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Money is considered one of the main five necessities the Islamic Jurisprudence called for its fair saving, which is via investment and daily exchange with people. Man is considered always part and parcel of his society, thus individuals should be careful in dealing with saving their monetary transactions. Money, however, can only gained in the rightful way, which working on a business. But sometimes, money can be inherited, and even if it were evil in essence, the new owner might be virtuous and straight forward. The new owner might find himself in dilemma of the result of having this fortune and how to deal with it from an Islamic perspective, as he, the new owner, knows quite well, the given money or inheritance is not a result of approved transactions and dealings. Jurisprudential Science came to find out a solution for this perplexing question and show the right procedures to be followed. Jurisprudential Science is considered one of the most important sciences as it focuses on facilitating the daily transactions of people, make them flexible to accommodate with each era and keep up with the new emerging issues. Therefore, this study aims to clarify one of the jurisprudential rules and connect them to the modern developments. This rule talks about the transformation of ownership. The significance of this research is shown in the attempt of answering some questions about the treatment of individuals whose money is suspected of interfering with the forbidden or suspicious money. The importance of this research also lies in the interference of this rule with many branches of jurisprudence, such as acceptance of charity and gift from those who earn forbidden money, or the transfer of wealth through inheritance, etc. Therefore, the question is, since the word “forbidden” is an adjective that describes the person who acquires money through prohibited methods and it is not directly related to the earned money, is it correct to describe a person’s income with the same adjective just because he deals with the suspected person or this adjective is only for the person who earns money through forbidden ways? This study is trying first to explain the meaning of the jurisprudential rule “Reasons of changing ownership”, its legitimate reference, the related rules and the opinion of scholars in the application of this rule in the acts of worship and donations. Then, the research is attempting to clarify the effect of this rule on the daily transactions of people, in particular, the way of treating the individuals who earn and acquire money through illegal ways. Finally, the article mentions the contemporary applications of this rule through the exploitation of occupation, the transformation of financial-commercial organizations to Islamic-financial organizations and the profit from dealing with commercial banks, insurance contracts and suspicious transactions. The research concluded the following results: If the reason of possessing something is changed, then the judgment of this thing based on the Islamic law is changed. The interference of the jurisprudential rule “Reasons of changing ownership” with many branches of jurisprudence. In the course of financial transactions, the Islamic law states that it is not necessary to search for the source of money, nor the method of earning this money, but rather deal with it as it come from legal methods. The transfer of illegal money from the person who acquired it to his heirs, or to others, does not remove the sin from him and it remains in his debt. There is no sin on a creditor who has recovered his debt from a debtor who has borrowed a loan to repay the debt.

From an early period on, debates over matters of Islamic Jurisprudence (Fiqh) were performed in accordance with a certain methodology. In fact, when performing these debates, certain types of questions and answers were selected, and the questions were arranged carefully, all in accordance with this methodology. This enabled parties involved to demonstrate both validities of their own, and invalidity of their opponents, in their arguments without running into contradiction. The present work deals with first the science of Jadal and its application to Islamic Jurisprudence and then analyzes a debate over divorce narrated to be taken place between two prominent scholars well-known for their abilities to perform debate well, namely, the Ḥanafīte scholar Qudūrī and the Shāfiʿite scholar Abū al-Ṭayyib al-Ṭabarī. This debate includes both the ways in which both scholars deduce their legal opinions and objections one has over the other’s opinion. Qudūrī argues that a woman divorced by way of mukhālaʿa can be subject to rijʿī divorce during her ʿidda while Ṭabarī argues that a divorce in such a case would be invalid. At the core of this debate lies the fact that Qudūrī syllogizes woman divorced by way of mukhālaʿa to one who is divorced by way of rijʿī divorce. Ṭabarī makes use of such ways of questioning as muṭālaba, iʿtirāḍ, and muʿāraḍa while Qudūrī tries to establish the validity of the ʿilla of the two cases that he comes up with. When examining this debate, which is important also thanks to the references it makes here and there to the rules of debate, the present work shows how the information provided in the section on the application of Jadal to Islamic Jurisprudence was put into practice., Erken dönemlerden itibaren fıkhî meseleler üzerindeki tartışmalar, bir yönteme bağlı kalınarak icra edilmiştir. Tartışmalarda belirli soru ve cevap türlerine başvurulmuş, soruların tertibine özen gösterilmiştir. Bu sayede taraflar kendi görüşlerinin doğruluğunu, karşıt görüşün yanlışlığını çelişkiye düşmeden ortaya koymaya çalışmıştır. Bu çalışmada ilk olarak cedelden ve cedelin fıkha tatbikinden bahsedilmiş, sonrasında münâzaracı kimlikleriyle meşhur olan Hanefî fakihi Kudûrî ile Şâfiî fakihi Ebu’t-Tayyib et-Taberî arasında geçtiği rivayet edilen talâka dair bir münâzara inceleme konusu edilmiştir. Bu münâzarada, muhâlea ile boşanılan kadına, kadının iddeti esnasında tekrardan ricî talâk yapılabileceğini savunan Kudûrî ile bu durumda talâkın geçersiz olacağını söyleyen Taberî’nin karşılıklı istidlal ve itirazları yer almaktadır. Bu tartışmanın temelini Kudûrî’nin muhâlea yapılan kadını ricî talâkla boşanan kadına kıyas etmesi oluşturmaktadır. Taberî bu kıyasın illetine yönelik mutâlebe, itirâz ve muâraza türü sorulara başvurmuş, Kudûrî ise kendi illetinin sıhhatini savunmaya çalışmıştır. Yer yer tartışma kurallarına atıfların yapılması yönüyle de önemli olan bu münâzara incelenirken, cedelin fıkha tatbikine dair kısımda zikredilen bilgilerin pratikte nasıl uygulandığına işaret edilmiştir.

