liberal democratic solution model. The French and American Revolutions will also be mentioned under this heading. The third part of the work is devoted to the analysis of the Swiss Confederation. The Swiss Confederation can be regarded as a synthesis of two theses because it is close to the model of radical democracy with the means of direct democracy it possesses and close to the liberal democratic thesis because it has European Union values. Key Words Nation State, Communalist Project, Libertarian Municipality Theory, European Union, Swiss Canton Model, Regional Democracy

Název diplomové práce: federalizaci v Itálii Cílem této diplomové práce je zkoumat tendence k Itálii. Práce je založena především na poznatcích získaných studiem zahraniční odborné literatury a na analýze relevantní italské judikatury. Z hlediska použité metodologie převažuje metoda skriptivní a analytická, okrajově byla použita i metoda komparativní. Práce je členěna do 4 kapitol. První kapitola obsahuje vymezení a teoretický rozbor jednotlivých konceptů, které jsou v práci dále užívány. Druhá kapitola shrnuje vývoj italského regionalismu, a to od počátku sjednocení italského státu až do ústavních reforem, které na přelomu druhého a třetího tisíciletí přinesly zásadní zvrat pro fungování a význam italských regionů. Třetí kapitola se dále věnuje postavení italských regionů a ejdůležitějších rysů italského regionalismu, jež se na základě uvedených ústavních reforem etablovaly v italském ústavním systému. zemi byla zahájena nová etapa, která v italském ústavním systému představila řadu rysů typických pro federace. í regionů bylo klíčové především výrazné posílení jejich statutární autonomie, zákonodárných pravomocí, upevnění jejich pozice na mezinárodním poli a otevření možnosti jednat o dodatečném prohloubení autonomie. Velkou změnou pro regiony bylo rovněž zrušení dozoru, který nad nimi do té doby...

Transformations of forms of state political systems go beyond the established division of states into unitary and federal because it does not fully reflect the complexity of issues related to decentralizing reforms. According to the authors, there exist major differences regarding the classification of states at regional and local level, which do not fall into the fixed diversification between a unitary and federal state. The article proposes an extended classification of the recognized political systems, broadened by a regional and local level, which allows us to distinguish a sub-central system. The authors argue that the main criterion of topology is the relations (competences) between the central (state) government and regional and local governments. The observable vertical distribution of power relates to three levels: local self-government, territorial autonomy and subdividions of a federal state. They are not mutually exclusive; rather, they complement one another.

La Constitución de 1991, fruto de diversas fuerzas políticas, retomó el modelo unitario, cifrando nuevamente en este la tensa relación entre Estado centro y periferia. El modelo territorial y el papel del nivel intermedio fueron levemente transformados en relación con su antecesora, la Constitución de 1886. La Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, si bien tuvo propuestas federales y regionales, optó por el modelo unitario, para lo cual se argumentaron severos temores de fragmentación y protagonismo de los actores armados ilegales en los territorios. Sin duda, un buen momento desaprovechado en razón de los miedos. Cinco ideas se reiteraron en los debates constitucionales: autonomía de las entidades territoriales, profundización de la descentralización, fortalecimiento económico de los entes territoriales, consagración del municipio como eje fundamental del Estado y democracia participativa, eso sí, en el contexto y bajo las limitaciones del Estado unitario. The Constitution of 1991, result of various political forces, returned to the unitary model; encoding in this again the tense relationship between center State and periphery. The territorial model and the role of the intermediate level were slightly changed with regard to its predecessor, the Constitution of 1886. The National Constitutional Convention, despite the fact that had federal and regional proposals, opted for the unitary model, arguing severe fears of fragmentation and leadership of illegal armed groups in then territories. Undoubtedly, a great moment wasted on account of fears. Five ideas were reiterated in the constitutional debates: autonomy of the territorial organizations, intensification of decentralization, economic strengthening of territorial entities, setting up of the municipality as a fundamental core of the state, and participatory democracy; this of course, in the context and under the limitations of the unitary State.