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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the process of institutional structuring of the Spanish non-profit sector in the social services sphere. The study shows how non-profit organisations linked to the Spanish social services system have produced an institutional network of second and third level entities with representative and socio-political advocacy functions. We are interested in the characteristics of this process, the perceptions of those involved and its effects on the formation of the Spanish social welfare model, contextualized in the context of Southern European countries. We conclude that the non-profit sector has not been a subsidiary actor in the formation of the Spanish social services system, instead, it has played an active role in shaping the agenda and structure of public policy in this area. However, this process has also generated an internal tension between collaborative and advocacy positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Voces y Silencios is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Planning Education & Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El objetivo de la presente investigación es analizar la incidencia que tienen las organizaciones de la sociedad civil (OSC) globales en la prevención, atención y lucha contra la trata de personas. La investigación se hizo mediante el método de estudios multicaso. Se analizaron seis OSC: The A21 Campaign, Coalition to Abolish Slavery & Trafficking, Stop the Traffik: People Shouldn’t be Bought or Sold, International Justice Mission: End Slavery in Our Lifetime, Polaris Project y Free the Slaves. En una primera fase se utilizó una metodología documental, a partir del uso de informes anuales de las OSC investigadas, artículos académicos, datos e información existente en los portales oficiales de las OSC, de organismos internacionales y páginas gubernamentales. La segunda fase fue cualitativa, mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas a directivos de OSC y expertos académicos. Las principales acciones directas realizadas por las OSC tienen que ver con apoyo médico, psicológico y acompañamiento a víctimas; programas de reinserción social y asentamiento para las víctimas sobrevivientes; operación de refugios, albergues y casas hogar de protección y rehabilitación para víctimas; asesoramiento jurídico a víctimas; campañas de capacitación, identificación y prevención; educación a través de plataformas sociales; charlas públicas y testimonios; talleres de concientización; líneas nacionales e internacionales de atención y denuncia; aplicaciones tecnológicas de denuncia anónima, y georreferenciación digital de rutas de la trata de personas para el uso de autoridades. Las acciones de incidencia están relacionadas con la incidencia legislativa: copatrocinio de leyes, revisión y apoyo a creación o modificaciones de leyes; colaboración con organismos internacionales, instituciones privadas y otras OSC; participación en consejos y comités gubernamentales; participación en reuniones intergubernamentales e interinstitucionales; participación en foros regionales; creación de grupos de trabajo; marchas y protestas pacíficas.

Tras las últimas dictaduras militares ocurridas en Chile (1973-1990) y Argentina (1976-1983), nos encontramos con procesos sociales que movilizan sentidos sobre la violencia política del pasado reciente e impulsan las políticas de memoria llevadas a cabo por el Estado y por la sociedad civil. En este sentido, este trabajo es una primera aproximación al análisis de los casos de la Venda Sexy y la ex fábrica Fasacal, territorios que evocan memorias denegadas en cuanto a la complicidad empresarial y a la violencia política sexual. No cuentan con agencia activa por parte del Estado, de modo que son, a su vez, reivindicados por la sociedad civil, que ocupa un rol protagónico en la conformación de emprendimientos de memoria. Se observa que la demanda social por el reconocimiento institucional como sitios de memoria sigue siendo central en la agenda política de actores y grupos sociales, sin embargo, la institucionalización como dispositivo aislado no garantiza la promoción y el resguardo por parte del Estado. Es por medio de la agencia de la sociedad civil que se activa, en el presente, la dinámica por las significaciones en torno a los derechos humanos y las reparaciones judiciales a partir de estos territorios de memoria.