Thesources show that two different groups of sheikhs were followed in the Hanafi usūl al-fiqh: ‘Iraqi andSamarqandi sheikhs. However, the perception of followers of ‘Iraqi sheikhsformed the dominant Hanafī tradition. This situation has caused differentapproaches of the theologian methodologists who followed the Samarqandi sheikhsto become in shadow. Considering this separation within this denomination, whenthe sunnah sections of usūl al-fiqh literature are compared it ispossible to see the different points raised within the Hanafi usūl al-fiqh. In this study, “thedefinition of sunnah”, “the acts ofthe Prophet”, “the imitating companions”, “the criteria of ard (submission) to the Qur’an” and “theproblem of faqīh (jurist) narrator” are determined as differentiatednotions. Considering these issues, since the concepts whichdifferentiate theologian methodologists, whose perception have been taken intoaccount in this paper, from the dominant Hanafi usūl tradition have beengenerally related to theological concerns, it is possible to argue that thisdistinction can be explained by their approach of usūl in whichtheological premises considered as important as other concerns. Eventually,this paper aims to show that like any denomination Hanafi sect also does nothave a uniform approach about sunnah.Summary: In this study, the marks of differentiations in sunnah topics werefollowed based on the works of Ḥanafīusūl al-fiqh written in theTransoxanian region between 5th-8th centuries A.H. The reason for thelimitation of this issue is that there have been some changes and developmentsin the sect in this region and period. It is because Ḥanafī usūl al-fiqh,which is in two different lines, namely ʿIrāqī sheikhs and Samarqandī sheikhs,has improved in favor of one side in this period. It is thought that this dualdisintegration occurs due to the effect of different theological tendencies.This situation has caused the different approaches of the theologianmethodologists who mostly followed the Samarqandī sheikhs to be overshadowed.Because Ḥanafī tradition, which became a permanent establishment, mostlyfollowed the line of ʿIrāqī sheikhs in terms of both the topics that arediscussed and the approaches in these issues. The aim of this study is todetermine the different approaches of the line of Samarqandī sheikhs to sunnah.In the study which is based on comparative method, sunnah topics ofDabūsī, Pazdawī, Sarakhsī and those who followed them and the theologianmethodologists Abū l-Yusr, Samarqandī, Lamishī and Usmendī’s sunnahtopics were compared and the differentiation points of the second group weredetermined.In thiscontext, it is seen that there are two different approaches in the Ḥanafī usūl al-fiqh regarding the definition and scope of sunnah.Because the Ḥanafī principals who followed the ʿIrāqī sheikhs, whiledescribing the sunnah, they included the companions in the scope of sunnah.However, Abū l-Yusr, Samarqandī and Lamishī did not mention the companions inthe sunnah description and stated that the only person to be subjectedwas the Prophet. In addition, the Ḥanafīs in the second group, unlike others,do not accept the opinion that the meaning of absolute sunnah word isonly sunnah of the Prophet. At this point they have shared the sameconviction with the ahl al-ḥadīth (thetraditionists) and cumhūr al-ulemā (majority of ulema).Thereare two different approaches, which are based on ʿIrāqī and Samarqandī sheikhsin the show of the judgments of the acts of the Prophet. According to theʿIrāqī Ḥanafīs, the Prophet's act is attributed to mubāh (permissible) when there is noevidence about its feature. According to the Samarqandī sheiks, such an act isattributed to vucūb (obligation) in terms of practice and stoppedin terms of faith. Most of the later Ḥanafī scholars have adoptedthe idea of ​​ibāha (permissibility) of the ʿIrāqī Ḥanafīs. On the otherhand, Samarqandī, Lamishī and Itkanī have tended to the opinion of theSamarqandī sheikhs.It isseen that two different approaches were adopted by Ḥanafī scholars in the fieldof imitation of companions. Most of the Ḥanafīs adopted the view of Bardaī.According to this view, it is necessary to imitate companions and theirexpression takes precedence over the qiyās (legal analogy). On the other hand Samarqandī and Lamishīadopted the opinion of Māturīdī. According to this opinion, a companion who hasreached the rank of fatwā (legalopinion), it is necessary to imitate that person if one of his peers didnot oppose his opinion on a subject that is not likely to be hidden because thegeneral public needs it.Thereis also a dispute between the Ḥanafī scholars on the type of informationexpressed by the famous report. Dabūsī, Pazdawī and Sarakhsī and later Ḥanafīsbelieve that the famous report does not refer to certain knowledge but toassured knowledge. However, it is understood that, Abū l-Yusr, Samarqandī andLamishī believe that the famous report refers to certain knowledge. But thisconflict between the Ḥanafīs only affects the issue of the takfīr whodenies the famous report. It does not cause any dispute on judgments.Thereare two different approaches in the sect about the issue of opposition to theQur'an covered by internal interruption. In this matter, the issue ofopposition to the Qur'an, especially through ziyāda alā al-nās, has beenevaluated in different ways. According to the ʿIrāqī sheikhs and majority ofthe Ḥanafīs, which followed them, ziyada ala al-nas is naskh (abrogation). But according toMāturīdī and Ḥanafīs which followed him, it is also possible that ziyādaalā al-nās is naskh and statement. One of them cannot be preferredwithout any evidence. In addition, according to the ʿIrāqī sheikhs general andapparent words of the Qur'an express certain knowledge. However, according tothe Samarqandī sheikhs the general words of the Qur'an don not express certainknowledge. So, these words can be specialized by isolated tradition. But it wasobserved that this conflict between the Ḥanafīs was related to the fact thatthe first opinion caused some problems related to the faith.In theissue of the faqīh narrator, it was determined that three differentapproaches were exhibited by Ḥanafī scholars. Firstly, the attitudetowards not accepting the report of the non-faqih narrator, expressed bythe ‘Īsā b. Abān in Abū Hurayra, is gradually being softened along with Dabūsīand adopted by the later Ḥanafī principals. However, despite the samescientific environment and period, Abū l-Yusr does not follow this approach. Atthe same time, it is possible to say that Samarqandī, Lamishī and Usmendī donnot adopt the faqīh narrator criterion. While ‘Abd al-‘Azīz Bukhārī andKakī did not adopt this approach but criticized it openly.As aresult, it is seen that Ḥanafī sect which contains differentorientations in itself does not have a uniform approach about sunnah.The points which differentiate theologian methodologists, whose perception havebeen taken into account in this paper, from the dominant Ḥanafī usūltradition have been generally related to theological concerns. So, it ispossible to say that this distinction can be explained by their approach of usūlin which