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EVERY UNITED STATES CENSUS RESULTS FROM A FRAUGHT POLITICAL process and a mix of intentions. Because the census is tied to political power and access to federal tax dollars, Americans [...]

This article seeks to explain why groups of women working for women's suffrage in Spain from 1918 to 1924 failed to agree on a unified strategy. It focuses on three of the most important groups working for the right of women to vote in Spain: the Women's Socialist Group, the Catholic Workers' Trade Union of the Immaculate Conception and the Crusade of Spanish Women, a suffragist group. All three groups were united by the development of strategies which contested male-dominated discourses and spaces in the public sphere, but were ultimately divided by their aims. Their ideological incompatibilities explain why these groups were unable to agree on a common strategy and why the campaign in support of the vote for women failed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief history of the woman suffrage movement shows how various suffragists believed the right to vote for women was a human right that all American citizens should possess, while other suffragists viewed their struggle as one for respect and protection from abusive men. These differences are particularly salient in the fraught role of black woman suffragists, who, while dedicated to the cause, were frequently unwelcome in the white-dominated state and national movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Chartism, which was the first mass workers' movement in British history. The movement emerged in the early 1830s in response to legislation that was seen as a betrayal of working people by the upper classes. The movement was founded upon a platform of universal manhood suffrage and other reforms, with millions of members before its collapse in 1848. The author examines the reasons the movement began and its eventual end after years of prosecution for being a threat to public order.

The article discusses the history of the political participation of the Maori people of New Zealand in the 19th century which started with the creation of the Maori seats of Parliament under the Maori Representation Act 1867 (MRA). Topics discussed include the incorporation of MRA into the Electoral Act of 1893, the history of their voting rights, practices and election participation, and the issue of giving fair representation to Maori in the House of Parliament in 1862.

Suffrage is the most significant political development within modern Liberal states. Despite this fact, it is curious as to why suffrage movements have so little history. This article focuses on the creation of an edited volume that seeks to address the women's suffrage story across the Americas. While the intellectual process of the project is discussed in some detail, this article is predominantly a reflection on the process of developing a collaborative project and the challenges inherent to a transnational approach. This project reveals both the significance of suffrage and simultaneously the fractured landscape within individual countries, suffrage movements and the body politics as countless individuals and groups were excluded from the concept of 'citizenship.' It has become clear at this juncture that although significant gaps within women's history across the hemisphere remain, attempting to compile a hemispheric story such as this one would have been unthinkable even a few decades ago and this type of project could also have not happened much earlier in the historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large literature emphasizes that elite capture of political institutions hampered the spread of mass schooling in the nineteenth and twentieth century. We collect new data on investments in elementary education and the distribution of voting rights for more than 2,000 local governments in nineteenth‐century Sweden and document that educational expenditure was higher where the distribution of political power was more unequal. In particular, areas governed by local landed elites—even those where a single landowner had de jure dictatorial powers—invested substantially more in mass schooling relative to areas where political power was more widely shared, or where it lay in the hands of capitalist elites. Our findings lend quantitative support to an earlier literature produced by economic and social historians which argues that landed elites advanced mass schooling as part of their historical role as patrons of the local community and as a response to the increasing proletarianization of the rural population, while also furthering our understanding of how Sweden maintained a high level of human capital despite its low level of economic development and restricted franchise in the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the activities of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1914 prior to the outbreak of World War I, focusing particularly on how the party had gained popular support and intended to challenge the leadership of Imperial Germany to promote reform for the rights of workers and suffrage by preparing to initiate a general strike in Prussia. It also considers how the war changed the stance of the SPD to unite behind Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg's declaration of war.

The article discusses historical details about the granting of the right to vote to Native Americans in Montana. Topics explored include the voter qualifications based on the nineteenth century U.S. Constitution which prevented tribal citizens to vote, the granting of citizenship to tribal nation members, and the impact of the 1965 Voting Rights Act on the taxpayer voting requirement of Montana.