This case study analyzed the importance of governance in technology transfer to strengthen the transformation of the dairy sector in the Dairy Association, NUTRILAC, to strengthen the productivity and competitiveness of the sector in the territory of the Sibundoy Valley. To achieve this purpose, the alliance was strengthened between the Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, the Putumayo Technological Institute, the PAS ING-NOVAR company and the NUTRILAC Dairy Association, where each actor highlighted an important role in the implementation and realization of the project, providing financial resources, technical knowledge and experience in technology transfer. The results improved substantially, by installing modern equipment, the collection, storage, sanitation, production and marketing sections, as well as NUTRILAC partners were trained, and the production of peasant cheese, pressed cheese, whole milk and yogurt was optimized. And finally, productivity and sales were increased: we went from producing 320 to 820 peasant cheeses, from 150 to 450 pressed cheeses daily; 1,300 liters a day are being transformed after doing so into 550 liters in a family and domestic manner, evidence that strengthened the governance that existed between the State, the University, the Company and Society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the complex relationship between civil society, social inequality, and nationhood through examining the motivations of elite members of Welsh civil society as they volunteer to serve on the boards of a wide range of Welsh charities. We interviewed nearly 60 trustees and patrons, all of whom enjoyed successful and influential careers in business, politics, or public service. Their narratives reveal diverse vocabularies of motive, but prominent within these is the desire to 'give something back', and not just to society in general but to Wales in particular. While their desire to 'give back' reflects an awareness of their own privileged position, their commitment to Wales can be seen as a response to the country's historic and current dominance by England, as well as a legacy of non-conformism and community. The article concludes by discussing the implications of these narratives for understanding the specificities of 'geographies of responsibility', civil society, and nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this writing, under the precepts of documentary theater, five works of recent Mexican dramaturgy are analyzed: El Jinete de la Divina Providencia (1984), de Óscar Liera; México, USA (1996), de Felipe Santander, Contrabando (1991), de Víctor Hugo Rascón Banda; Música de balas (2012), de Hugo Salcedo y Tártaro. Réquiem de cuerpo presente por el niño que aprendió a matar (2020), de Sergio López Vigueras. All of them address the issue of drug trafficking with the intention of highlighting the disorders it produces in the civilian population. For this reason, we maintain as a main premise that in these dramaturgies the perspective of the victims predominates, positioning the voices that are generally left out in the center. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Fondo Editorial Fundacion Universitaria Luis Amigo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Humanitarian diplomacy is a relatively recent concept that tries to characterize a long-standing process, the negotiations carried out by the different actors involved in a conflict or natural disaster to facilitate humanitarian access; ensure the protection of the civilian population and the humanitarian space itself; and advocate for the observance of international humanitarian law. This article attempts to reflect on the role of civil society organizations in humanitarian diplomacy, briefly analyzing four identified areas of action (intermediation in negotiations between humanitarian actors; political advocacy for the adoption of measures that prioritize humanitarian needs and the protection of vulnerable populations; and documentation and testimony of violations of international humanitarian law); and also addressing situations in which the organizations and their humanitarian staff become targets of attack, stigmatization and criminalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes the possibilities that the analysis of the notion of trust can have in nationalism studies. It is based on a theoretical perspective that emphasizes the emotional experience of the nation and the role of civil society in nationalization processes from below. The proposal is exemplified in the case study of the different mobilizations in what has been called El Procés: the claims for the independence of Catalonia, which took place in this Spanish region between 2012 and 2019. Based on the ethnographic analysis of the elements linked to the holding of the consultation or «referendum» on October 1st, 2017, the text raises the importance of trust in everything related to that action. The high emotional charge that the celebration of a prohibited and repressed act by the Spanish State entailed has turned it into a symbol of the independence movement, from which the various emotions experienced before, during, and after its celebration can be understood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Las elecciones presidenciales de 2021 hicieron que se volviera común hablar de una derecha radical movilizada en Perú. Durante el Gobierno de Pedro Castillo, quien gobernó con bloques de izquierdas entre 2021 y 2022, diversos colectivos de derecha radical se movilizaron permanentemente en las calles de diferentes ciudades en rechazo al Gobierno y a quienes se veían como sus aliados. En un país con partidos y movimientos sociales débiles, donde es particularmente difícil sostener la acción colectiva contenciosa, ¿cómo fue posible que la oposición de derecha radical a Castillo sostuviera protestas durante todo su gobierno? En esta investigación se afirma que la preexistencia de un tejido social derechista, que pudo movilizar recursos, y la percepción de amenaza que implicó la candidatura y Gobierno de Castillo hicieron posible el sostenimiento de la campaña de protesta derechista de 19 meses. Este estudio de caso ofrece lecciones para entender la rapidez con la que se pueden desarrollar las derechas de base, inclusive en contextos con pocos antecedentes. Para avanzar este argumento, se construye una base de datos original de organizaciones y acciones colectivas de protesta de derecha radical, entre mayo de 2021 y noviembre de 2022. Además, se revisan las publicaciones en redes sociales de estos colectivos y se consulta tanto investigación académica como periodística relevante