theological premises considered as important as other concerns. Inaddition, it is seen that some of the opinions theologian methodologistspresent as an alternative to dominant Ḥanafī usūl al-fiqh tradition areclose to the ahl al-ḥadīth and cumhūr al-ulemā., Kaynaklar bize Hanefî usûlünde Irak ve Semerkant meşayihi olmak üzere ikifarklı grubun takip edildiğini gösterir. Ancak zamanla Irak meşâyihini takipeden anlayış hâkim Hanefî geleneğini oluşturmuştur. Bu durum daha ziyadeSemerkant meşâyihini takip ettiklerini söyleyebileceğimiz kelamcı usûlyazarlarının farklı birtakım yaklaşımlarının gölgede kalmasına sebep olmuştur.Mezhep içindeki bu ayrışma dikkate alınarak usûl eserlerinin sünnet bahislerimukayese edildiğinde de bu hususta Hanefî usûlündeki farklılaşma noktalarınıgörmek mümkün olmaktadır. “Sünnetin tarifi”, “Hz. Peygamber’in fiillerininahkâma delâleti”, “sahâbeyi taklid”, “Kur’ân’a arz kriteri” ve “fakîh râvîmeselesi” bu farklılaşmaların tespit edildiği hususlardır. Mezkûr konularçerçevesinde bu çalışmada esas alınan kelamcı usûl yazarlarının hâkim Hanefîusûl geleneğinden ayrıldığı hususlar çoğunlukla itikadlailişkilendirildiğinden, bu ayrışmanın genel itibarıyla onların kelâmî öncülleridikkate alan usûl yaklaşımları ile izah edilebileceğini söylemek mümkündür.Netice itibarıyla her mezhep gibi kendi içinde farklı yönelimlere sahip olanHanefî mezhebinin de sünnet konusunda tek düze bir yaklaşıma sahip olmadığıgörülmüştür. Özet: Bu çalışmada hicri V.-VIII. asırlar arasındaMaverâünnehir bölgesinde yazılmış Hanefî usûl eserleri esas alınarak sünnetbahislerindeki farklılaşmaların izi takip edilmiştir. Konunun bu şekildesınırlandırılmasının nedeni, ilgili bölge ve dönemde mezhep içinde bazı değişimve gelişimlerin yaşanmış olmasıdır. Zira farklı itikâdî eğilimlerin etkisiylegerçekleştiği düşünülen bir ayrışmayla Irak meşâyihi ve Semerkant meşâyihiolmak üzere iki farklı çizgide seyreden Hanefî fıkıh usûlü, bu zaman dilimindebir tarafın lehine gelişim göstermiştir. Bu durum, çoğunlukla Semerkantmeşâyihini takip eden kelamcı usûl yazarlarının farklı birtakım yaklaşımlarınıngölgede kalmasına neden olmuştur. Zira yerleşik hale gelen Hanefî usûl geleneğihem ele alınan konular hem de bu konulardaki yaklaşımlar açısından çoğunluklaIrak meşâyihinin çizgisini takip etmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Hanefî mezhebiiçindeki Semerkant meşâyihi çizgisinin sünnet konusundaki farklı yaklaşımlarınıtespit etmektir. Mukayese yönteminin esas alındığı çalışmada genel itibarıylaDebûsî, Pezdevî, Serahsî ve onları takip edenler ile kelamcı usûl yazarlarıolan Ebü’l-Yüsr, Semerkandî, Lâmişî ve Üsmendî’nin usûllerindeki sünnetbahisleri karşılaştırılmış ve ikinci gruptaki usûlcülerin farklılaşma noktalarıtespit edilmiştir.Bu bağlamda öncelikle sünnetin tarifi ve kapsamı hususunda Hanefîusûlünde iki farklı yaklaşımın var olduğu görülmektedir. Zira Irak meşâyihinitakip eden Hanefî usûlcüler sünneti tarif ederken sahâbeyi sünnetin kapsamınadâhil etmişlerdir. Ancak Ebü’l-Yüsr, Semerkandî ve Lâmişî sünnet tariflerindesahâbeyi zikretmemiş ve tâbî olunacak tek kişinin Hz. Peygamber olduğunu ifadeetmişlerdir. Ayrıca ikinci gruptaki Hanefîler diğerlerinden farklı olarakmutlak sünnet lafzından kastın sadece Hz. Peygamber’in sünneti olduğu görüşünüde benimsemişlerdir. Bu konuda onlar ehl-i hadis ve ulemanın cumhuru ile aynıkanaati paylaşmışlardır.Hz. Peygamber’in vasfı bilinmeyen fillerinin ahkâma delâleti konusunda daIrak ve Semerkant meşâyihine dayandırılan iki farklı yaklaşım bulunmaktadır.Iraklı Hanefilere göre herhangi bir delil bulunmadığında Hz. Peygamber’in fiilimubâhlığa hamledilir. Semerkant meşâyihine göre ise böyle bir fiil amelbakımından vücûba hamledilir, itikad bakımından ise tevakkuf edilir. SonrakiHanefi usûlcülerin çoğu bu konuda Iraklı Hanefilerin ibâha görüşünübenimsemiştir. Semerkandî, Lâmişî ve İtkânî ise Semerkant meşâyihinin amelenvâcip olmakla birlikte itikaden tevakkuf etme görüşüne meyletmişlerdir. Sahâbeyi taklid konusunda da Hanefî usulcüler tarafından iki farklıyaklaşımın benimsendiği görülmektedir. Hanefî usûlcülerin geneli Berdaî’yenisbet edilen sahâbeyi taklidin vâcip olduğu ve sahâbe sözünün kıyasa takdimedilmesi gerektiği görüşünü benimsemişlerdir. Semerkandî ve Lamişî iseMâtürîdî’ye atfedilen, fetva derecesine ulaşan bir sahâbînin umumun ihtiyacıolduğu için gizli kalma ihtimali olmayan bir konudaki görüşüne akranlarındanbiri muhalefet etmemişse o sahâbîyi taklidin vâcip olduğu görüşünü kabuletmişlerdir. Meşhur haberin ne tür ilim ifade ettiği hususunda da Hanefi usûlcülerarasında bir ihtilaf bulunmaktadır. Debûsî, Pezdevî, Serahsî ve müteahhirHanefî ulemâ meşhurun ilm-i yakîn değil ilm-i tüma’nîne ifade ettiğikanaatindedir. Ebü'l-Yüsr, Semerkandî ve Lâmişî’nin ise meşhur haberin yakînibilgi ifade ettiği kanaatinde oldukları anlaşılmaktadır. Fakat Hanefilerarasındaki bu ihtilaf, sadece meşhur haberi inkâr edenin tekfir edilipedilmeyeceği meselesine tesir etmekte, ahkâm konusunda herhangi bir ihtilafayol açmamaktadır. Manevî inkıtâ kapsamında ele alınan Kur’ân’a muhalefet meselesinde demezhep içinde iki farklı yaklaşım yer almaktadır. Bu meselede özellikle nassaziyâde yoluyla gerçekleşen Kur’ân’a muhalefet hususu farklı şekillerdedeğerlendirilmiştir. Irak meşâyihi ve onları takip eden Hanefîlerin çoğunluğunagöre nassa ziyâde nesihtir. İmam Mâtürîdî ve onu takip eden Semerkantmeşâyihine göre ise nassa ziyâdenin nesh olması da beyân olması da mümkündür.Herhangi bir delil olmadan da biri tercih edilemez. Ayrıca Irak meşâyihine göreKur’ân’ın âm ve zâhir lafızları yakîn ifade ederken Semerkant meşâyihine göreKur’ân’ın âm lafızları zan ifade ettiği için haber-i vâhidle tahsîs edilmesicâizdir. Ancak Hanefîler arasındaki âm lafız konusundaki bu ihtilafın âmmınkatiyyetinin kabul edilmesinin itikadla ilgili bazı konularda problemesebebiyet vermesiyle ilgili olduğu görülmüştür. Râvînin fakîhliği meselesinde ise Hanefî usûlcüler tarafından üç farklıyaklaşımın sergilendiği tespit edilmiştir. İlk olarak Îsâ b. Ebân’ın Ebû Hüreyreözelinde dile getirdiği fakîh olmayan râvînin rivayetini kabul etmeme yönündekitutum Debûsî ile birlikte giderek yumuşatılarak sonraki Hanefî usûlcüleringeneli tarafından benimsenmiştir. Ancak aynı ilmî çevre ve dönemde yaşamasınarağmen Ebü’l-Yüsr’ün bu yaklaşımı takip etmediği görülmektedir. Aynı zamandaSemerkandî, Lâmişî ve Üsmendî’nin de fakîh râvî görüşünü benimsemediğinisöylemek mümkündür. Sonraki dönem usûlcülerinden Abdülazîz el-Buhârî ve Kâkîise bu yaklaşımı benimsememekle birlikte açıkça eleştirmişlerdir. Sonuç olarak kendi içinde farklı yönelimleri barındıran Hanefî mezhebininsünnet konusunda tek düze bir yaklaşıma sahip olmadığı görülmüştür. Buçalışmada esas alınan kelamcı usûl yazarlarının sünnet konusunda hâkim Hanefîusûl geleneğinden ayrıldığı hususlar çoğunlukla itikadlailişkilendirilmektedir. Dolayısıyla bu ayrışmanın genel itibarıyla onlarınkelâmî öncülleri dikkate alan usûl yaklaşımları ile ilgili olduğunu söylemekmümkündür. Ayrıca Kelamcı usûl yazarlarının hâkim Hanefî geleneğe alternatifolarak ortaya koyduğu bazı görüşlerde ehl-i hadise ve ulemanın cumhuruna yakınbir tutum sergilediği de görülmektedir.

