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In interviewer-administered omnibus surveys, burdensome questions asked early in a survey may result in lower quality responses to questions asked later in a survey. Two examples of these burdensome questions are social network questions, wherein respondents are asked about members of their personal network, and knowledge questions, wherein respondents are asked to provide a factually correct response to a question. In this study, we explore how the presence of potentially burdensome questions are associated with item nonresponse and acquiescence rates on subsequent survey questions, and whether this effect differs by respondent age and education. We use data from the 2010 General Social Survey (AAPOR RR5 ¼ 70.3%, AAPOR 2016), which experimentally varied the location of a social network module and the presence of a knowledge question module. Those who received knowledge questions had higher item nonresponse rates on subsequent questions than those who did not receive knowledge questions, but the quality of responses did not differ by the presence of social network questions. Further, respondents with different characteristics were not differentially burdened by the knowledge questions or the social network questions. We conclude that knowledge questions may be better asked near the end of omnibus surveys to preserve the response quality for subsequent questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge questions frequently are used in survey research to measure respondents' topic-related cognitive ability and memory. However, in self-administered surveys, respondents can search external sources for additional information to answer a knowledge question correctly. In this case, the knowledge question measures accessible and procedural memory. Depending on what the knowledge question aims at, the validity of this measure is limited. Thus, in this study, we conducted three experiments using a web survey to investigate the effects of task difficulty, respondents' ability, and respondents' motivation on the likelihood of searching external sources for additional information as a form of over-optimizing response behavior when answering knowledge questions. We found that the respondents who are highly educated and more interested in a survey are more likely to invest additional efforts to answer knowledge questions correctly. Most importantly, our data showed that for these respondents, a more difficult question design further increases the likelihood of over-optimizing response behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although paranormal experiences have been broadly investigated, medium-sitter interactions have been studied much less. In this article, five excerpts from an Italian "public mediumship demonstration" are presented with the main aim to answer the following research questions: (1) what are the linguistic strategies used by the medium to manage her epistemic authority and by the sitters to acknowledge, strengthen, resist or contest it? (2) how do these strategies affect the sequential structure of interaction? The analyses reveal that: the medium mainly uses demonstrative questions; sitters generally confirm what the medium discloses, acknowledging her epistemic authority; when sitters do not confirm, the medium resorts to three main linguistic strategies attempting to (re)establish her authority; when the medium has to manage confirmation failures, the sequential structure becomes more complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Judgments about whether anyone can provide a relevant and correct answer to a question are called answerability judgments. Such judgements can be important in societal planning and decision making and may vary in different cultural contexts. Six hundred participants in each of China, India, and Sweden made answerability judgments of six difficult knowledge questions. For each question, they choose between three options indicating that they thought the question was answerable and a fourth option: “Nobody can answer that question.” After each question, they rated their confidence that their judgment was correct. Choosing “Nobody can answer that question” was significantly more common for the Swedes and was uncommon in the Asian samples. The Asian samples showed higher confidence in their judgments. We suggest that these differences may be explained by results from cross-cultural research, but this study did not investigate specific mechanisms. Hence, more research is needed.

Judgments about whether anyone can provide a relevant and correct answer to a question are called answerability judgments . Such judgements can be important in societal planning and decision making and may vary in different cultural contexts. Six hundred participants in each of China, India, and Sweden made answerability judgments of six difficult knowledge questions. For each question, they choose between three options indicating that they thought the question was answerable and a fourth option: " Nobody can answer that question. " After each question, they rated their confidence that their judgment was correct. Choosing " Nobody can answer that question " was significantly more common for the Swedes and was uncommon in the Asian samples. The Asian samples showed higher confidence in their judgments. We suggest that these differences may be explained by results from cross-cultural research, but this study did not investigate specific mechanisms. Hence, more research is needed.