Citizen participation mechanisms refer to legally constituted dialogue spaces to deliberate or negotiate with public institutions. Here we offer the partial results of a broader investigation of these mechanisms against the government of Mexico between 2019 and 2022. The mechanisms that prevail in Mexico are indicated, with their main characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Planning Education & Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nuevas particularidades de la ultraderecha en América Latina le han permitido ganar poder durante el último par de décadas. Si bien las ideas de fascismo y nazismo reflejaron adecuadamente el desarrollo de fuerzas ideológicas autoritarias, xenófobas y populistas durante la primera mitad del siglo 20, hoy son obsoletas para referirse a las tácticas e impactos de esta nueva ultraderecha. Aunque los marcos conceptuales sobre la cuestión invitan a (re)clasificar las nuevas vertientes ultra de la derecha, el artículo propone una perspectiva relacional que identifica dinámicas, evoluciones y posicionamientos de diferentes expresiones de ultraderecha. Luego de un recorrido conceptual e histórico por las relaciones entre la nueva ultraderecha y el fascismo, proponemos dos avenidas de investigación futuras. Primero, explicamos que el crecimiento de la nueva ultraderecha depende, en gran medida, de la evolución de las relaciones y disputas entre las expresiones institucionales de la derecha, en sus versiones más radicales y moderadas. Segundo, mostramos que explorar el desarrollo de la sociedad civil de ultraderecha en relación con la política institucional es fundamental para entender su reciente expansión.

En América Latina las revueltas urbanas son cada vez más frecuentes y tienen importantes consecuencias. Sin embargo, la mayoría de las investigaciones existentes se basan en estudios de caso, lo cual impide obtener generalizaciones sobre sus causas, dinámicas y consecuencias. En este artículo discutimos la literatura sobre revueltas urbanas en América Latina y proponemos un marco conceptual para estudiarlas. Definimos las revueltas urbanas con base en cuatro atributos, las distinguimos de otras formas de política contenciosa y presentamos proposiciones sobre su desarrollo y dinámicas. Hipotetizamos que las revueltas urbanas son más probables cuando los sectores urbanos y populares no han sido completamente incluidos política, económica y culturalmente; cuando existen lazos débiles e inorgánicos entre élites políticas y ciudadanía; y cuando los sectores populares están débilmente articulados en asociaciones conectadas horizontalmente. Sin embargo, el momento y dinámica de las revueltas dependen de los factores precipitantes, las respuestas gubernamentales y las condiciones para la difusión de las protestas.

Este trabajo analiza la evolución de la noción de paz en el orden internacional, algo que resulta preciso para identificar uno de sus aspectos esenciales en la actualidad: la dimensión humana de este concepto. El objetivo central del estudio es perfilar las consecuencias que la incorporación de la dimensión humana adquiere en el desarrollo de la paz en la sociedad internacional y, por ende, en el comportamiento de los Estados. Se utiliza la metodología propia del ordenamiento jurídico internacional (verdaderamente distinta a la de los ordenamientos jurídicos internos en función de los singulares procedimientos de creación de normas), partiendo del paradigma normativista y tomando como base los postulados y métodos de la práctica internacional que se expresan a través del comportamiento de los Estados y de las organizaciones internacionales; y las posiciones de la doctrina científica. Todo ello en una perspectiva analítica y hermenéutica. Los principales resultados de la investigación advierten que la paz ha evolucionado desde una posición en la que estaba vinculada en exclusividad al ámbito del uso de la fuerza y con el propósito de evitar los actos de agresión, a un enfoque en el que el respeto de los derechos humanos es imprescindible para garantizar la paz y la seguridad internacional. Desde ahí se sientan las bases para proclamar el reconocimiento de un derecho humano a la paz, que todavía no está plenamente consolidado en el orden internacional.