This article begins with an examination of the controversy caused in 1885 by the Macdonald government's expansion of the dominion franchise to First Nations reserves in eastern Canada, a controversy that revolved around the liberal tenet that the right to vote should be intrinsically linked to independent property ownership. It then discusses the role of the Grand River Six Nations and Mississaugas in the elections and by-elections that took place in the Ontario ridings of Brant South and Haldimand between 1886 and 1897, the year before the Laurier government abolished Macdonald's Electoral Franchise Act, with the result that treaty status Indians would not regain the vote in national elections until 1960. The picture that emerges is of an Indigenous community torn between conflicting forces, with traditionalists opposing participation in Canada's elections, reformers supporting the franchise as well as the Conservative Party, and a third group who argued that the Liberal Party was more sensitive than the Tories to First Nations demands for increased responsibility and autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The selection and promotion of powerful role models was a major source of inspiration during the suffrage movement, with figures such as Joan of Arc invoked as justifying women’s rights. This research shows the tradition continued post-1914, but with a different focus. Well over a hundred amateur pageants of noble women were staged with a changing pantheon reflecting women’s new roles and aspirations. These events were staged by both religious and secular groups throughout Britain, but were most common in the small industrial towns of the Pennines, the South West and North East where Nonconformity was strong. The pageants varied from a couple of dozen performers to 1000, with newspapers frequently praising their elaborate costumes and historical accuracy. Though certain formats and characters appeared regularly, narrative choices often reflected the organisers’ tastes, sometimes introducing local heroines or reclaiming the Bible as a source of inspiration for powerful women. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the advantages and disadvantages of the instant universal suffrage in India after the democracy in1970, which mention that instant universal suffrages was a great nation-building, national preserving tool, but hurt state-building and state-capacity.

Images in the post-Civil War illustrated press regularly featured disability, manipulating it to make arguments which went beyond the obvious attempts to excoriate the South for attempting to dismember the Union and to acknowledge the sacrifices of the men who preserved it. These illustrations, however, have not received the attention they deserve, either in histories of the war’s effects or in disability studies scholarship. To call attention to these over-looked sources, this essay explores the uses of disability inHarper’s Weeklyillustrations, focusing on depictions of Union army veterans with missing legs in the first two years after the war. These illustrations reflect complex attitudes towards disabled veterans after the war and offer a clear lesson in the ways disability is socially and culturally constructed as well as historically contingent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 1931, the All-Asian Women's Conference (AAWC) convened in Lahore. Forty-five female delegates met to discuss common social and political concerns of women in Asia, such as infant mortality, suffrage, education and rights of inheritance. Organised by Indian women, along with the Irish Theosophist Margaret Cousins, the AAWC spoke to visions of pan-Asianism that were reflected by male Indian nationalists at the time. Keen to counteract the Euro-American centrism of international women's organisations, Asian women discussed the ways they could organise together. This article analyses the rhetoric within the conference, through its reports, correspondence and international newspapers and periodicals. It discusses the ways pan-Asianism was conceived by Indian women in the 1930s and explains why there was only ever one meeting of the AAWC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Votes for Women! (1907) by Elizabeth Robins has been known as a stridently political play agitating for women's suffrage in Edwardian Britain in the early twentieth century. Looking beyond its propagandist aspects, the paper examines the discursive formations of re/degeneration and vitalism, theories which were once influential, but now discredited as pseudo-sciences, hidden beneath the rallying cry and public outcry over whether women should be granted the right to vote, in a bid to explore the new Edwardian turn to economics over the old Victorian politics: how home formerly conceived as a regenerative core of procreation to deter degeneration is actually a center of domestic economic production by woman laborers, rather than angels, in the house; how the Victorian melodrama of a fallen woman's personal agonies can be transcended and converted, spiritually and economically, into a new reconciliation based on altruistic common good. The transformation of the old to the new is based on an Edwardian economic paradigm of currency and conversion, which helps convert an enormous inheritance fortune into a lasting legacy for the unfortunate, potential wronged woman's revenge tragedy into conciliatory comedy of alliance and union, and making amends to right old wrongs into making amendments for new rights, all these activated by the vitalist New Spirit of the New Woman from the "ferment of feminism" to "political dynamite," to battle the bastion of patriarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the feminist activism of two French Catholic women's organisations, the Action Sociale de la Femme (ASF) and the Union Nationale pour le vote des Femmes (UNVF), in the aftermath of the First World War. It reveals the interconnectedness of French Catholic women's national and international work by examining their demands for political rights, their promotion of higher education for women and their campaign for women's equal access to jobs. In the post-World War I years, Catholic women leaders from the ASF and the UNVF argued that women needed rights, not male protection, and that women were uniquely qualified to lead France into a more powerful, peaceful future. As a result, the ASF and UNVF offered Catholic women serious encouragement for choices other than motherhood that few other sources provided in the interwar years. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The conventional wisdom is that class divisions once prevailed but in recent decades have gradually declined. Indeed, many now suggest that the working class has been voting Republican since the 1980s. The historical evidence on voting in presidential elections does not indicate that there was a decline since the 1950s. If anything, the well-off and more educated have moved somewhat more Democratic, lessening class divisions. There has, however, been a change since the 2008 election, with the working class - whether only whites or all - moving away from the Democrats. This may not mean a decline of the working class voting their interests. It may be that the economic recovery of recent years has done little to help the working class and they have taken a gamble that a businessman will help their job prospects more. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a political sociological analysis of the social bases of support for Donald Trump during the critical phase of his victory in the Republican nominating contest. In particular, we test the widely voiced hypothesis that a critical source of Trump's support in the GOP primaries came from his appeal to working class and/or downwardly mobile and insecure middle class voters responding to a "populist" message. Drawing on both the ANES January 2016 pilot survey and exit poll data, we argue that Trump's rise to the GOP nomination was facilitated by a broad-based appeal that centered on voters who have levels of education and income that are well above national and primary state averages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the contributions of the American political scientist Morris Fiorina to the study of partisanship and mass polarization in the U.S. Topics mentioned include the influential work of Fiorina in the voting rights of the Americans on the national elections in the country, the rise and fall of unemployment rates which embroiled in foreign wars and the underlying partisan identification in respond to the political changes in the country wherein partisanship functions both as a stable psychological construct and as a temporary political summary judgment of group performance.