Imāmiyya holds that the theory of imāmate mustrely on scriptural evidence and designation and that the Imām, the successor toMuḥammad, is in charge of all political and religious issues. The authority ofthe Imām includes some religious and social duties such as executing the legalpunishments, collecting almsgiving, sustaining social order and declaring holywar. The fulfillment of these duties requires actual leadership of the Imām orhis deputy. With the beginning of the great occultation in 329/941, there wasan uncertainty among the Imāmiyya followers about who would uphold theseresponsibilities. In this period, Shīʿī ʿulamā began to undertake the duties ofthe Imām in order to overcome this uncertainty and to avoid the possibleschism. In the beginning, this delegation of authority was limited to thereligious sphere; but, later, its scope gradually became wider. This process ofdelegation of power, which covers a long process, needs to be examined in itsvarious periods. In this study, this subject will be considered with specialreference to the scholars of the fifth century of hijra (hijrī). Aneffort is made in this article to reveal how the issues of the Imām’s powersare discussed in the context of the problem of expanding or narrowing the authorityof the scholars who played significant roles in systemization of Uṣūlī (rationalist) thought in theperiod after Shaykh al-Mufīd.Summary: In theissues of Imām/Caliphate which led to political division among Muslims afterthe Prophet Muḥammad, Imāmī Shīʿa opines that the Imāmate theory relies onscriptural evidence and designation. According to this theory, apart fromscriptural evidence and designation, personal qualities such as immaculacy,knowledge, bravery, and vantage are found in Ali, Ḥasan, Ḥusayn and nine peoplefrom the lineage of Ḥusayn. The Imām as a successor to the Prophet Muḥammad isa person who has both religious and political power which includesimplementation of punishments, collecting alms, ensuring justice, declaringholy war. For the Imāmī Shīʿa, there is a need for imām or his deputy who hasabsolute power to fulfill these duties.Imāmī Shīʿa, who heldthat the disappeared twelfth Imām would return back to restore justice in theworld, had to confront various problems in finding solutions to some issuesrelated to the existence of Imām himself, as well as theological issues duringthe period of great occultation. Particularly, the period of great occultation(329/941), in which the link with the Imām was severed completely, the Shīʿīcommunity were uncertain on how to fulfill the responsibilities of the Imāmprobably due to the lack of religious sources. Shaykh al-Mufīd draws attentionto the issue of khums (a one-fifthshare of the spoils of war and of other specified forms of income). In this period ofuncertainty, the Shiite scholars came into prominence in order to fill the gapand to prevent the social disorder. Referring to a tawqī‘ (rescript) from the TwelfthImām, they claimed that they would take responsibility for the Twelfth Imām onhis behalf. In the beginning, the delegation of the power was limited to thereligious sphere. It was gradually extended to other spheres by thecontribution of some scholars. It reached the largest dimension with theimplementation of “wilāyat al-faqīh”theory.From that period untilour times, the era when Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples lived can beconsidered as the beginning of this period. In the fifth century when Sharīfal-Murtaḍā and his disciples lived the delegation of power was limited to thereligious sphere. In this article, how the scholars who played a role in thesystematization of Uṣūlī thoughtdealt with the issue of the limits of the authority of Imām and how theydefined the role of the Imāmī jurists (faqīh)will be examined.Sharīf al-Murtaḍā andhis disciples were sometimes cautious on the issue of the delegation of thepower of Imām. They, however, pointed out the role of the faqīh in theoccultation period in order to overcome the uncertainty. As a matter of fact,Shaykh al-Ṭūsī and al-Qādī Ibn al-Barrāj made significant contributions to theissues of collection and distribution of khums. However, Sallār al-Daylamī’scontribution to the subject is more crucial. He considered khums as the graceof God and believed that it can be allocated by taking into account the shareof the Imām. They put forward theviews that explained in details the role of the faqīh in the collection anddistribution of alms. Even Ibn al-Barrāj opined that in the absence of Imām andhis deputy alms are to be allocated to the Faqihs on the ground that they knowbetter how to distribute it. Therefore, in the absence of Imām and his deputy,by suggesting that faqīh must be in charge of collecting and distributing alms,they proposed a remedy in an early period.On the issue ofleading the Friday prayer (ṣalāt al-jum‘a), which is one of thesocial duties of Imām, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples considered thepresence of the Imām or his deputy as a condition for a valid Friday prayer. Inaddition to this condition, Al-Ḥalabī, also added that a person who meets thenecessary conditions can be also considered in leading Friday prayer. Thisaddition by Ḥalabī was an important contribution to the solution of theproblems encountered during the period of great occultation on both Fridayprayer and delegation of Imām religious and political authorities to faqīh. Onthe other hand, Sallār, another disciple of Sharīf al-Murtaḍā, opposed the ideaof the faqīh leading the Friday prayer in the absence of the Imām even when thenecessary conditions are met. It can be said that this approach of Sallār ledto the opinion of some Imāmis which considered Friday prayer unlawful in theabsence of Imām. In the occultationperiod, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples showed a cautious attitude aboutthe implementation of the punishments. They argued that only Imām couldimplement the punishments. However, the major step was taken by Shaykh Ṭūsī onthe issue of who implements the punishments in the occultation period. He arguedthat the Imām’s designated the faqihs to implement the punishments. In additionto this subject, Shiite scholars discussed the issue of whether a Shiiteofficer under the reigning rule in the occultation period implemented thepunishments. On this issue, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā compiled a treaty untitled Mas’ala fi’l-‘amal ma‘a’al-sulṭan. Forhim, the main criteria are whether such person has necessary responsibilitiesand qualifications. Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples also continued theirmaster’s conciliatory attitude.In the final analysis,the contribution of Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples on the issue of whowill undertake the duties and responsibilities of the Imām is crucial in thesystematization of the idea of transferal of the power of the Imām to faqīhincluding political one. In fact, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā’s advice to take part inthe existing administrations has been considered a way out for the scholars whowant to establish relations with the authorities in the later periods., İmâmiyye, nass ve tayin merkezli bir imamet nazariyesi inşa etmekte veimamın dinî ve dünyevî bütün yetkileri kendisinde toplayan kişi olduğunu kabuletmektedir. İmâmın yetkileri arasında ḥadleri uygulamak, zekât ve ḫumusutoplamak, adaleti sağlamak ve cihad ilan etmek gibi dinî, sosyal ve siyasîgörevler bulunmaktadır. İmâma ait bu görevlerin yerine getirilebilmesi içinbizzat imamın veya nâibinin işin başında olması gerekir. İmâmla irtibatıntamamen kesildiği gaybet-i kübrâ’nın (329/941---) başlamasıyla İmâmiyyetaraftarları, imamın varlığıyla irtibatlandırılan bu görev ve yetkilerin yerinegetirilip getirilemeyeceği meselesinde bir belirsizlik yaşamışlardır. Şiîulemâ, bu kargaşa ortamında oluşan boşluğu doldurmak ve toplum içerisindekimuhtemel dağılmaları önlemek amacıyla faaliyet alanlarını genişleterek imamıngörevlerini üstlenmeye başlamışlardır. Başlangıç itibariyle dinî alanla sınırlıolan bu yetki devrinin kapsamı, süreç içerisinde tedrîcen genişletilmiştir.Uzun bir zamanı kapsayan bu yetki devrinin belirli dönemler halinde elealınması gerekir. Bu çalışmada konu, hicrî beşinci asırda yaşayan âlimlerekseninde ele alınmaktadır. Makalede Şeyḫ Müfîd sonrası dönemde Uṣûlîdüşüncenin sistemleşmesinde pay sahibi olan âlimlerin, fakîhin otoritesiningenişletilmesi veya daraltılması problemi bağlamında imamın yetkileridâhilindeki konuları nasıl ele aldığı ortaya konulmaktadır.Özet: Hz. Peygamber’den sonraMüslümanların siyaseten farklılaşmalarına yol açan imâmet/ḫilafet meselesindeİmâmiyye, nass ve tayini esas alan bir imâmet nazariyesi inşa etmektedir. Bunazariye’ye göre nass ve tayin dışında ismet, ilim, şecaat, efdâliyet gibişahsî niteliklerin bulunması gereken imamlar, Hz. Ali, Hasan, Hüseyin veHüseyin’in neslinden gelen dokuz kişidir. Hz. Peygamber’den sonra onun yerinegeçen imam, dinî ve siyasî bütün yetkilerin kendisinde toplanan kişidir. İmâmıngörevleri arasında ḥadleri uygulamak, zekât ve ḫumusu toplamak, adaletisağlamak ve cihad ilan etmek gibi görevler bulunmaktadır. İmâmiyye’ye göre bu görevve yetkilerin yerine getirilebilmesi için toplum üzerinde mutlak otorite sahibiimâmın veya onun tarafından atanan kişinin bizzat işin başında olması gerekir.On ikinci imâmın gâib olduğunu ve bir gün dönerek yeryüzünde adaletiyeniden tesis edeceğini kabul eden İmâmiyye taraftarları, gaybet dönemindeitikâdi meseleler yanı sıra bizzat imâmın varlığı ile irtibatlandırılankonuların çözümünde çeşitli sorunlarla yüzleşmek zorunda kaldılar. Özellikle deimâmla irtibatın tamamen kesildiği gaybet-i kübrâ (329/941---) dönemindeİmâmiyye mensupları, imâmın varlığıyla irtibatlandırılan görevlerin yerinegetirilmesinde bir belirsizlik yaşadı. Mezhep mensuplarının belirsizlik ve kaosyaşamalarındaki muhtemel sebep, gaybet döneminde imâma ait görev ve yetkilerinnasıl yerine getirileceğine dair bir haberin olmamasıdır. Her ne kadar ḫumusözelinde ifade etmiş olsa da Şeyḫ Müfîd bu hususa dikkat çekmektedir. Şiî ulemâ, bu belirsizlik ortamında oluşan boşluğu doldurmak ve toplumiçerisindeki muhtemel dağılmaları önlemek amacıyla ön plana çıkmışlardır.Onlar, on ikinci imâmdan gelen bir tevḳi‘ye atıfta bulunarak toplum üzerindekietkinlik alanlarını genişletmişler ve imâmın yokluğunda ona ait görevlerinkendileri tarafından yerine getirilebileceğini iddia etmektedirler. Başlangıçitibariyle dinî alanla sınırlı olan bu yetki devrinin kapsamı, bazı âlimlerimkatkılarıyla tedrîcen genişletildi. “Velâyet-i fakîh” teorisininuygulanmasıyla da en geniş boyuta ulaştı. Günümüze kadar devam eden bu uzunzaman diliminde Şerîf el-Murtażâ ve öğrencilerin yaşadığı dönem, günümüze kadardevam eden bu sürecin başlangıç dönemi olarak nitelendirilmesi mümkündür. Şerîfel-Murtażâ ve öğrencilerinin yaşadığı hicrî beşinci asırda, imâma aityetkilerin ulemâ tarafından üstlenilmesi daha çok dinî alanla sınırlıdır. Bumakalede Şeyḫ Müfîd sonrası dönemde Uṣûlî düşüncenin sistemleşmesinde paysahibi olan âlimlerin imâmın yetkileri arasındaki konuları nasıl ele aldıklarıve ne ölçüde İmâmî fakîhe referans gösterdikleri ortaya konulmaktadır.İmâma ait yetkilerin kullanımında Şerîf el-Murtażâ ve öğrencileri, bazenihtiyatlı ve temkinli bir tavır sergilemişlerdir. Bununla birlikte onlar,gaybet döneminde ortaya çıkan belirsizliğin ortadan kaldırılmasında fakîhinrolüne işaret etmektedirler. Nitekim gaybet döneminde imâmın yetkileriarasındaki ḫumusun toplanıp dağıtılmasında Şeyḫ Ṭûsî ve Ḳâḍî İbnü’l-Berrâc,önemli katkılar sunmuşlardır. Ancak daha da önemli bir adım, Sellâr ed-Deylemîtarafından atılmıştır. O, gaybet döneminde ḫumusu bir lütuf olarak kabuletmekte ve imâmın paylarını da kapsayacak şekilde onun kullanımına müsaadeetmektedir. Zekât konusunda ise onlar, daha açık ifadelerle fakîhin konumunaişaret eden görüşler ileri sürmektedirler. Hatta İbnü’l-Berrâc, imâm venâibinin olmadığında verilecek yerleri daha iyi bildikleri gerekçesiyle zekâtıfakîhlere vermenin vâcib olduğunu iddia etmektedir. Dolayısıyla onlar, imâmınve nâibinin olmadığı veya ona ulaşma imkânın bulunmadığı durumlarda, zekâtıntoplanıp dağıtılmasında fakîhi adres göstererek daha erken bir dönemde birçözüm üretmişlerdir.İmâmın toplum üzerindeki en etkin görevlerinden birisi olan Cuma namazımeselesinde ise Şerîf el-Murtażâ ve öğrencileri, imâmın veya onun tayin ettiğikişinin bulunmasını cumanın sıhhat şartları arasında saymışlardır. el-Ḥalebî buşarta ilave olarak gerekli şartları taşıyan bir kişinin olmasını da cumanınsıhhat şartı olduğunu kabul etmektedir. el-Ḥalebî’nin bu açılımı, hem gaybetdöneminde Cuma namazı ile ilgili karşılaşılan problemin çözümüne hem de imâmındinî ve siyasî yetkisinin fakîh tarafından devralınmasına önemli bir katkıdır.Bununla birlikte Şerîf el-Murtażâ’nın bir diğer öğrencisi Sellâr, gereklişartlar oluştuğunda fakîhin Cuma namazını kıldırabileceği görüşüne karşıçıkmaktadır. Sellar’ın bu yaklaşımı mezhep içerisinde gaybet döneminde Cumanamazı kılmanın haram olduğu şeklindeki görüşlere zemin hazırladığısöylenebilir. Gaybet döneminde ḥadlerin uygulanması konusunda ise Şerîf el-Murtażâ veöğrencileri, genel olarak ihtiyatlı bir tutum sergilemektedirler. Onlar,insanlara ḥad cezalarının uygulanabilmesi için imâmın mevcut olması gerektiğiniileri sürmektedirler. Bununla birlikte gaybet döneminde ḥadlerin uygulanmasıylailgili belirsizliğin ortadan kaldırılmasına yönelik en önemli adım, Şeyh Tûsîtarafından atılmıştır. O, imâmların Şiî fakîhlerine cezâ hukukunu uygulamayaizin verdiklerini söylemektedir. Bu konuya ilave olarak Şiî ulemânın tartıştığıbir diğer konu da gaybet döneminde mevcut yönetimlerde görev almak zorundakalan bir kişinin bu cezaları uygulayıp uygulayamayacağıdır. Şerîf el-Murtażâ,bu problemin çözümüne yönelik Mes’ele fi’l-‘amel me‘a’s-sulṭân başlıklıbir risâle kaleme almıştır. O, mevcut yönetimlerde görev üstlenmeninniteliğini, kişinin icra edeceği fiil ve üstlendiği sorumluluğu yerine getiripgetiremeyeceğine göre sınıflandırmıştır. Şerîf el-Murtażâ’nın öğrencileri demevcut siyasî otoritelerde görev alma konusunda hocalarının uzlaşmacı tutumunudevam ettirmişlerdir.Son tahlilde imâma ait görevlerin nasıl ve kimler tarafından yerinegetirileceği probleminin çözümünde Şerîf el-Murtażâ ve öğrencilerininkatkıları, daha sonraki dönemlerde fakîhin otoritesinin pekişmesine ve nihâiolarak bir fakîhin imâmın siyasî yetkilerini de kullanabilecek konuma gelmesinezemin hazırlamıştır. Hatta Şerîf el-Murtażâ’nın mevcut yönetimlerde görevüstlenme konusundaki açılımı, daha sonraki dönemlerde otoritelerle ilişkikurmak isteyen ulemâ için bir çıkış yolu olmuştur.