En América Latina, el cáncer infantil incluye una serie de enfermedades que exigen muchos recursos y presentan desigualdades en el acceso a diagnóstico y tratamiento oportunos y adecuados. En este contexto, la sociedad civil juega un papel fundamental en la mejora de los cuidados del cáncer infantil. Las organizaciones de este sector se han fortalecido en la Región para cumplir un papel protagónico en la entrega de servicios y en la promoción de conciencia y defensa en pro de la salud infantil. La Iniciativa Global para el Cáncer Infantil, impulsada por la Organización Mundial de la Salud y otros actores relevantes, es una oportunidad para que los gobiernos y la sociedad civil trabajen juntos en la implementación de mejores prácticas en el control del cáncer infantil. En este sentido, en este artículo se aborda el papel de la sociedad civil en el cuidado del cáncer en la edad pediátrica en América Latina. Se destaca la importancia de su compromiso en la lucha contra esta enfermedad, participación en la concienciación y la defensa de políticas públicas que favorezcan el acceso a servicios de salud de calidad. Además, se destacan los problemas y las oportunidades que tiene la sociedad civil en la Región con relación a la implementación de estrategias para mejorar la sobrevida y la calidad de vida de los niños, niñas y adolescentes que padecen esta enfermedad.

This study examines the influence of civil society in addressing environmental catastrophes in Rio Grande do Sul, highlighting the importance of civic participation in public policy formulation and resource allocation for mitigating and adapting to climate change impacts. The central problem of the research is to investigate how civil society can impact political and budgetary decisions to strengthen the response to environmental threats in the state. The theoretical framework used includes the approach of environmental governance and the quadruple helix model, which emphasizes the collaboration between government, civil society, academia, and the private sector in environmental management. The methodology employed is a quali-quanti research approach, involving secondary data analysis and exploring the influence of civic participation in the state's participatory budgeting process. The results reveal a low level of civil society participation, evidenced by an average engagement rate of 1.77%, and an imbalance in resource allocation, with a priority given to productive sectors over essential environmental areas. The study identifies the need for more inclusive environmental governance, demonstrating that civic awareness is crucial for improving participation and engagement in political decisions. Processes such as Consulta Popular show that civil society has the capacity to influence budgetary priorities and the effectiveness of mitigation and adaptation policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to locate and analyze two practices that can be considered as experiences of social dialogue in the United States of America without the intervention of the State. For this study, it is considered that social dialogue transcends the tripartite definition of the International Labor Organization, employers, unions, and the public sector, by incorporating civil society organizations, or by limiting itself to a bipartite dialogue. Likewise, it assumes that the creation of public institutions for social dialogue is not necessary since simple alliances between sectors can allow the generation of common projects. With a qualitative methodology, the result of this study shows the recognition of rights and obligations of two labor movements: the Anti-Sweatshop movement and the movement of caregivers and home care nurses in the State of California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we approach the link between political subjectivity and digital public expression among civil society actors in Guanajuato, Mexico. We understand political subjectivity as the ways of assuming oneself as a political subject. We consider three dimensions: action, relationship with others and communication. The discussion on digital public expression is framed there. Methodologically, we worked on a qualitative study, with a biographical-narrative orientation, through 12 semi-structured interviews with civil society actors. We identified key elements of their trajectories, allowing us to observe the ways in which they have been constructed themselves as political subjects, based on some event that motivated them to seek social change and that articulates the individual with the collective, as well as the ways in which this translates into actions, relationships, and practices of public expression. Finally, we identified a disenchantment with the phenomena of disinformation and polarization that have impoverished public debate. The study contributes to the analysis of the relationship between the individual and the collective, and details the tension between these two dimensions and its implications in the public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the influence of the Pinochet dictatorship on the understanding of the commons in Chile, especially in terms of its social and civic expression. Following the course of the critical hermeneutics, the analysis focuses on two aspects of this influence: a) the legal aspect, which allows one type of social association while criminalizing another, and b) the economic aspect, which permeates the (self-)understanding of the individual as a subject who, in order to be free, must ensure that there is no external resistance to his or her actions. The results show the importance of interpretation and interpellation provided by the hermeneutic approach and the role of civil society in dynamizing social action and understanding the common. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a notable difference between the traditional studies on the notion of work in the Fathers of the Church, of an apologetic spirit, and the analyzes of the world of work in the Ancient Roman Empire. The former affirm that Christianity brought a positive conception of work and the latter minimize the influence of Christianity on the way in which the ancients valued work. A careful reading of the most significant texts shows that the influences were mutual and that with the passage of time the social conditions were modified, which caused an evolution of the positions adopted by each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos is the property of Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Salud, Ciencia y Tecnología is the property of Fundacion Salud, Ciencia y Tecnologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Local governments have led the way on climate action in the United States. While the federal government has largely stood to the side, local governments have made great efforts to adopt policies aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions. A large and robust literature in urban politics has explored the variables that influence local government action on climate change in the United States. Issue severity and resident ideological preferences have been identified as two of the most important factors in local climate action. Governments that are more likely to face major impacts from climate, such as coastal communities, and governments serving more liberal residents have both been found to pursue climate policy at higher rates. In this paper we suggest that these relationships are better understood as conditional. We argue that the effect of issue severity will be moderated by ideology. When residents are liberal, issue severity will matter. When residents are conservative, the impact will be muted. We find strong evidence for this hypothesis. Coastal governments and governments that have experienced drought adopt more climate policies, but this is conditional on the ideology of residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the experience of the Afro-Colombian movement over the course of two peace processes, investigating the relationship between opportunities for participation and effective inclusion. The 1991 Constituent Assembly that emerged from the peace processes of the late 1980s presented a particularly open opportunity for civil society participation, and yet the Afro-Colombian movement was unable to gain representation in negotiations for a new constitution. In the 2016 peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, or FARC, despite insistence from the government that its negotiations with FARC were exclusively bilateral, the Afro movement was able to gain a seat at the table along with its Indigenous counterparts and generate a commitment from both parties to protect ethnic rights, known as the Capítulo Étnico (Ethnic Chapter). In contrast to existing literature that focuses on international actors as drivers of inclusion, we argue that effective inclusion reflects in large part the internal capacity, coherence, and unity of the movements themselves.

Resumen: El presente trabajo desarrollará algunas indagaciones en torno a la participación de organizaciones evangélicas dentro de redes de sociedad civil en el marco del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos (SIDH), a través de lo que denominamos como Redes Políticas Evangélicas (RPE), identificando algunas transformaciones en los modos de incidencia de estos colectivos, desde instancias multilaterales hacia anclajes locales, y viceversa. El objetivo es dar cuenta de las nuevas dinámicas transnacionales y multilaterales que operan en espacios ligados al campo evangélico latinoamericano, examinando la participación de Coaliciones Evangélicas en el Diálogo de Sociedad Civil de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) y su impacto en el impulso de narrativas político-morales dentro del llamado neoconservadurismo religioso, para luego analizar cómo estas instancias son instrumentalizadas y operativizadas por agentes locales chilenos.

La manera como concibe la paz el presidente Gustavo Francisco Petro Urrego en Colombia abre una puerta a la reconciliación, y al mismo tiempo posibilita la revisión de los elementos histórico-políticos que determinaron el surgimiento de la guerrilla del Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN) y los diversos procesos donde ha estado inmersa y por qué dichos procesos logran la firma y desmovilización de grupos en armas, pero a su vez abren la puerta a nuevos ciclos de violencia. Esta concepción tiene un punto de conexión con la propuesta del ELN, basada en que la sociedad participe y sea el centro de la negociación. Para desarrollar lo anterior, primero se hará un breve recorrido de la historia que dio origen al ELN, se revisaran los procesos de paz iniciados y no terminados, y finalmente se revisaran las actuales propuestas, mecanismos e instrumentos que hasta el momento avanzan en el proceso reiniciado por el Gobierno de Gustavo Petro