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article considers the Solemn Covenant issued by the Superior Board of Governors of Quito in 1812, and the census directed by Torivio Montes, in 1813, as the first step of the introduction of the Cadiz Constitution in the Audience of Quito, following the defeat of the Junta of Quito. These two policy instruments are valued in terms of the imaginaries of citizenship that they molded in terms of political representations they attempted to institute and the concept of territory as fundamental in shaping the institutional dynamics of local authorities which have aspirations to centralize power. Both instruments are considered as tools in terms of building central powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the 1904 and 1906 Democratic primary campaigns waged by Civil War hero John Hollis Bankhead and Richmond P. Hobson, the U.S. Navy Rear Admiral during the Spanish-American war, for the sixth congressional district of Alabama. Topics discussed include the political landscape that saw the disenfranchisement of poor voters, the youth and vigor of Hobson, and the political experience touted by Bankhead. The cultural link between manhood and political leadership is examined.

Historians' views about the impact of World War I on women's citizenship have diverged. Some scholars have emphasized that the war changed cultural understandings of suffrage due to women's patriotism and dedication to the war effort. Others have underlined that the politics of electoral reform determined whether or not women attained voting rights. Based on the cases of Austria and Germany where women were enfranchised in the context of revolutionary unrest triggered by the war, this article argues that the political process was in fact crucial. However, the claim of women's suffrage during the war is to be contextualized within a general understanding of republican citizenship and the concept of the ‘citizen soldier’. This discourse was essential to keeping the issue alive during the war. Nonetheless, further studies are still required to assess the war's impact on women and citizenship in the subjective sense of participation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article historicises how the post-colonial Zimbabwean government has maintained and consolidated its power through, among other tactics, the systematic manipulation of the ‘alien’ vote. The ‘aliens’ are residents in Zimbabwe who are either of foreign origin themselves or whose parents are originally from Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique. Basing its findings on oral interviews, the paper engages power and coercion as analytical concepts to understand how non-indigenous communities are affected by state power through the reconfiguration of their citizenship/belonging and relentless violence during elections. It argues that since the 1980s migrant descendants have been used and abused by the hegemonic socio-political hierarchy for its electoral benefit. Migrants, who came into what was then Southern Rhodesia during the colonial labour migration system (1890s to 1970s), like other autochthonous Zimbabweans, were allowed to vote between 1980 and 1996. Yet all this changed in the post-2000 period, when the ZANU (PF) government complicated citizenship laws and initiated the land reform exercise to, among other aims, strip ‘aliens’ of their right to suffrage in subsequent elections. This on and off relationship has been dictated by the politics of power, patronage and coercion under which migrant descendants have constituted a critical swing vote which ZANU (PF) has either embraced for its benefit or marginalised it in the face of formidable opposition politics. This disenfranchisement has invariably affected the livelihoods of these foreign descendants through violence, intimidation and denial of socioeconomic leverage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2014 South Africa celebrated 20 years of democracy, and for many of the ‘Born Frees’ – those who came of age politically after 1996 – this was their first opportunity to vote in national elections. With democracy came the promise for South Africa's marginalised majority of voice and agency, but also the implicit promise that their democratically elected government would listen to them. In addition, the South African media have long championed their role as a voice for the voiceless. This article presents work done with youngsters from South Africa's poorest province, the Eastern Cape, in an effort to listen to their experience of politics and to understand their use of the media – especially whether it enables them to speak out and be heard in the