Ibadiyya, which is regarded as the only living branch of the Kharijism and the official sect of the Sultanate of Oman today, is still one of the sects have a large number of followers. In contrast to the widespread opinion as being a separated branch of Kharijism, this sect does not adopt the major acts that represent the Kharijite character and refuse to be referred as Kharijite. In this respect Ibadiyya is a sect waiting to be discovered. This study, with the aim of recognizing Iba.iyya through their own sources and leading to new works, is based on one of the prominent names of the 6th century A.H., Abu Ya'qub Yusuf b. Ibrahim al-Sadrati al-Warjalani (d. 570/1175) who has not been studied yet in Turkey, and his work al-Dalil wa'l-burhan li-Ahl al-'Uqul. In this context, it is discussed that Warjalani's theological opinions on theologic issues such as faith, great sin, walaya-bara'a, divine attributes, intercession, seeing God (ru'yet Allah), wa'd-wa'id, the creation of the Qur'an and grave punishment, political opinions which included his statements about the four caliphs and the social views which he stated under the title of "disasters of the Ummah". In this way, it is tried to put forward the basic views of Ibadiyya and its agenda of the period by emphasizing his views. https://doi.org/10.17335/sakaifd.503092

Journalism began with the arrival of Napoleon Bonaparte in Egypt. French forces tried to establish a connection with the public through with the newspaper et-Tenbih in 1798. When French forces left Egypt, Muhammed Ali Pasha published his own newspaper using the printing house they left behind. The newspapers published during and after Muhammad Ali Pasha were the official newspapers that acted as the spokespersons of the government. Even though these newspapers had literary writings, they were mainly political news. The first literary newspaper published in Egypt in 1870 is considered Ravdatu’l-madaris. Many magazines and newspapers were published after this newspaper. For example, al-Muqtataf, al-Hilal, al-Bayan, az-Ziya, al-Jarida, az-Zuhur, al-Siyasatu’l-usbuiyye, Apollo, es-Sakafa, ez-Zuhûr and es-Sekâfe are the main journals published before ar-Risala. These journals were accepted as literary journals, but they also included articles dealing with economic, scientific and social problems due to the publishing policies of that period.The journal ar-Risala is a literary periodical that was published weekly during 1933-1953 under the editorship of Ahmad Hassan Zayyat. By its subtitle, ar-Risala considered itself a journal of literature, art, and science. Ahmad Hassan Zayyat, the editor and owner of the journal, studied at the Azhar University and the University of Egypt, and after completing his education at the Faculty of Literature, he graduated from the French Law School. Apart from teaching at secondary and high school, he also worked at the Baghdad Higher Teacher Education School. Ahmad Hassan Zayyat was a member of important committees working on the Arabic language such as the Arabic Language Academy in Cairo, the Arab Academy of Sciences in Damascus, the Iraqi Academy of Sciences, the Committee for Facilitating Scripture, the Committee for the Lexicon of Qur’anic Terms, the Committee for Dialects, and the Committee for the Wasit Dictionary. He received a state award for his book Wahyu’r-Risala and a state recognition award for literature in Egypt. Ahmad Hassan Zayyat translated many literary works like from French literature. The most well-known of these translations is The Sorrows of Young Werther. He is also the author of numerous books and articles. For example his History of Arabic Literature book has been used as a textbook in schools for years. He also has several books in which he brought his articles together.Some of the era’s most important literary figures like Ahmad Amin, Taha Hussein, Abbas Mahmoud al-Aqqad, Tawfiq al-Hakim, Ali at-Tantawy and Abdoulwahab Azzam wrote articles for ar-Risala. Moreover, many authors from various Arab countries beyond Egypt also contributed articles to the journal. Thus, ar-Risala became a journal that appealed to the whole Arab world. In January 1937, Ahmad Hassan Zayyat announced that he would publish a journal named ar-Riwaya due to the intense interest of the writers. At the end of 1939, he combined this magazine with ar-Risala because of the economic crisis caused by the Second World War.In the first year of its publication, ar-Risala journal was published in every two weeks. After the first year, the journal started to be published weekly. The journal ar-Risala hosted western and oriental literatures beside Arabic literature. In the last stage of this study, the oriental literary articles which were published in the journal’s first year are discussed. We found that the eastern or oriental literary column, which generally Abdoulwahab Azzam was in charge for, offered insight into Indian, Persian, Far Eastern, and Turkish literatures. At first year in the first 25 issues, a total of 22 articles are related to eastern literature. One of them is about Indian literature. Three of them apply to Far East literature, eight of them Iranian literature and ten of them Turkish literature. It is seen that Persian and Turkish literature is given more emphasis in Eastern literature. It should also be noted that these articles do not contain any analysis or criticism. These articles provide more historical information or present common aspects of cultures or provide a translation of a sample of a poet or writer from the literature. In other words, they are instructive and introductory rather than critical. ar-Risala, one of the most important literary journals of the period, is a magazine with an important staff of poets and writers. It has been a magazine that all literature lovers eagerly await from students to literature teachers. ar-Risala, which is a magazine of great importance and interest in the Arab world, is also important in terms of showing the literary atmosphere and to give an idea about the preferences of the readers. This study has tried to present this subject by examining the Oriental Literature articles and ar-Risala., er-Risâle dergisiAhmed Hasan Zeyyât editörlüğünde 1933-1953 yılları arasında haftalık olarakçıkartılan edebî bir dergidir. Alt başlığında kendisini edebiyat, sanat vebilim dergisi olarak tanımlamıştır. Derginin editörü ve sahibi olan Ahmed HasanZeyyât, Ezher'de ve Mısır Üniversitesi'nde eğitim almış, Edebiyat Fakültesi’ndensonra Fransız Hukuk Okulu'nu bitirmiştir. Mısır'da bulunanMecmau'l-lugati'l-Arabiyye’de, Şam'daki el-Mecmau'l-ilmiyyu'l-Arabî'de,el-Mecmau'l-ilmiyyu'l-Irakî'de, Lecnetü Mu'cemi elfâzi'l-Kur'ân,Lecnetü'l-lehecât, Lecnetü'l-Mu'cemi'l-vasît gibi Arap dili ile ilgiliçalışmalar yapan önemli kurullarda üyelik yapmıştır. Vahyu'r-Risâle kitabıyladevlet ödülü ve Mısır'da edebiyat dalında devlet takdir ödülü kazanmıştır.Ahmed Hasan Zeyyât’ın sahibiolduğu er-Risâle dergisinde dönemin en önemli edebiyatçılarından olan 'AbbasMahmud 'Akkâd, Ahmed Emin, Tâhâ Hüseyin,Tevfik Hakîm, Ali et-Tantâvî ve 'Abdülvehhâb 'Azzâm gibi isimlerin yazılarıyayınlanmıştır. Ayrıca Mısır dışındaki Arap ülkelerinden de pek çok yazar budergide makale kaleme almıştır. Böylece er-Risâle tüm Arap dünyasına hitap edenbir dergi olmuştur. Dergi Arap edebiyatının yanı sıra Batı edebiyatına ve Doğuedebiyatına da yer vermiştir. Doğu edebiyatı köşesi genelde 'Abdülvehhâb 'Azzâmtarafından yazılmış ve bu köşede Hint edebiyatı, Fars edebiyatı, Uzak Doğuedebiyatı ve Türk edebiyatı ele alınmıştır. Bu çalışma, derginin editörü vedergi hakkında genel bilgiler verildikten sonra, derginin ilk yılında Doğuedebiyatı köşesinde yayınlanan yazıları ele almıştır. Doğu edebiyatı bölümünde İranve Türk edebiyatına ağırlık verildiği görülmektedir. Bu makaleler eleştiri vetahlil yazıları şeklinde değildir. Tarihi bilgi aktaran ya da örnek metinlerintercümesini veren didaktik yazılardan oluşmaktadır.

The Qur'an is a divine message presented to the consciousness of humanity within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. The elements and basic features of the language in which the Qur'an was revealed certainly have an important place in understanding and interpreting this divine message. One of the basic elements that shapes meaning in the Arabic language is ma. ani letters, which are defined as particle. In this context, the main purpose of this study is to present different meanings of particle illa, which is one of ma. ani letters and to identify the effects of these different usages on the Qur'an interpretation. This identification will provide richness of interpretation of verses which include illa. For this purpose, the meaning field of the particle illa in the Arabic language will be explored; then in sub-headings how this particle was interpreted in the Qur'an will be examined. According to this, it is found that the particle illa in the Arabic language is used in very different meanings, and that some verses have been interpreted by taking these different meanings into consideration. This result shows that the particle illa should not be interpreted as a particle of exception only, and that this particle's other meanings and expressions should be taken into account. https://doi.org/10.17335/sakaifd.527241