El presente artículo abordará cómo la ética es un instrumento para combatir la corrupción, y porqué los códigos de ética son herramientas indispensables en esta tarea. En específico, se analizará la creación del Sistema Nacional Anticorrupción en México, el cual propone que la ciudadanía tenga un papel predominante. El objetivo principal es establecer si se cumple con la normatividad en cuanto a la participación de la sociedad civil en la realización de los lineamientos generales para los códigos de ética en el Estado mexicano.

Objective. The purpose of this article is to study the impact of science and education on the efficiency of social production and quality of life in the context of global integration processes. Methods. The methods used in the study are literature review, statistical data analysis, and empirical research. To obtain the results, we analysed data on the quality of education and research in Ukraine and other European countries. Results. The study found that the quality of education and research is crucial for the competitiveness of society in the context of globalisation and rapid changes in the economy and technology. Scientific achievements and educational standards are key indicators of a state's readiness to meet the challenges of the present and its ability to attract investment, attract talented young people, and ensure sustainable economic dynamics. Conclusions. The obtained results emphasise the critical role of education and research in the process of achieving sustainable development of society. The need for targeted improvement of education and support for research is recognised as a key factor in achieving a high quality of life, competitiveness, and prosperity of the country. Prospects. Future research could expand the understanding of the interaction between education, science, and the economy in a globally competitive environment. The impact of digital transformation on educational and scientific processes should also be investigated, and practical models of cooperation between universities and the private sector should be developed to stimulate innovation and societal development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we intend to re-read and re-expose the work of Thomas Hobbes, with the aim of reinterpreting it from a particular field of knowledge, namely, the history of economic thought. We will depart from the following two hypothesis, while we try to justify them: 1) In a context of secularization of politics, reality and knowledge, within which religion begins to lose effect as a guarantee of moral viability, the authors of political philosophy, such as Hobbes, are wondering about the ground that guarantees the viability of this modern society; and, 2) Hobbes, in his state of nature, is performing a stylization of an individual that is specifically mercantile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on environmental education and water governance as two fields that allow for a synergy to transform local environmental problems. The objective is to present results of the systematization of a non-formal environmental education experience that involved participants from civil society organizations in the Laguna del Sauce basin (Maldonado, Uruguay). The methodological strategy was based on the facilitation of group processes of educational action research and participatory action research. The results arising from the registration of the process and the interviews conducted with participants include the generation of contextualized learning about environmental education, the environment, and the territory, as well as the strengthening of the relationships between the participating organizations. One of the conclusions is that a greater interaction is needed between the actors involved in environmental education and those involved in water governance, as well as greater social participation in both fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História Unisinos is the property of Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En este ensayo se exponen las tensiones y articulaciones en torno a los conceptos de gobernanza y gobernabilidad, y los desafíos que estas constituyen para la construcción de políticas públicas, la gestión de las demandas sociales, los intereses corporativos y el riesgo de «captura» del Estado. La tesis sostenida en el texto afirma la necesidad de superar esta falsa dicotomía conceptual para evitar abordajes sesgados sobre las construcciones políticas regionales y los diagnósticos sobre la «calidad democrática» de los países. En este marco, se efectúa una revisión del estado del arte, recuperando los principales contrapuntos que presentan estas propuestas y se ofrece una comparación de ambas perspectivas a partir de la cual se formula una postura crítica de cada uno de estos abordajes, especialmente, cuando alguno de ellos busca ser interpuesto por sobre el otro en el modo de definir la relación entre el Estado y los diferentes actores no estatales.