public sphere. Our research shows that young people do not feel listened to by either politicians or journalists. Our conversations have revealed a strong sense of disempowerment, disillusionment with and distrust of both politics and the media. This has resulted in strategic and shrewd media consumption, and despite their invidious situation, they are able to articulate a critical appraisal of both politics and the media which is worth listening to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the influence that different political actors in the province of Cordoba had in changing the electoral system starting from the application of Sáenz Peña Law in the province context. In Córdoba, liberal democracy ideas echoed throughout the social fabric: Radical Civic Union, local press, and a liberal faction of the ruling class that since 1890 juarismo crisis had stayed away from the power. This pressure for changes on the provincial government of Felix Garzón, responding to a clerical faction of conservatism Cordoba, resulted in the conventional meeting to reform the provincial Constitution. In this context, conventional discourses are analyzed, highlighting similarities and differences within the provincial conservatism and paying special attention to proposals concerning the ideas of democratization of the political-institutional system of the province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international history of women's suffrage carries an intriguing paradox: the process of democratization that crossed the gender line was first set into motion in geographical peripheries. This article analyzes this paradox. Rather than building on generalizing ideological factors, the approach is guided by the actual order of events, which prioritizes an analysis of geographical peripheries, the small nations of New Zealand and Finland. By examining the social, cultural, and political factors of these two countries and taking the experiential reality of ordinary people, this study introduces new interpretations of the underpinnings of women's suffrage and democratization in the Western world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores how images and symbolism depicting white women have historically been linked to representations of democracy and elections in the United States. Topics considered include African American male suffrage after the Civil War, women's suffrage, secret election ballots, the civil rights movement, and the U.S. recount of presidential ballots in 2000. The novel "The Unvanquished," by William Faulkner, and the short story "The Clansman," by Thomas Dixon, Jr., are also considered.

The article discusses success of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 which was passed by the U.S. Congress to enforce 15th Amendment to prohibit discrimination in voting on the basis of race and color. Topics discussed include introduction of 24th amendment called as the Poll Tax Amendment to prohibit states of the U.S. to use payment of taxes required for voting, history of voter discrimination and history of voting rights in South Carolina.

The article presents a report from a June 12-13, 2015 conference in Halle an der Saale, Germany on cultural appropriation and imperialism hosted by the Centre for Enlightenment – Religion – Knowledge at the Martin-Luther-University Halle-Wittenberg. Topics of presentations delivered included the1755 conference of political rights to native Brazilians by the Portuguese colonial government, the "civilization" of Eastern European "savages" in the Habsburg monarchy, and French attempts at colonizing Madagascar.

The article presents a report from a May 29-30, 2015 conference in Berlin, Germany on the relationship between the German people (Volk) and German politics hosted by the Hugo-Preuß-Stiftung society. Topics of presentations delivered included the role of German chancellor Otto von Bismarck in German historiography, the 1940 essay "The Canker of Germany" by Ernst G. Preuß, and the development of suffrage and industrial relations in Bavaria, Hamburg, and Saxony, Germany around the turn of the century.

Was there a distinct Mid-Atlantic region for either women or gender relations? An examination of women and politics between the early eighteenth century and the early twentieth century suggests the answer is no, there was not. A regional definition for politically active women encompassed the entire northeast, not just the mid-Atlantic and became the center of the suffrage movement. As late as 1915, however, the anti-women's rights forces were dominant and it was the far west that led in the movement for the vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]