Algerian diversity in human structure and its size has contributed alot to the expansion of the knowledge of Islamic science. This is reflected during the time Ottoma Empire in Central Morocco the current Algeria, were the Hanafi doctrine was the authority doctrine used in the empire. This doctrine has spread throughout the world, in this article we have highlighted the stages of its inception and the most prominent scholars and their work in expansion of islamic knowledge and their religious position in the the history of Algeria. We mentioned the Hanafi school during the islamic ottoman empire era, Ottoman era and French occupation until independence. And we have compared Hanefi doctrine with the Maliki doctrine prevailing in Algeria It is noted in this study that Hanafi doctrine was present in North Africa since ancient times this is confirmed by Judge Ayyad, Ibn Khalkan, Dabbagh and Ibn al-Khoja.Despite the high class of knowldege received from the Imam Malik, Asad ibn al-Furat recieved Asadiyah from Ibn al-Qasim which he introduced to Kairouan where many people listened to it made him their leader (imam) which resulted into the spread of the Hanafi doctrine.The entry of Hanafi doctrine into Algeria was through Tunisia and the spread took place in stages during which the scholars of the Hanafi school rise up throughout the period and this was from the era of the Hafs, which was interrupted by the state of Bani Abdel-Wad until the beginning of the Ottoman state. This indicate the existence of scholars of the Hanafi doctrine, students, schools and texts. These scholars have emerged in various fields of astronomy, arithmetic, jurisprudence, modernity, literature, martial arts and poetry, thus supporting the knowledge in Algeria before. This paved the way for this to return again and search for status as the ruling doctrine in Algeria till the coning Ottoman empire to power in the year 921. During Ottoman rule increased support for doctrines of jurisprudence, especially the Hanafi doctrine and establishement of many endowments which acted as direct revenues to support doctrinal doctrines, serve education and build educational institutions, such as schools and mosques, improving the welfare of students, teacher’s salaries and obtaining sources of livelihood for supervisors of mosques and foreign students which ensured continuous income that helped stabilize its situation and increase its education activity, intellectual production and expansion.As for the position of giving Fatwa was considered the highest religious position the islamic Ottoman state, where the Mufti was responsible for the appointment and dismissal of judges, supervision of schools, and issuing fatwah,and this body did not exist before the advent of the Ottoman Empire, the Hanafi advisory Committee was more practical than theoretical, and we have seen great creativity by Hussein al-Annabi and Ibn Ali holding legitimate council to adjudicate in the cases and major fugitives and track the judgments of the judges and listen to the complainants held every Thursday and center was the largest mosque. since the French occupation of Algeria, a number of Hanafi judges were diminished, in addition to their fighting against the sheiks and removal of some inspectors such as Mohammed ibn Annabi who was the first denied immediately after the French occupation of Algeria. This was because most of them were from Ottoman families, but despite all of this the French authorities continued to appoint Hanafi Mufti in some of the major cities such as in the capital, Constantine, eayan alduflaa and Medea.As for the relationship between the Hanafi and Malik schools, it was distinguished in some cases, and there was a turnout among the students of the two schools on the main pillars of doctrines of the two sects, and some times conflicts and rivalries among them which reached the intervention of judges, but it is noticed that the Malik doctrine is very old in Algeria, and the Hanafi doctrine was renewed in the spirit of the Ottoman Caliphate and its power and infinite support spread throughout Algeria. However, this doctrine has created an innovation in which the Malik’s doctrine in their intellectual, scientific and cultural production like in fields of astronomy, literature, jurisprudence, and others In this research, many of the books and the Hanafi effects that took place has been discussed in a comprehensive study and Finally we have put at the end all the findings of Hanafi doctrine as it was more practical than theoretical which enriched the Algerian library with valuable books in various fields and we recommend scholars of our time to benefit from them., Cezayir farklı etnik gruplardan oluşan ve büyük coğrafyaya sahip olan bir ülkedir. Bu özelliği oradaki ilimi çalışmaların gelişmesine ve farklı fıkhı ekollerin bulunmasını sağlamıştır. Bunlar arasında Hanefî mezhebi önemli bir yere sahiptir. Osmanlı devletinin hukuki yapısını oluşturan Hanefi mezhebi farklı bölgelerde yayıldığı gibi zamanla Osmanlılarla birlikte Cezayir’de de gelişmiş oldu. Bu araştırma Cezayir’de Hanefî mezhebinin gelişme aşamalarını ele almaktadır. Araştırmamız Hanefî mezhebine bağlı ünlü âlimler, eserleri ayrıca Cezayir’in dini ve bilim tarihinde bunların konumunu kapsamaktadır. Tarih açısından bu çalışma Osmanlı dönemden önce orada Hanefî mezhebinin var oluşu, Osmanlı dönemdeki gelişmeleri ve Fransızların Cezayiri İşgal ettiğinden itibaren bağımsızlığını kazanana kadardaki durumlarını ele almaktadır. Bu dönemlerdeki meşhur Hanefî âlimler, eserleri, bunlara bağlı olan vakıf ve camiler, takipçileri gibi konular üzerinde durulmuştur. Ayrıca orada yaygın olan Malikî mezhebiyle mukayese de yapılmıştır. Araştırmada Osmanlı dönemi ve Fransızların yaptığı işgal döneminde Hanefî mezhebinin Cezayir’de önemli otoriteye sahip olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Özellikle Osmanlıların gelişi Ceyzayir’de Hanefî Mezhebinin gelişmesine destek olduğu anlaşılmaktadır Yapılan araştırma şu sonuçları ortaya koymaktadır ki: Hanefî mezhebi Kuzey Afrika'da eskiden beri vardı. Kadı Iyaz, İbn Hallikân, ed-Dabbâğ ve İbnu’l-Hoca bu mezhebin daha yaygın olduğunu vurgulamışlardır. İmam Malik’ten ilim alanların orada bulunmasına rağmen onlardan sonraki tabakadakiler arasında yer alan Esed b. Furat Hanefî mezhebini benimseyip onun yaygınlaşmasını sağlamış ve kendi döneminde bir imam mevkisine sahip olarak kabul edilmiştir. Hanefî mezebinin Cezayir’e girişi ise Tunus yoluyla gerçekleşmiştir. Tarihi aşamalar açısından Hafsiler, ve Beni Abd’l-Vâd döneminden Osmanlı devletine kadar Hanefî mezhebine mensup olanlar bunun var oluşunu korumuşlardır. Bu da söz konusu zamanlarda Hanefî âlimlerin, medreselerin, eserlerin bulunduğunun bir göstergesidir. Bu âlimler Astronomi, Matematik Fıkıh, Hadis, Edep, Sanat gibi çeşitli alanlarda güzel çalışmalar yapmışlardır. Bu çalışmalar Cezayir'in ilim ve marifet hazinesini zenginleştirmiştir. Bundan sonra ve özellikle 921 yılında Cezayir’e Osmanlı Devletinin girmesi Hanefî mezhebinin oradaki hukuki yapısında yer almasını sağlamış. Bunlar tarafından ilmi ve manevi çalışmalara ortam olan vakıf, camii, tekke ve medreseler inşa edilmiş. Vakıflar tarafından öğretmenlere maaşlar bağlanmış. Böylece camilerde yaşayan ve dışarıdan gelen öğrenciler için ilim tahsili daha kolay olmuş. Bu çalışmalar daha düzgün ve devamlı olduğundan ilmi ve fikri ortam gelişmeye başladı.Bu ilmi çalışmalarla birlikte Osmanlının Cezayir’e kazandırdığı diğer husus ise müftülük müessesidir (Hanefî Şeyhülislamlık مشيخة الاسلام الحنفية). Fetva vermek en üstün makam sayılmaktaydı. Müftü, kadıları tayin etmek, medreseleri kontrol etmek, fetva vermek gibi sorumlulukları üstlenmekteydi. Söz konusu Hanefî fetva heyetinin ortaya koyduğu ilmi sonuçlar teoriden daha çok uygulamalı olma özelliği vardı. Yani onların çok fazla eserleri yoktur. Bunu Huseyin El annabi ve İbn Ali tarafından yapılan çalışmalarla vurgulanmıştır. Örnek olarak çeşitli konularda ve büyük olaylarda davalar için Şer‘î meclisler kurulmuştur. Merkezi de Cami Azam mescididir ve her Perşembe günü yapılırdı. Fransız ihtilalinden sonra Hanefîlerin sayısı azalmaya başlamıştır. Çünkü Hanefîlerin çoğu Osmanlı ailelerindendi, ayrıca Fransızların Hanefî islam hocalarına, Türk ailelerine karşı açtığı savaşın büyük etkisi olmuştur. Bununla birlikte Fransa Cezayir'i işgal ettikten sonra Muhammed El annabi gibi diğer müftüleri de sürgün etti. Bu da işgalden sonra yapılan ilk sürgün olarak bilinmektedir. Buna rağmen Fransızlar başkent ve merkezi şehirlere Kasantina, Midye gibi yerlere Hanefî müftülerini sürgün etmeye devam etmiştir. Osmanlı devleti döneminde Cezayir’in başkenti ve diğer şehirlerde hanefilere ait mescidlerin sayısı çoğalmıştır. Bu mescidler kapsamlı dini bir kurumu ya da osmanlıların ‘külliye’ olarak isimlendirdiği yapıyı temsil ederdi. Bu medreselerde hanefi mezhebi ve kuranı kerim okutulur ve ibadetler yapılırdı. 1750 yılında yapılan Buleyde şehrindeki ‘Mustafa el-İstanbuli’ mescidi, 1743 yılında yapılan Mıdıyye şehrindeki ‘el-Mescidu’l-Hanefî’ ve Şeyhulislamın merkezi olan Kastantindeki ‘Câmi‘u’l-Kebîr’ bu hanefi camilerindendir.İki mezhep arasındaki ilişki farklı dönemlerde de devamlılık göstermiştir. Bu ilişki Hanefi ve Maliki mezhebinin âlimlerinin bu medreselerindeki öğrencilerde ortaya çıkmıştı bazı dönemlerde de bu talebelerin arasında hâkimlerin karışacağı kadar çatışmalar ve rekabet yaşanmıştır. Ancak farkedilen şu ki, Maliki mezhebinin fetvaları Cezayir'de çok eskiden vardı. Osmanlı devletinin gelmesiyle birlikte eskiden beri varolan Hanefî mezhebi yenilenmiştir. Osmanlı devletinin gücüyle ve bitmeyen desteğiyle Cezayir’de yayılmıştır. Bütün bunlara rağmen bu mezhebin elde ettiği büyük başarılar ile Maliki okulunun düşünsel, bilimsel ve kültürel alanlarda üretimi arasında rekabeti çok büyük ve başarılıydı. Astronomi, askeri ve edebi bilimler, Fıkıh ve usul gibi ilim dallarında müellefat ve eserler coğalmıştır.Araştırmamız sırasında Hanefî eser ve kitaplar yerleriyle birlikte ortaya çıkmıştır. Böylece kapsamlı ve yeterli bir araştırma olmuştur. Ve sonuç olarak son kısımda elde edilen tüm neticeleri izah ettik, bunlardan Hanefî mezhebinin Cezayir’de Osmanlının girmesiyle desteklenen bir mezhep olması, ayrıca Şeyhü’l-İslam makamı çoğunlukla Türk alimlere veriliyordu, bu alimler yüksek ilmi seviyeye sahiptiler. Bunların ilmi ve yetenekleri telif ve teöriden daha çok uygulamada görülmektedir. Buna rağmen Hanefî mezhebine mensup olan kitapların günümüzdeki Cezayir kütüphanelerinde farklı alanlarda payı çok fazladır. Bu ayrıcalıklardan dolayı çalışmamızın sonunda, çağımızdaki araştırmacılara bu önemli eserleri bütünsel olarak araştırma yapmalarını önerdik. Allah’ın yardımıyla bu çalışmadan iyi sonuçlar elde ettik., تتميز البلاد الجزائرية بتنوع التركيبة البشرية وشساعةمساحتها، وهو ما أعطى مجالا للتوسع العلمي والإحتكاك المعرفي، وتجسد ذلك في المذهبالحنفي السلطة الروحية للدولة العثمانية في المغرب الأوسط (الجزائر حاليا)، لذلك قمنابتسليط الضوء في مقالتنا هذه على مراحل نشأته، وأبرز علماءه وإنتاجهم العلمي وموقعكل ذلك من تاريخ الجزائر الديني والمعرفي، فذكرنا تواجد المذهب الحنفي في مرحلة ماقبل الحكم العثماني وأثنائه والمتصدين للفتوى الحنفية آنذاك، ثم المذهب الحنفي فيعهد الإحتلال الفرنسي إلى غاية الإستقلال،كما تعرضنا لأحوالهذا المذهب ومساجده ومراكز تمويله المتمثلة في الأوقاف، وقمنا بترجمة لأبرز أعيانهفي الجزائر، ومقارنته مع المذهب المالكي السائد في الجزائر، وفي الأخير خاتمة وضحنافيها جميع النتائج المتوصل إليها، وبعدها المصادر والمراجع المعتمدة في البحث،وبذلك تنكشف دعائم السلطة الروحية للمذهب الحنفي في العهد العثماني والاحتلالالفرنسي، وتظهر المؤلفات والآثار، فاستعنا بالله عزوجل وعزمنا على جمع شتات هذاالموضوع بما يعطيه حقَه، وبما يوضح مبهمه ويكشف عن مستُوره، فكانت بذلك دراسةشاملة لما بحث وزيادة، فاستخلصنا نتائج جيدة من هذا البحث منها " أن المذهبالحنفي في الجزائر من المذاهب التي تدعمت أكثر بدخول العثمانيين، كما أن غالبية منتقلد منصب شيخ الاسلام الحنفي في الجزائر من الأتراك تميزوا بمستوى علمي جيد، وكانعلمهم تطبيقيا أكثر منه تأليفيا ونظريا، وعلى الرغم من ذلك فقد أثرى المذهب الحنفيالمكتبة الجزائرية بكتب قيمة وفي مختلف المجالات، لذلك اقترحنا في الخاتمة أنّهلابد على باحثي عصرنا من جمع مختلف مؤلفاته وتحقيقها والإحاطة أكثر بقضاياهومسائله