Objetivo. Identificar actores y narrativas que han impulsado a la experiencia artística en su posicionamiento como eje articulador de políticas de memoria y verdad en Colombia. Método. Investigación de tipo exploratorio; aplicando la técnica de análisis documental se rastreó actores y narrativas que involucraran a la experiencia artística como promotora de prácticas de memoria y verdad. Resultados. En el proceso de sistematización del corpus se evidencia que la academia, el Estado y las organizaciones culturales de la sociedad civil han sido los actores más relevantes y sus narrativas han estado orientadas a resaltar el potencial pedagógico, restaurador y catártico de las manifestaciones artísticas. Discusión. Si bien el arte es una expresión autónoma que goza de libertad de acción, necesita también de diálogos interdisciplinares, proyectos de inversión pública y reconocimiento de otros actores de la sociedad (medios de comunicación, empresarios, iglesia). Lo anterior, para fortalecer sus aportes en los retos y dilemas de políticas de memoria y verdad en el contexto del posacuerdo.

La presente investigación examinó la importancia de los actores sociales en el ordenamiento y gestión territorial de los gobiernos locales del Perú. Para este fin se empleó la revisión sistemática, que permitió analizar cuarenta y ocho publicaciones sobre el tema de estudio de los últimos cinco años. Actualmente, las normas legales sobre planificación urbana se dan a nivel nacional, a pesar de que la problemática es diferente en cada gobierno local, generando así conflictos sociales en el manejo y gestión de los territorios. Dichos problemas, son ocasionados por la falta de un ordenamiento territorial transversal en todos los sectores, el cual debe incluir lineamientos generales a ser desarrollados por cada gobierno local según sus características físicas y bioclimáticas. La principal conclusión del estudio es que los diferentes gobiernos locales enfrentan desafíos al momento de planificar sus territorios y, consecuentemente, en la zonificación y uso del suelo para futuras edificaciones en los diferentes sectores.

Copyright of Quaderns de l'Institut Català d'Antropologia is the property of Institut Catala d'Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the experience of the Afro-Colombian movement over the course of two peace processes, investigating the relationship between opportunities for participation and effective inclusion. The 1991 Constituent Assembly that emerged from the peace processes of the late 1980s presented a particularly open opportunity for civil society participation, and yet the AfroColombian movement was unable to gain representation in negotiations for a new constitution. In the 2016 peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, or FARC, despite insistence from the government that its negotiations with FARC were exclusively bilateral, the Afro movement was able to gain a seat at the table along with its Indigenous counterparts and generate a commitment from both parties to protect ethnic rights, known as the Capítulo Étnico (Ethnic Chapter). In contrast to existing literature that focuses on international actors as drivers of inclusion, we argue that effective inclusion reflects in large part the internal capacity, coherence, and unity of the movements themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a need to build social environments for the protection of the press in contexts of violence targeted at journalists. In those social environments three spheres correlate: politicalinstitutional, justice and civil. Mexico is one of the nations with the most attacks on journalists, which forces us to rethink the ways of offering protection to the press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political allies, for example, parties, politicians, and civil society organizations, could be influential in grassroots mobilization. Yet, there are few empirical observations of whether and how these influential allies perform this role. I empirically examine the relationship between the influential allies and activists in Ukraine's Maidan. I focus on mobilizing structures at the local level, that is, 'local Maidans', that arose in 2013–2014. In this mixed-methods study, I combine administrative and protest event data to generalize across cases, and I use interviews with activists, party members, and knowledgeable observers in Ukraine's localities for conceptual and theoretical insights. The influential allies at the local level assisted in the mobilization of local Maidans across Ukraine. The presence of civil society organizations and opposition parties in localities, as well as interventions of local politicians created favorable conditions for mobilization, regardless of other factors such as the level of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, various efforts have been made to analyze interfaces between social organizations and the institutional sphere. The establishment of the field of "socio-state interactions" can be seen recently in Brazil. Although there is no unified approach in this field, its contributions have shed light on border approaches, advancing theoretical, methodological, and empirical analyses about the involvement of social movements in public policy. Seeking a relational approach to emphasize the mutual constitution of the societal and state spheres, I reviewed the concept of civil society in the Habermas' tradition, to highlight three critical aspects: the denial of the political (depoliticization); optimism (a normative association between civil society and democracy); and relationism. The reflections reinforce the analytical limitations of the concept and highlight the importance of mutual constitution to the analysis of socio-state interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]