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The essay discusses the history of African Americans in the U.S. Armed Forces, beginning with the U.S. Civil War. The Reorganization Act of 1866 in 1866 by U.S. Congress regarding the composition of the U.S. Army in the post-Civil War period made provisions for Black troops in the infantry and cavalry. Topics considered include abolitionist Frederick Douglass, black officers, and combat roles of African Americans in conflicts including the Spanish-American War and World War I.

The Naval Consulting Board, a civilian brain trust headed by Thomas Edison, was established by Secretary of the Navy Josephus Daniels in July 1915 to advise on naval warfare technology. This article turns conventional wisdom on its head, making the case that the impetus behind its creation came not from the government but from Edison's chief engineer, Miller Reese Hutchison, who conceived it as the centerpiece of a marketing strategy to sell Edison submarine batteries to the navy. After submarine E-2 exploded in January 1916, the navy discontinued the use of Edison batteries and its investigation permanently soured Edison on the U.S. Navy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. government facilitated the repatriation of more than 125,000 Americans stranded in Europe upon the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 by declaring neutrality and dispatching the U.S. Relief Commission, which comprised U.S. warships carrying gold to assist desperate citizens. Participating U.S. officers conducted unauthorized tours of battlefields and arms plants to glean intelligence that would aid American mobilization plans. The relief commissioners and many of the Americans they aided, moreover, championed additional humanitarian interventions in war-torn regions and catalyzed the defense preparedness movement in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the practice of corporate social responsibility (CSR) has largely been limited to the twentieth century, with a focus on the United States. This paper provides a brief introduction to CSR practice from the nineteenth century through World War I in the United Kingdom, United States, Japan, India, and Germany. The relevance of nineteenth-century CSR to current debates and research regarding the motivations for CSR, the business cases for CSR, stakeholder management, political CSR, industry self-regulation, and income inequality are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current scholarship on the feud between American generals John J. Pershing and Peyton C. March during the First World War has generally argued that the dispute was overly exaggerated by contemporaries, with most of the conflict developing in the postwar era. The present study challenges this interpretation, arguing that the wartime conflict between March and Pershing was more severe than previously thought, and was founded upon the lack of a clearly defined command structure within the American Army as opposed to a collision of strong personalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the Criminal Syndicalism Act of Idaho and its use against members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). He mentions the philosophy of the IWW which promoted socialist beliefs, its opposition to U.S. participation in World War I, and prosecution of IWW members as a way to control the organization.

The article provides an overview of the civil defense organization and activity in the U.S. in World Wars I and II. State and local defense councils had been organized in every state to direct volunteer activities in various areas. These activities are being managed by the Council of National Defense. The outbreak of the war in Europe in September 1939 had caused the local, state and federal governments to review the civilian defense organizations they have established. Mayor Fiorello La Guardia of New York has started a movement that resulted in replacement of the Division of State and Local Cooperation by the Office of Civilian Defense.

The article reviews the U.S. historical exhibition titled "WW1 America" by Minnesota Historical Society and others on April 8-November 11, 2017, which commemorates the centennial anniversary of the entrance of the U.S. into World War I, revealing the impact of war on American society and culture.

The article focuses on experiences of men in the New Mexico National Guards (NMNG) stateside and in France with the American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) before and during the World War I (1917-1919), discussing the Militia Act of 1903, Capt. Charles M. de Bremond and state's guardsmen conditions.

The article reviews the exhibition "WW1 America" at the Minnesota History Center in St. Paul, Minnesota, from April 8 to November 11, 2017.

What can popular song tell us about American attitudes to the First World War? One of the hit songs of 1915, Al Piantadosi and Alfred Bryan’s ‘I Didn’t Raise My Boy to Be a Soldier’, appears to support the idea that the American public was in a pacifist mood prior to 1917. But the success of the song provides misleading evidence of public sentiments. Far from opposing war, the entertainment business between 1914 and 1917 can be said to have prepared the way for US intervention by promoting a militarized form of patriotism, by linking soldiering to manliness, and by offering aural and visual imagery favourable to the Allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hollywood's war mobilization efforts in support of the Liberty Loan Bond Drives (1917-1918) were critical to shifting government officials' perceptions of the value of commercial cinema as a tool of propaganda and cultural policy during wartime. By tracing the industry's efforts in the bond drives, and the narrative production and distribution of the Liberty Loan propaganda films in particular, this article shows how the patriotic film star testimonial became an expedient ideological mechanism. The propaganda films reinforced perceptions held by some political elites of commercial film as lowbrow as they also signaled a new manner of effectively linking popular culture with state power to promote unified national identity during crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The press was outraged in the 1970s when investigations exposed the CIA’s use of American journalists as undercover informants during the Cold War. This was treated as a shocking break in the traditional line between journalism and government. A study of journalist Carl W. Ackerman’s activities in the Great War, however, reveals such cooperation had precedents. While reporting oversees, Ackerman, later dean of Columbia Journalism School, worked behind the scenes with officials to shape and promote the Wilson administration’s foreign policy. This paper is a first step to understanding that pervasive, close relationships between journalists and government were well established at the beginning of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the highlights of the seventy-sixth annual conference of the Arkansas Historical Association (AHA) held from April 20-22, 2017 in Pocahontas, Arkansas. Topics covered include the commemoration of the entry of the U.S. into the First World War, other transformative moments in Arkansas history, and sessions presented at the conference.