Thisarticle aims to discourse the life of Shaykh Subhî Sâlih (1926-1986) who is oneof the most important scholars and his academic personality and his works.Sâlih, who was born in Lebanon, has gained special place with his works in the last period of Islamic thought. Although he is quitewell-known in the Arab world, there are no independent studies in our country.In this study, his educational and academic life, his books and prominentopinions are mentioned. Also by giving a brief description of the contents of hisbooks and articles which are reached, the necessary information about thecharacteristics of the mentioned studies is presented., Bu yazı son asrın önemli âlimlerinden Subhî Sâlih’in (1926-1986) hayatını, ilmî kişiliğini,eserlerini ve öne çıkan görüşlerini ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Lübnan doğumlu olan Sâlih, ortaya koyduğu çalışmalarla son dönem İslam düşüncesi içerisinde kendisine önemli bir yer edinmiştir. Arap dünyasında oldukça tanınmış olmasına rağmen ülkemizde hakkında kapsamlı çalışmalar bulunmamaktadır. Bu makalede, onun eğitim-öğretim hayatı, telif ettiği eserler ve öne çıkan görüşlerinden bahsedilmiştir. Yazara ait ulaşabildiğimiz ilmî eser ve makalelerin muhtevası hakkında kısa bilgiler verilip adı geçen çalışmaların özelliklerine dair gerekli bilgiler sunulmuştur.

The cash subsidies sent to the people of Haramayn and Quds which are generally known as surre have been studied from different perspectives. In these studies, it has been assumed that after the establishment of the Ottoman rule in Egypt two big surres were maintained by the Ottomans, i.e. the old surre of the Mamluks and the surre of Ottomans from Istanbul. The reason for this assumption was that the Ottomans made formally no change concerning the surre of the Mamluks, that there were many endowments for the benefit of the people of Haramayn founded in Anatolia before and after the Ottoman conquest of the Egypt and that the Ottomans began to send regularly subsidies to Haramayn before this time. The document MAD 1806 which was prepared by the newly appointed superintendent for the endowments of Haremayn contains the total numbers of the revenues of the Haramayn Endowments in the Ottoman Empire except Egypt from 997/1589 to 998/1590 and a report attached to the document which contains a summary of a discussion triggered by sending a new surre to Haramayn. In this article, I will examine the report of Habesi Mehmed Aga by taking into account its judicial aspects and checking the sums of the revenues of the Haremayn Endowments given by Mehmed Aga. I will show that there was not a big surre from Istanbul before that time.

In this article we will deal the Qur'an, the last divine message sent to mankind to be understood and practiced in terms of its recitation in its original words and form. Firstly, we will study this issue from the Qur'anic perspective. In this context, we will discuss the wording "recitation" within the semantic content and shed light according to the main sources in this regard. Afterwards, we will try to identify the historical background and its manifestations in the tradition and analyze the Qur'an recitation in its original wording considering the practices of the Prophet (pbuh), his companions and the Successors. https://doi.org/10.17335/sakaifd.309794

Maturidi, who is one of the leading scholars in Islamic thought, lived in Transoxiana where different ideas from Islamic geography were intensively discussed. Maturidi came across with various Islamic and non-Islamic schools of thoughts in his era and acquainted himself with different philosophical and religious ideas. Maturidi trained himself in accordance with wide-scale opinions. Maturidi did not evaluate Islamic faith with the context of absolute debates; instead he issued Islamic thought with philosophical, sociological, psychological and educational perspectives. Maturidi approached the Creator-human relation and the reasons behind the existence of humanity in accordance with Qur’an, authentic hadith and mind. He made a breakthrough in Islamic thoughts and handled various phenomena in accordance with freedom of humanity and freedom of will as well as psychological and philosophical analysis of human behaviors, İslam düşüncesinde öncül bir yeri bulunan Mâtüridi, İslam coğrafyasının fikir hareketlerinin yoğun yaşandığı Mâverâünnehir’de yaşamıştır. O, dönemindeki İslam dışı ve İslami bütün düşünce akımlarıyla karşılaşmış ve farklı dinî-felsefi yaklaşımlara muttali olmuştur. Bu doğrultuda Mâtüridi, geniş eksenli görüşler çemberinde kendisini yetiştirmiştir. İtikadi alanı, salt tartışmalar bağlamında değerlendirmeyerek, felsefi, psikolojik, sosyolojik ve eğitim boyutlarıyla İslami düşünceyi çalışmalarında işlemiştir. Yaradan-insan ilişkisi ile insanın var oluş biçimini Kur’an, akıl ve sahih hadisler doğrultusunda ele almak suretiyle, İslam düşüncesinde çığır açmış ve mevcut olguları, insan özgürlüğü ve bireyin irade hürriyeti ekseninde değerlendirerek, insan davranışlarının felsefi ve psikolojik tahliller doğrultusunda yaklaşımlar sergilemiştir.

Al-Birgiwi is considered one of the most notable scholars in a series of disputes occurred between sufis and ulema in the 16th century of Ottoman Empire. His views about innovation (bid. at), esoteric Sufism and tariqats in those discussions in which he adopted a rather strict and strong language were assessed and criticized by a number of authors. These assessments generally comprise that Mehmed Birgivi (d. 981/1573) disregarded all traditions and customs in the society and was affected by salafism, but it is conspicuous that most of these opinions and claims about his approaches are either inaccurate or inadequate as a result of the lack of the interest in obtaining his viewpoint as a whole from his books in connection with the topics in question. So, we observe that those evaluations portray his opinions differently when we investigate them in his related books. In this paper, we argue al-Birgiwi's viewpoint on Tasawwuf and Tariqats through his works and analyze some opinions and claims in this regard. https://doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i4.1057

Some scholars adopted the approach that the variant readings other than seven readings of the Qur'an are completely unacceptable. According to them, those versions can neither be recited in prayer nor have any value for the commentary of the Qur'an. Abu al-Fath Uthman Ibn Jinni (d. 392/1002), provided a strong opposition to this opinion in his book al-Muhtasab due to the reason that those versions can have a close relationship with the Qur'anic revelation. In his viewpoint, those versions can be beneficial in the Qur'anic commentaries even though they cannot be recited in prayer. This paper aims to deal with Ibn Jinni's approach to the reading versions other than seven variant readings as well as comparing his position with other scholars' perspective in this regard. https://doi.org/10.17335/sakaifd.305084

WOS: 000379252100027, PubMed ID: 27085724, There have been many studies pertaining to the management of herpetic meningoencephalitis (HME), but the majority of them have focussed on virologically unconfirmed cases or included only small sample sizes. We have conducted a multicentre study aimed at providing management strategies for HME. Overall, 501 adult patients with PCR-proven HME were included retrospectively from 35 referral centres in 10 countries; 496 patients were found to be eligible for the analysis. Cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) analysis using a PCR assay yielded herpes simplex virus (HSV)-1 DNA in 351 patients (70.8%), HSV-2 DNA in 83 patients (16.7%) and undefined HSV DNA type in 62 patients (12.5%). A total of 379 patients (76.4%) had at least one of the specified characteristics of encephalitis, and we placed these patients into the encephalitis presentation group. The remaining 117 patients (23.6%) had none of these findings, and these patients were placed in the nonencephalitis presentation group. Abnormalities suggestive of encephalitis were detected in magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) in 83.9% of the patients and in electroencephalography (EEG) in 91.0% of patients in the encephalitis presentation group. In the nonencephalitis presentation group, MRI and EEG data were suggestive of encephalitis in 33.3 and 61.9% of patients, respectively. However, the concomitant use of MRI and EEG indicated encephalitis in 96.3 and 87.5% of the cases with and without encephalitic clinical presentation, respectively. Considering the subtle nature of HME, CSF HSV PCR, EEG and MRI data should be collected for all patients with a central nervous system infection. (C) 2016 European Society of Clinical Microbiology and Infectious Diseases. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

WOS: 000358623200015, PubMed ID: 25779579, Data in the literature regarding the factors that predict unfavorable outcomes in adult herpetic meningoencephalitis (HME) cases are scarce. We conducted a multicenter study in order to provide insights into the predictors of HME outcomes, with special emphasis on the use and timing of antiviral treatment. Samples from 501 patients with molecular confirmation from cerebrospinal fluid were included from 35 referral centers in 10 countries. Four hundred thirty-eight patients were found to be eligible for the analysis. Overall, 232 (52.9%) patients experienced unfavorable outcomes, 44 died, and 188 survived, with sequelae. Age (odds ratio [OR], 1.04; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.02 to 1.05), Glasgow Coma Scale score (OR, 0.84; 95% CI, 0.77 to 0.93), and symptomatic periods of 2 to 7 days (OR, 1.80; 95% CI, 1.16 to 2.79) and >7 days (OR, 3.75; 95% CI, 1.72 to 8.15) until the commencement of treatment predicted unfavorable outcomes. The outcome in HME patients is related to a combination of therapeutic and host factors. This study suggests that rapid diagnosis and early administration of antiviral treatment in HME patients are keys to a favorable outcome.

In recent times, research on the Ibāḍī tradition by both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars has increased, but has not yet shed light on the wider significance of this tradition. While the primary focus of researchers has been on the Ibāḍī tradition as a school of thought, its important contribution to various Islamic disciplines is still neglected. For this reason, there is a serious need for a comprehensive study of the Ibāḍī works on Islam, especially as new manuscripts are continually being discovered. When we look at Ibāḍī Islamic literature in general and compare Ibāḍī jurisprudence and theology, we realise that the poorest and most unexplored field of study consists of the Ibāḍī works on exegesis (tafsīr). The once inaccessible and insufficient amount of Ibāḍī sources and materials may have accounted for this lack of interest; however, today, materials related to Ibāḍī exegesis and understanding are becoming available. In this article, we focus on the methodology of Qur'anic exegesis with reference to commentators from the Ibāḍī tradition. As far as we know, this paper is a first in this field of research, and will discuss the primary features of the Ibāḍī method, its similarities to and differences from other exegetical approaches, and its original contributions.