The article discusses brief historical details about the impact of World War I on Montana. Topics explored include the opposition expressed by Montana Representative Jeannette Rankin to the 1917 U.S. declaration of war against Germany, the voluntary enlistment of Montana residents in the armed services to support the war, and the commemoration of the military service of Montanans during World War I by the Montana Historical Society (MHS).

The article discusses the United States Army Camp Gordon in Chamblee, Georgia, 13 miles northeast of Atlanta, from September 1917 through November 1918 during World War I. The camp was the training ground for both black and white soldiers and officers. It was home of the eighty-second division, a key force on the Western Front which included Alvin York of Tennessee, the most decorated soldier of World War I and the basis for the hero of the film "Sergeant York."

Focusing on the World War I era, this article examines Harry Chandler’s Los Angeles Times and William Randolph Hearst’s Los Angeles Examiner. It argues that these two rival newspapers urged a particular urban identity for Los Angeles during World War I. If Los Angeles was to become the capital of the American West, the papers demanded that real and rhetorical barriers be constructed to protect the city from a dual Japanese-Mexican menace. While federal officials viewed the border as a line to be maintained, Chandler and Hearst feared it. Los Angeles needed to be a borderlands fortress. After the war, the two newspapers ably transitioned into an editorial style that privileged progress over preparedness. This paper reveals that the contested narrative of progress, based in transnational concerns, was crucial to the city’s early and ultimate development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I examine how African American soldiers and veterans experienced and shaped federally sponsored health care during and after World War I. Building on studies of the struggles of Black leaders and health care providers to win professional and public health advancement in the 1920s and 1930s, and of advocates to mobilize for health care rights in the mid-20th century, I focus primarily on the experiences and activism of patients in the interwar years. Private and government correspondence, congressional testimony, and reports from Black newspapers reveal that African American soldiers and veterans communicated directly with policymakers and bureaucrats regarding unequal treatment, assuming roles as "policy actors" who viewed health and medical care as "politics by other means." In the process, they drew attention to the paradoxes inherent in expanding government entitlements in the era of Jim Crow, and helped shape a veterans' health system that emerged in the 1920s and remained in place for the following century. They also laid the groundwork for the system's precedent-setting desegregation, referred to by advocates of the time as "a shining example to the rest of the country.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the U.S. Army and Navy's wartime planning for the colonial Japanese at the end of World War II. Topics include the government officials's recognition of the Japanese participation in a longer history of colonialism, the State Department policy recommendations concerning the overseas Japanese that include the Subcommittee on Migration and Resettlement, the Research and Analysis Branch of the Office of Strategic Services, and the Inter-Divisional Area Committee on the Far East, and the disposition of Japanese civilians.

Puerto Rico had long been of strategic interest to U.S. policymakers, but the pending entry of the United States in the First World War suddenly made the Island of vital importance because of its important location Caribbean location. Leading members of Congress, officials in the Bureau of Insular Affairs and Navy Department, and the American governor of Puerto Rico all wanted to bind Puerto Rico more closely to the United States. The Jones Act accomplished this by granting Puerto Ricans U.S. citizenship, which policymakers calculated would undermine the Puerto Rican independence movement. More importantly, President Woodrow Wilson, officials in the War and Navy Departments, and the American governor of Puerto Rico thought the Jones Act, which granted Puerto Rico more self-government, would assuage Puerto Ricans' political demands. And if the looming engagement of the United States in the world war was the overwhelming impetus for the Jones Act, President Wilson's personal intervention and the death of Puerto Rican leader Luis Muñoz Rivera in November 1916 also helped assure the passage of the Jones bill. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the U.S. Sedition Act of 1918 and its impact on freedom of speech. He mentions the passage of the law during World War I, the trials of socialists Eugene Debs and Marie Equi for violating the law, and the constitutionality of the law.

The article reports on the history of lawyer education in Idaho around World War I. It discusses the founding of the University of Idaho College of Law, changes in requirements for the right to practice law, and the growth of a more regularized process.

This article considers World War I era labor insurgency through an examination of the 1920 ‘outlaw’ switchmen’s strike, one of the largest rank-and-file revolts of the postwar strike wave. Drawing upon Bureau of Investigation surveillance reports, the article argues the strike represented not so much an expression of a ‘syndicalist impulse’ as a struggle over the definition of the new unionism and the ideological legacy of the war. Inspired by the wartime rhetoric of Americanism and industrial democracy, pressed by the rising cost of living, and frustrated with the failure of the state and their parent unions to deliver living wages, the insurgents briefly succeeded in building democratic, cross-craft unions. The rebel unionists failed, but the ‘Outlaw Strike’ arguably was as important as the later and larger 1922 national shopmen’s strike in the way it highlighted issues of wages, union democracy, and employee representation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]