To the Editor, Pseudoachalasia is a rare entity and is difficult to distinguish from idiopathic achalasia. The most common cause of achalasia secondary to neoplasia is adenocarcinoma of the distal esophagus and the gastroesophageal junction. The second most common cause is small-cell lung cancer [1]. We report a case of lung adenocarcinoma secondary to achalasia. A 72-year-old man had dysphagia to liquids and solids, abdominal pain, gush-style vomiting without nausea, and a 10-kg weight loss over the past 6 months. He was vomiting immediately after eating. He had been diagnosed with opsomyoclonus and had a 60-year smoking history. Barium esophagography showed a proximal esophageal dilatation tapering into a "bird's beak" (Fig. 1A). Mild pressure was applied by the endoscope to open the gastroesophageal junction. Long time smoking history, older age, opsomyoclonus, and rapidly progressive achalasia symptoms-especially weight loss-indicate that cancer should be considered. Physical examination and chest imaging were normal, so we decided to screen for cancer by computed tomography (CT) scan. A thoracic and abdominal CT scan revealed esophageal dilatation and a spiculated lesion located in the left lung subpleural area. Botulinum toxin was injected endoscopically into the gastroesophageal junction, and the patient's symptoms improved. A transthoracic needle biopsy was performed by interventional radiology (Fig. 1B), and the diagnosis was lung adenocarcinoma. We referred the patient to the oncology department. Positron emission tomography-CT scan was performed by the oncology department for staging. There was bilateral mediastinal lymphadenopathy; therefore, the diagnosis was stage 3B lung cancer. Neoplasia causes achalasia by directly obstructing the lower esophageal sphincter and by paraneoplasia (depending on the antibodies) [2]. Direct involvement of the esophageal myenteric plexus is the most common mechanism, and endoscopic ultrasonography is a useful method to show tumor infiltration [3]. Type 1 antineuronal nuclear antibody (ANNA-1 or anti-Hu), type 1 Purkinje cell cytoplasmic antibody (PCA-1 or anti-Yo), and N-type calcium channel antibodies have been shown to be related to pseudoachalasia [1]. We do not have any serological or pathological evidence for pseudoachalasia and, therefore, cannot prove that it was present in this patient. CT scan and endoscopic examination did not suggest tumor invasion, so we thought that paraneoplasia was the cause of achalasia. Some clinical differences have been noted between idiopathic achalasia and pseudoachalasia. Three criteria were identified by Tucker et al. [4] to distinguish pseudoachalasia from primary achalasia: age older than 50 years, symptoms with a duration of less than 1 year, and rapid weight loss. Weight loss is more rapid at the onset of pseudoachalasia symptoms than at those of idiopathic achalasia, and pseudoachalasia occurs in older patients [4]. Patients with idiopathic achalasia commonly have a long duration of symptoms before being diagnosed [5]. Pseudoachalasia in lung cancers frequently arises during the course of small-cell carcinoma [1]. As in the reported case, it occurs more rarely with lung adenocarcinoma. In particular, the possibility of malignancy should be investigated in a patient of advanced age with achalasia accompanied by rapidly developing symptoms and in patients without a detectable lesion of the distal esophagus or adjacent structures. Figure 1 (A) Barium esophagography showing proximal esophageal dilatation tapering into a "bird's beak." (B) Transthoracic needle biopsy from a spiculated lesion located in the left lung subpleural area.

OBJECTIVE Prediabetes is a condition between a normal metabolic state and diabetes mellitus, which includes impaired glucose tolerance (IGT), impaired fasting glucose (IFG), or both. Prediabetes is related with undesirable cardiovascular outcomes. Epicardial fat thickness (EFT) has been correlated with cardiovascular risk factors. We herein aimed to assess EFT in prediabetic patients. METHODS We evaluated 64 patients with prediabetes and 30 age- and gender-matched healthy subjects. Demographic and anthropometric characteristics [age, sex, height, weight, body mass index (BMI), and waist circumference (WC)] and laboratory findings [fasting plasma glucose (FPG), postprandial plasma glucose (PPG), hemoglobin A1c (HbA1c), low density lipoprotein (LDL), high density lipoprotein (HDL), and triglycerides (TG)] were assessed. Transthoracic echocardiography was used to evaluate EFT. RESULTS There were no significant differences between the case and control groups in terms of age, gender, height, HDL, WC, systolic and diastolic blood pressure (SBP/DBP), or TG (p>0.05). Body weight, BMI, FPG, LDL, and, in particular, EFT were found to be significantly higher in the case group than control group (p

WOS: 000336986700024, PubMed ID: 24557334, Brucellosis is a zoonotic disease that primarily affects the reticuloendothelial system. But, the extent of liver damage in due course of the disease is unclear. This study included 325 brucellosis patients with significant hepatobiliary involvement identified with microbiological analyses from 30 centers between 2000 and 2013. The patients with a parts per thousand yen5 times of the upper limit of normal for aminotransferases, total bilirubin level a parts per thousand yen2 mg/dl or local liver lesions were enrolled. Clinical hepatitis was detected in 284 patients (87.3 %) and cholestasis was detected in 215 (66.1 %) patients. Fatigue (91 %), fever (86 %), sweating (83 %), arthralgia (79 %), and lack of appetite (79 %) were the major symptoms. Laboratory tests showed anemia in 169 (52 %), thrombocytopenia in 117 (36 %), leukopenia in 81 (25 %), pancytopenia in 42 (13 %), and leukocytosis in 20 (6 %) patients. The most commonly used antibiotic combinations were doxycycline plus an aminoglycoside (n = 73), doxycycline plus rifampicin (n = 71), doxycycline plus rifampicin and an aminoglycoside (n = 27). The duration of ALT normalization differed significantly in three treatment groups (p < 0.001). The use of doxycycline and an aminoglycoside in clinical hepatitis showed better results compared to doxycycline and rifampicin or rifampicin, aminoglycoside, doxycycline regimens (p < 0.05). However, the length of hospital stay did not differ significantly between these three combinations (p > 0.05). During the follow-up, treatment failure occurred in four patients (1 %) and relapse was seen in three patients (0.9 %). Mortality was not observed. Hepatobiliary involvement in brucellosis has a benign course with suitable antibiotics and the use of doxycycline and an aminoglycoside regimen seems a better strategy in select patients.

WOS: 000319784600020, PubMed ID: 23620396, The effects of high-flux dialysis and ultrapure dialysate on survival of hemodialysis patients are incompletely understood. We conducted a randomized controlled trial to investigate the effects of both membrane permeability and dialysate purity on cardiovascular outcomes. We randomly assigned 704 patients on three times per week hemodialysis to either high- or low-flux dialyzers and either ultrapure or standard dialysate using a two-by-two factorial design. The primary outcome was a composite of fatal and nonfatal cardiovascular events during a minimum 3 years follow-up. We did not detect statistically significant differences in the primary outcome between high- and low-flux (HR=0.73, 95% CI=0.49 to 1.08, P=0.12) and between ultrapure and standard dialysate (HR=0.90, 95% CI=0.61 to 1.32, P=0.60). Posthoc analyses suggested that cardiovascular event-free survival was significantly better in the high-flux group compared with the low-flux group for the subgroup with arteriovenous fistulas, which constituted 82% of the study population (adjusted HR=0.61, 95% CI=0.38 to 0.97, P=0.03). Furthermore, high-flux dialysis associated with a lower risk for cardiovascular events among diabetic subjects (adjusted HR=0.49, 95% CI=0.25 to 0.94, P=0.03), and ultrapure dialysate associated with a lower risk for cardiovascular events among subjects with more than 3 years of dialysis (adjusted H R=0.55, 95% CI=0.31 to 0.97, P=0.04). In conclusion, this trial did not detect a difference in cardiovascular event-free survival between flux and dialysate groups. Posthoc analyses suggest that high-flux hemodialysis may benefit patients with an arteriovenous fistula and patients with diabetes and that ultrapure dialysate may benefit patients with longer dialysis vintage., Fresenius Medical Care, Turkey, The study was supported by Fresenius Medical Care, Turkey, with an unrestricted grant.

It is not quite possible to claim that the factors behind the success or failure of mergers or takeovers have been subject to sufficient analysis in Turkey although such endeavors have been gaining an observable impetus. To rectify this absence in the literature, the marriage between Halkbank and Pamukbank has been investigated with an inquisitive approach and a theoretical frame is proposed to constitute a basis for ensuing studies. Semi-structured interviews arranged with 4 top-level executives and findings were analyzed in accordance with the grounded theory developed by Glasner and Strauss (1967). As a result of evaluation conducted within this framework, a set of factors, sometimes contradicting each other, such as staff focusing, top-executive leadership, quick decision making, project organization, function based structure, authority transfer, detailed planning, centralized control, and massive communication,, with each other are observed to be influential in the outcomes of mergers. https://doi.org/10.3848/iif.2009.279.5098

The term "Isra'iliyyat" usually refers to early literature of various types attributed by Muslim scholars to Jewish and Christian sources. Despite the continual and pervasive negative regard for "isra'iliyyat", however, a massive amount of this material has been utilised by Muslim commentators throughout Islamic history. In this article, we primarily focus on the verses from Surah Ta-Ha (20:83-98) and Surah A'raf (7:147-155) and then attempt to show how the major Muslim exegetes interpreted these verses; we will discuss the difficulties they encountered, their success in overcoming these challenges, their main hermeneutic devices, and most importantly, their attitudes towards the notion of "isra'iliyyat". The result or the value of our investigation lies in the discovery that even within the highly structured, repetitive confines of the classical Quranic commentaries certain discernible changes in presentation and understanding have taken place. We have seen that there are some commentators who, without using this technical term, clearly reduced the number of "isra'iliyyat" in their commentaries. Pride of place in this respect belongs to ibn 'Atiyya.